[EAI·JoongAng Sunday Joint Project] When Politicians Fail to Solve Economic Issues, Extremist Forces Exploit the Gap

In June 1934, Hitler (front row left) and Mussolini (center) review troops in Italy. The Great Depression and political polarization gave rise to two totalitarian dictators. [JoongAng Photo]

On January 30, 1933, Adolf Hitler became Chancellor not through a coup but by the appointment of President Hindenburg. Just two months later, German democracy vanished without a trace. An emergency decree was enacted to suspend basic rights under the pretext of the Reichstag fire, granting Hitler the authority to change the constitution and enact laws without parliamentary consent through the Enabling Act. Political parties were closed, opponents were arrested, and armed paramilitary organizations roamed the streets, leading German citizens to sense the end of democracy. Such a situation is depicted in Christopher Isherwood's novel 'Goodbye to Berlin.'

“We never discuss politics... One morning, while driving through Unter den Linden, we passed the proud Nazi stormtroopers blocking the entire street, chatting with each other. Pedestrians had to walk into the ditch beside the road. Mr. N smiled faintly and said sadly, 'These days, you see all sorts of strange sights on the streets.' That was his only comment.”

The 1930s were the darkest period in the history of democracy. Although democracy emerged across Europe after World War I, within just over 20 years, Germany fell to Hitler's Nazi dictatorship, Italy to Mussolini's fascism, and Spain to Franco's regime. Austria, Portugal, Hungary, and Romania also failed to maintain democracy.

The collapse of democracy in the 1930s began with the economic crisis. The Great Depression of 1929 not only devastated the capitalist economy but also eroded trust in democracy. In Germany, the number of unemployed exceeded six million, and the middle class lost its livelihood. The Weimar Republic was highly democratic, but as frequent collapses of coalition governments showed, politics was very unstable, and trust in a political system that could not adequately respond to the crisis diminished. Hitler attacked existing politicians and parties as incompetent and corrupt forces that caused the crisis.

The Center Loses Its Place, Polarization of Left and Right Extremes

Equally fatal to the situation was extreme political polarization. As the 1930s progressed, centrist parties weakened, while support for extreme left and right forces, such as the Communist Party and the Nazi Party, grew. In the first election of the Weimar Republic in 1919, moderate forces like the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party, and the Democratic Party held a majority of seats, but in the July 1932 general election, the Nazi Party became the largest party with 230 seats, while the Communist Party became the third largest with 89 seats. The two parties held more than half of the total seats. In this context, the parliament became not a space for resolving conflicts and differences but rather a role that amplified hostility and confrontation. As trust in the existing political sphere eroded, disappointment in the Weimar system grew, fostering expectations for extremist forces that denied the current order.

In Italy, the collapse of democracy began even before the Great Depression. Although Italy was a victorious nation in World War I, it did not receive the expected territories and reparations, and instead faced rising prices, unemployment, and fiscal deterioration due to the war. During the so-called 'Red Years' (1919-20), the intensified labor and peasant movements and the growth of socialist forces heightened the middle class's fear of a communist revolution. However, the divided parliament and frequent government changes meant that the existing political sphere could not adequately respond to the chaos. As distrust in politics grew, conservatives and the middle class turned to Mussolini and the fascist forces, who promised to restore order. The 'March on Rome' in 1922 was not merely a takeover of the state by fascists through overwhelming military power but rather a result of the existing political elite and the king inviting Mussolini in. Just as Hitler was appointed Chancellor by President Hindenburg, Mussolini was also appointed Prime Minister by King Vittorio Emanuele III. After taking office, Mussolini changed the electoral laws to favor himself and seized control of the parliament. In the 1924 general election, the fascist forces won a landslide victory through violence and intimidation, and from 1925, Mussolini suppressed opposition and the press, establishing a one-party dictatorship.

Today, over 90 years later, unlike the 1930s, there are no tanks or paramilitary organizations marching with armbands on the streets. Elections are held as scheduled, parliaments convene normally, and the constitution remains in effect. However, concerns about democratic backsliding are growing around the world. In the United States, the Trump phenomenon has emerged, and in Europe, far-right populist parties are rapidly gaining ground in countries like Germany, France, and the United Kingdom. Serious signs of a democratic crisis are reappearing.

The causes of this political crisis and the political phenomena that manifest externally are strikingly similar to those of the 1930s. If the Great Depression and the collapse of the middle class shook democracy in the 1930s, today, globalization, deindustrialization, and informatization have changed the industrial structure and employment environment, leading many to feel economic insecurity. However, within the internationally interconnected economic structure, both left and right parties have limitations in their responses. Those who have lost their jobs and residents of declining regions have grown dissatisfied with the failure to adequately address their difficulties, and far-right populist parties are exploiting the incompetence of existing parties to fill that gap.

However, the reason for the weakened problem-solving ability of today's democratic systems lies more in political polarization than in economic factors. Democracy is a system that must create social consensus through the adjustment of differing interests and compromise, but in a polarized political environment, the opposing side is perceived not as a partner for dialogue and negotiation but as an enemy to be excluded. Consequently, compromise is seen as collusion, and cooperation is viewed as betrayal, preventing politics from achieving consensus and offering effective solutions to problems. Extreme political polarization not only deepens conflicts but also weakens the capacity of the democratic system. Observing this, citizens become disillusioned with democracy's inability to adequately address their difficulties, leading them to turn their attention to extremist forces that have vehemently criticized the existing political order. The situation is not much different from that of the 1930s.

If compromise is insisted upon as collusion, politics will regress.

Delegates attending the state conference of the far-right party 'Alternative for Germany (AfD)' held in Magdeburg, Germany, on November 11 (local time). [AFP=Yonhap News]

Although extremist forces do not possess the capacity to resolve the difficult realities overnight, they attribute economic hardships or social anxieties to specific groups. They simplify the complex issues of the world by blaming them on 'enemies' or 'vested interests' and seek to make them scapegoats. Hitler blamed the economic difficulties on Jews, communists, liberal politicians, and the so-called 'November criminals' who signed the Versailles Treaty. Mussolini similarly attributed Italy's chaos to socialists, labor movements, and incompetent liberal political forces. Today's populist politics also blame economic and social difficulties on corrupt political elites, entrenched bureaucrats, mainstream media, international organizations like the EU, and immigrants and foreigners.

Today, serious challenges to democracy reminiscent of the 1930s are emerging. However, the 1930s and today are clearly different. Today's populism does not directly lead to fascism or totalitarianism. Nevertheless, the warning signs of economic insecurity, distrust in existing parties, cynicism towards politics in general, partisan polarization, the creation of enemies in politics, and expectations for strong leaders are strikingly similar.

While economic difficulties may be a factor in the crisis of democracy, they do not directly dismantle democracy. As seen in the experiences of the 1930s, when the existing system loses its problem-solving ability and trust in politics and parties collapses, citizens express their anger and frustration not by waiting for change from the existing political sphere but through demagogues and extremist forces seeking to overturn the current order. The rise of extremist forces does not emerge suddenly outside of democracy but begins in the space where existing democratic politics has lost its representativeness and problem-solving capacity. For democracy to maintain trust, political parties must regain their health above all else. In particular, parties must not become organizations that blindly follow the demands of extreme hardliners. The most important lesson from the tragedy of the 1930s for us today is that the strength to protect democracy arises from the capacity of politics to maintain citizens' trust by mediating conflicts and solving problems.

ㆍNazism and Fascism=Political systems in which the state or leader controls all areas of society and suppresses individual freedoms, reducing individuals to mere means for the overall goals. While Nazism was based on biological racism and Hitler exercised absolute power as 'Führer,' fascism cannot be said to lack racism but is centered on nationalism, with Mussolini operating in some degree of coexistence with established powers such as the monarchy, military, and Catholic Church.

ㆍDemocratic Backsliding=A phenomenon where a regime that comes to power through elections undermines institutional checks and controls the media and judiciary, gradually hollowing out democracy from within while maintaining its outward appearance. This term has gained widespread use since 2016, drawing attention to the phenomena of Orban (Hungary), Erdogan (Turkey), and Trump (USA).

Kang Won-taek, Professor at the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Seoul National University and Director of the National Future Strategy Institute. A graduate of Seoul National University with a Ph.D. from the London School of Economics (LSE). After teaching at Soongsil University, he has been researching and teaching Korean politics, parties, and elections at Seoul National University since 2010. He has authored numerous works including 'The Fifth Republic,' 'Decisive Moments in Korean Politics,' and 'The Birth of the Nation.'

[Source: JoongAng Ilbo, Reporter Go Jeong-ae] https://www.joongang.co.kr/article/25451709