16th Century Portuguese International Politics and Jesuit Missionary Luís Fróis: Based on the Formation of Perspectives on the Imjin War, Lee Won-ju, Dejima, Twenty-Six Martyrs Museum of Japan, Nagoya Castle Museum

Currently pursuing a Master's degree at the Graduate School of Public Policy, Sungkyunkwan University

Introduction

From January 7 to January 9, 2025, I visited Kyushu, Japan. It was a meaningful time to learn about Japan's past and contemplate the future of East Asia. What I enjoyed most about the trip was visiting places directly related to my research topic. The author's research report deals with keywords such as '16th Century Portuguese International Politics,' 'Jesuits,' 'Luís Fróis,' 'Imjin War,' and 'Perspectives on the Imjin War.' Consequently, many of the trip's destinations, including Dejima, the Twenty-Six Martyrs Museum of Japan, and the Nagoya Castle Museum, were related to the author's report. I engaged in vibrant learning by visiting these places and witnessing what I had researched and investigated. In particular, at the Twenty-Six Martyrs Museum of Japan, I felt closer to Luís Fróis, the central figure of my research report, through various artifacts and materials. This trip allowed me to realize the importance of field trips by experiencing the unique emotions that can only be felt at historical sites.

I. Introduction

1. Research Background and Research Question

In the 'History of International Relations Research' course last semester, we studied Enrique Dussel's book, '1492: The Deception of the Other: In Search of the Origins of the 'Myth of Modernity'.' The book focuses on the encounter between Europeans and Native Americans, highlighting that this encounter was not peaceful and involved immense bloodshed and violence. Examples of such violence can be found in passages like: 'The resistance in Tawantinsuyu (present-day Peru) of the Inca Empire was much more intense and sustained than that of the Aztecs. Moreover, as seen in the betrayal of Atahualpa at Cajamarca, the Europeans were utterly treacherous. Atahualpa's brother, Rumiñahui, bravely resisted in Quito before being tortured and killed. General Quisquis repeatedly defeated the Spaniards. General Calcichima was burned alive' (Dussel 2019, 182).

This is only a fraction of the violence perpetrated by Europeans. The book exposes the atrocities committed by Europeans and starkly presents the history of various violences concealed by modernity. Violence and domination were at the core of modern history, and Dussel argues that this has been obscured by a European perspective. Dussel states that modernity is merely a myth because it hides the violence that sacrifices the 'other' (Hwang Kyung-sang 2011). Reading this book provided me with detailed knowledge about the encounter between Europe and Latin America in the 15th century, sparking my interest in the theme of encounters between different cultures.

This semester, as part of the Sarangbang program, I had to select a research topic related to Japan. Building on the interest developed through the 'History of International Relations Research' course, I naturally became curious about the encounters between the West and Japan. Questions arose, such as, 'The encounter between Europe and Latin America proceeded in a far from peaceful manner; how did the encounter between Europe and Japan unfold?' Based on this, I researched primary sources and figures that could vividly illustrate the encounter between the West and Japan. As a result, I learned about Luís Fróis. Luís Fróis was one of the Jesuit priests active in the Far East in the 16th century. He arrived in Japan in 1563 and resided there until his death in Nagasaki in 1597, leaving behind various records about Japan (Fróis 2008, 14-15). His records hold historical value as they offer a glimpse into Japan during the Sengoku period through the eyes of a Westerner.

<Figure 1>1) A monument to Luís Fróis at the Twenty-Six Martyrs Museum of Japan. Luís Fróis is not one of the Twenty-Six Martyrs. However, he authored a report on the 'Martyrdom of the Twenty-Six Saints' in March 1597 (Fróis 2003, 17),

and the twenty-six individuals executed were canonized by the Roman Curia based on Fróis's report (Jang Sang-in 2013). To commemorate this achievement, Fróis's monument is erected alongside the monument for the Twenty-Six Martyrs of Japan.

Therefore, Fróis's monument is placed next to the monument for the Twenty-Six Martyrs of Japan.

Professor Ha Young-sun pointed out that Luís Fróis did not operate in Japan alone and that his journey to Japan should be understood within the geopolitical framework of 16th-century Portugal. According to Modelski, Portugal was a world power in the 16th century. Portugal utilized the Society of Jesus as a means to manage the world, and Luís Fróis, as a member of the Society of Jesus, traveled to Japan.1) The photographic materials attached to this paper were taken by the author during the Sarangbang field trip.

Furthermore, the professor advised that since Fróis left records concerning the Imjin War, it would be beneficial to focus on the Imjin War, which aligns with our interests. Luís Fróis provides a detailed account of the Imjin War in the final ten chapters of his 'History of Japan' (Fróis 2008, 18).

Upon hearing the professor's advice, I wanted to conduct research exploring the geopolitical context of '16th Century World Power Portugal,' Luís Fróis's perspective on the nature of the Imjin War, and further, to connect these two aspects. There are differences in the perspectives on the nature of the Imjin War held by Joseon, Japan, and Ming China at the time, compared to Luís Fróis's perspective. Specifically, unlike Joseon, Japan, and Ming, Luís Fróis additionally focuses on the international, missionary, political, and technological aspects of the Imjin War. The research question this paper aims to address is: 'Why do differences arise between the perspectives on the nature of the Imjin War held by Joseon, Japan, and Ming at the time, and Luís Fróis's perspective?'

2. Thesis and Research Methodology

The author's thesis is that the geopolitical context of '16th Century World Power Portugal' influenced Luís Fróis's formation of perspectives on the Imjin War, leading to these differences in viewpoint. In other words, the difference in perspectives on the Imjin War arises because Luís Fróis was influenced by the geopolitical context of '16th Century World Power Portugal,' while Joseon, Japan, and Ming were not influenced by such a structure.

The research was conducted by comprehensively examining limited primary and secondary sources.2) Chapter II illuminates '16th Century World Power Portugal' and examines the encounter between Portugal and Japan. This chapter primarily references books such as George Modelski's 'Long Cycles in World Politics' and 'Documenting Global Leadership.' Chapter III examines the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, Ming, and Luís Fróis on the nature of the Imjin War. For Joseon, Japan, and Ming, the research investigated how these three nations perceived the nature of the Imjin War based on various secondary sources.

For Luís Fróis, I referred to various Korean translations of the sections on the Imjin War in his 'History of Japan,' as well as the English translation of Fróis's 'Tratado,' titled 'The First European Description of Japan, 1585.' Based on these texts, I examined his perspective on the Imjin War. Additionally, I researched Luís Fróis's life using various secondary sources. Through a hermeneutic approach investigating Luís Fróis's dreams, life, knowledge, and actions, I specifically explored how his perspective on the Imjin War was formed. This involved investigating the dreams, life, knowledge, and actions of Luís Fróis within the context of '16th Century World Power Portugal.' Applying the hermeneutic method, I sought to understand how Fróis envisioned the Imjin War.

2) The starting point for this research was aided by Enrique Dussel's book, the 'History of International Relations Research' course, and Professor Ha Young-sun's guidance. Through Dussel's book, I became interested in the encounter between different cultures, which subsequently led to my interest in the case of the encounter between Portugal and Japan. Professor Ha Young-sun's advice helped me identify which events and characteristics to focus on in that encounter, enabling me to formulate the research question and establish the research topic.

I became interested in the encounter between different cultures through Dussel's book, and subsequently developed an interest in the case of the encounter between Portugal and Japan. Professor Ha Young-sun's advice helped me identify which events and characteristics to focus on in that encounter, enabling me to formulate the research question and establish the research topic.

I became interested in the encounter between different cultures through Dussel's book, and subsequently developed an interest in the case of the encounter between Portugal and Japan. Professor Ha Young-sun's advice helped me identify which events and characteristics to focus on in that encounter, enabling me to formulate the research question and establish the research topic.

I became interested in the encounter between different cultures through Dussel's book, and subsequently developed an interest in the case of the encounter between Portugal and Japan. Professor Ha Young-sun's advice helped me identify which events and characteristics to focus on in that encounter, enabling me to formulate the research question and establish the research topic.

I became interested in the encounter between different cultures through Dussel's book, and subsequently developed an interest in the case of the encounter between Portugal and Japan. Professor Ha Young-sun's advice helped me identify which events and characteristics to focus on in that encounter, enabling me to formulate the research question and establish the research topic.

3. Research Objectives

This research has three main objectives. First, to draw lessons from a global perspective. In a sense, Portugal's colonial expansion, route exploration, and market expansion during the Age of Discovery represent the first phase of 'globalization.' It was during this period that Japan and Portugal encountered each other. Today, we stand at another juncture in globalization, facing a crossroads between de-globalization and re-globalization. By examining the case of the initial phase of globalization, I aim to glean lessons on strategies for leading globalization and the factors to consider.

Second, to gain a comprehensive understanding of the nature of the Imjin War. From our perspective, the Imjin War was clearly an act of aggression by Japan. However, historical records reveal that Japan's and Ming China's positions were quite different. Through this research, I aim to recognize that diverse perspectives exist regarding the Imjin War and to cultivate a viewpoint that allows for its examination from multiple angles. Furthermore, this study does not solely focus on the Imjin War as seen through East Asian eyes. It also explores how Westerners viewed the Imjin War through the lens of the missionary Luís Fróis. By comprehensively examining the various perspectives that existed at the time, I intend to understand the multifaceted nature of the Imjin War.

Third, to ascertain the influence of structure in international politics. International politics grapples with the issue of Agency vs. Structure, where the relative importance of structure and agency, and their mutual influence, are debated. The case of Luís Fróis provides a clear example of how structure can influence agency. Missionary Luís Fróis did not happen to travel to Japan and operate there; he went to Japan within the geopolitical framework of 16th-century Portugal. Portugal utilized the Society of Jesus as a tool in managing the world, and Luís Fróis, as a member of that society, was sent to Japan. Therefore, the core argument of this paper is that the context, structure, and background of '16th Century World Power Portugal' at the time influenced Luís Fróis's formation of perspectives on the Imjin War. Through the case of Luís Fróis, I aim to address the Agency vs. Structure debate and confirm the influence of structure and context.

4. Review of Previous Research and Differentiation

Previous research can be broadly categorized into three types: research on 16th-century Portugal, research on Portugal and Japan, and research on the Imjin War. Firstly, regarding research on 16th-century Portugal, George Modelski's studies are notable. His 'Long Cycles in World Politics' provided insights into his theory of long cycles and 16th-century World Power Portugal. Furthermore, through 'Documenting Global Leadership,' co-authored with Sylvia Modelski, I was able to understand Portugal's perspective on global leadership during the 16th century. I also referenced documents illustrating how 16th-century Portugal managed the world order.

Next are studies on Portugal and Japan, which can be further classified into three categories. The first category focuses on the history of relations between Portugal and Japan. These studies illuminate how Portugal and Japan first encountered each other, how their relationship evolved over time, and examine the economic and cultural exchanges that took place between them. For example, Choi Young-soo's paper discusses Portugal's expansion into the Far East, its discovery of Japan, the progression of bilateral relations, and the economic and cultural exchanges between the two nations (Choi Young-soo 2005, 117-137). Hong Sung-hwa's paper examines Sino-Japanese trade involving Portugal in the 16th-17th centuries, exploring the economic exchanges between Portugal and Japan (Hong Sung-hwa 2014, 12-22).

The second category comprises studies focusing on the Society of Jesus in the encounter between Portugal and Japan.3) These studies highlight the activities and strategies of the Jesuits. Jang Hye-jin's paper specifically explains the missionary principles and activities of the Jesuits, as well as the 'adaptability' strategy employed in their East Asian missionary endeavors (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 109-130). The third category introduces the perspectives Westerners held about Japan at the time. These studies examine various individuals involved in the encounter between Portugal and Japan and present their actions and writings. Kang Sung-woo's paper introduces figures such as Francisco Xavier, Cosme de Torres, and Alessandro Valignano, along with their thoughts (Kang Sung-woo 2021, 182-185).4) Various books that translate Luís Fróis's 'History of Japan' into Korean can also be considered part of this research.

3) The author referred to various papers and books on the Society of Jesus. Depending on the text, preferred terms such as 'Christianity,' 'Christianity,' 'Catholicism,' etc., were used. When quoting these texts, this paper strives to use the exact terminology from the original source.

When quoting these texts, this paper strives to use the exact terminology from the original source.

When quoting these texts, this paper strives to use the exact terminology from the original source.

4) However, to enhance readability and avoid reader confusion, personal names and place names have been rendered as consistently as possible. For instance, Father 'Xavier,' who appears here, is sometimes referred to as 'Javier' or 'Chabrier' in other texts; however, this paper consistently uses 'Xavier.' Similarly, the place name 'Malacca' is sometimes spelled 'Malacca,' but it has been standardized to 'Malacca' in this paper.

For instance, Father 'Xavier,' who appears here, is sometimes referred to as 'Javier' or 'Chabrier' in other texts; however, this paper consistently uses 'Xavier.' Similarly, the place name 'Malacca' is sometimes spelled 'Malacca,' but it has been standardized to 'Malacca' in this paper.

For instance, Father 'Xavier,' who appears here, is sometimes referred to as 'Javier' or 'Chabrier' in other texts; however, this paper consistently uses 'Xavier.' Similarly, the place name 'Malacca' is sometimes spelled 'Malacca,' but it has been standardized to 'Malacca' in this paper.

For instance, Father 'Xavier,' who appears here, is sometimes referred to as 'Javier' or 'Chabrier' in other texts; however, this paper consistently uses 'Xavier.' Similarly, the place name 'Malacca' is sometimes spelled 'Malacca,' but it has been standardized to 'Malacca' in this paper.

Finally, there has been extensive research on the Imjin War. These studies introduce how Joseon, Japan, and Ming viewed the war at the time or shortly after its occurrence, based on documents published during or immediately after the conflict. For Joseon, Ryu Seong-ryong's 'Nanhujaprok' and 'Jingbirok,' and Yi Sugwang's 'Jibongyuseol' are considered important historical sources. For Japan, Tenkei's 'Seojeongilgi' and Shukuro's 'Sukurogo' are relevant, while for Ming, Zhegai Yuancheng's 'Liangzhaopingyanglu' and Song Yingchang's 'Jingluefuguopian' are considered valuable references. Based on these documents, various scholars have conducted research and presented the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming. Writings that present the Western perspective on the Imjin War include Luís Fróis's 'History of Japan.' Through various books translating 'History of Japan' into Korean, Fróis's perspective on the Imjin War could be ascertained.

Finally, there has been extensive research related to the Japanese invasions of Korea (Imjin War). These studies introduced how Joseon, Japan, and Ming viewed the war through documents published during or immediately after the Imjin War. In the case of Joseon, Ryu Seong-ryong's "Nanhujaprok" and "Jingbirok," and Yi Sugwang's "Jibongyuseol" are evaluated as important historical sources. For Japan, Denkei's "Seojongilgi" and Shukuro's "Sukrogo" are considered reference literature, while for Ming, Zhuge Yuancheng's "Liangzhaopingyanglu" and Song Yingchang's "Jingluefuguoyaopian" are regarded as noteworthy documents. Based on these texts, various scholars have conducted research, introducing the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming. A text that shows the Western perspective on the Imjin War at the time is Luis Frois's "The History of Japan." Through various translations of "The History of Japan" into Korean, Frois's perspective on the Imjin War could be confirmed.

Existing research, while focusing on the economic and cultural exchanges between Portugal and Japan or the activities of the Jesuits, has a limitation in that it views these aspects in isolation. In other words, it does not consider the geopolitical context of '16th Century World Power Portugal.' There are no studies that examine Portuguese-Japanese exchanges or Jesuit activities within such a context and background; in short, geopolitical studies are lacking. Furthermore, while research exists that introduces the Eastern and Western perspectives on the Imjin War, studies that present both Eastern and Western viewpoints and analyze the commonalities and differences between them are absent.

This study considers the geopolitical context and structure of '16th Century World Power Portugal' as a background, rather than viewing Portuguese-Japanese exchanges or Jesuit activities in isolation. It examines them within that framework. Moreover, this study does not exclude the previously researched aspects of the encounter between Portugal and Japan, economic and cultural exchanges, and Jesuit activities. Its originality lies in weaving these elements together and placing them within a geopolitical framework. It also differentiates itself by examining both Eastern and Western perspectives on the Imjin War at the time and by seeking the causes of the differing perspectives within the geopolitical context and structure of '16th Century World Power Portugal.'

II. The Encounter Between '16th Century World Power Portugal' and Japan

1. '16th Century World Power Portugal'

In his books and papers, Modelski explains the theory of long cycles. Modelski posits that world politics follows recurring cycles, with each cycle consisting of four phases. The first phase is the global war phase. Global wars erupt during periods of weak organization, resembling anarchy, and these wars lead to the birth of a new world order. The second phase is the world power phase, where a world power emerges that has gained an advantageous position in resolving conflicts and manages and operates the world. The third phase is the delegitimation phase, during which the power and energy of the world power managing the world gradually wane. The final, fourth phase is the deconcentration phase. New competitors emerge, vying for hegemony, and as a result, the state of disorder that triggered the global war in the first phase gradually recurs. Modelski argues that such cycles have repeatedly occurred in world politics (Modelski 1978, 217; 1987, 30-31; 1988, 2-3).

Modelski highlights Portugal as the first instance of his long cycle theory, stating that Portugal was the world power of the 16th century. In the late 15th century, Venice was a highly powerful state, monopolizing trade with Alexandria. The kings of Portugal desired to dismantle the system through which the Venetians reaped immense profits from their trade monopoly. Amidst this, various wars broke out in Italy, leading to the gradual decline of Venice's power. Seizing this opportunity, Portugal assumed the status of the new world power (Modelski 1978, 218-219). Some scholars argue that Spain was actually more powerful than Portugal at the time and evaluate the 16th century as Spain's era. However, Modelski's assessment of Portugal as a World Power is based on Portugal's oceanic supremacy during that period. Spain, conversely, reigned as a land power, focusing on territorial conquest in the Americas, aiming to build an empire. Portugal, on the other hand, was the master of the seas. It seized control of trade with the East, thereby establishing a global system. Modelski evaluated Portugal as the 16th-century World Power because, unlike Spain, it focused on maritime power and possessed advanced maritime technology (Modelski 1978, 217; 1987, 41; 1988, 37-38).

Portugal exercised and demonstrated its global leadership as a 16th-century World Power through the following methods. Firstly, they continuously engaged in discovery. However, this discovery was a different concept from territorial conquest. Spain and Portugal entered into the Treaty of Tordesillas to clearly demarcate their respective territories, and another name for this treaty was the 'Agreement for the Division of the Ocean Sea.' The treaty's name indicates Portugal's focus on the maritime domain rather than land. Furthermore, King Manuel of Portugal used the title 'Lord of Guinea and of the Conquest, the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia and India,' signifying his prioritization of trade and the establishment of maritime control. Portugal continued its discovery activities to achieve these objectives (Modelski 1988, 38-40).

Secondly, they strove to replace the system maintained by Venice. As mentioned earlier, Venice was a powerful nation before Portugal, and it profited by monopolizing the spice trade. Portugal circumvented Africa, broke Venice's monopoly, and endeavored to establish a new global trade system (Modelski 1988, 40).

Thirdly, they made efforts to form global networks. Portugal, aspiring to dominate the world, did not merely harbor this ambition but took concrete actions. King Manuel of Portugal dispatched over 40 ships to the sea route to India and implemented a shipbuilding program. Through this, Portugal established a global network comprising fleets, fortresses, trading posts, and alliances (Modelski 1988, 40-41). 2. The Encounter Between Portugal and Japan

Thus, Portugal was the World Power of the 16th century, and it projected its leadership across the globe. Portugal ventured into the world to explore the seas, establish a new global trade system, and form new global networks. In the course of these endeavors, it encountered Japan. Specifically, Portuguese merchants and Jesuit priests headed to Japan. Initially, merchants were the first to travel to Japan. From the early 15th century, Portugal dispatched exploration fleets along the west coast of Africa to survey and pioneer the sea route to India. Subsequently, in 1510, they established a viceroyalty in Goa on the west coast of India, using it as a base to advance into the East Asian maritime region. Through its expansion into the East Asian maritime region, Portugal, which had a limited land area and lacked resources, flourished, making the East Asian maritime region an economically vital area for Portugal (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 112).

The Portuguese discovered Japan in 1543, and Portuguese merchants realized they could conduct highly profitable business in Japan compared to the coast of China (Choi Young-soo 2005, 127). In the 1550s, Portuguese merchant ships regularly called at the Kyushu region of Japan, trading spices from Southeast Asia and European wool textiles for Chinese silk fabrics, raw silk, and ceramics (Hong Sung-hwa 2014, 5).

<Figure 2> Street view of Dejima at night. After Nagasaki Port was opened, Nagasaki rapidly developed as a center for trade with Southern Barbarians, and the number of Christian believers increased.

The Edo Shogunate created the artificial island of Dejima to prevent Christian proselytization activities and to confine Portuguese residents from various regions in one place while strictly monitoring trade. However, in 1639, the Sakoku Edict was issued, completely prohibiting the voyage of Portuguese ships, and all Portuguese residents on Dejima were expelled.

Subsequently, in 1641, the Shogunate relocated the Dutch trading post from Hirado to Dejima.

As was done previously, Dejima developed into a base for Dutch commerce (Gong Mi-hee

2018, 141).

During this period, Portugal made tremendous efforts to advance into Ming China, and as a result, was granted permission to trade in Macau in 1554. Furthermore, in 1557, they obtained permission from the Ming government to reside in Macau (Hong Seong-hwa 2014, 5). Portuguese merchants, known as 'casados,' used Macau as a base to settle in various ports across East Asia and participated in East Asian trade by creating interregional trade networks (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 113). They regularly sailed the route connecting Malacca, Macau, and Nagasaki, intermediating trade between China and Japan and earning enormous profits (Hong Seong-hwa 2014, 5). They primarily engaged in the business of selling Chinese silk to Japan and purchasing Japanese silver, which was favored by the Chinese, to resell it. They played a role in fulfilling the needs of both Japan and China (Choi Young-soo 2005, 127-128). Consequently, the Portuguese were able to extend their trade sphere from Europe to the Kyushu region of Japan (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 116).

Next, missionaries also traveled to Japan. In 1547, three Japanese fugitives took refuge in Malacca. There, they met Francis Xavier, and they departed together for Goa (Choi Young-soo 2005, 128). Father Xavier obtained information about Japan from Anjiro, a pirate from Kagoshima, and baptized him while teaching him Portuguese. Through his encounter with Anjiro, Xavier, who was preparing for the evangelization of Japan, went to Japan in 1549 and became the first to spread Christianity there. He stayed in Japan for two years and two months, engaging in missionary activities (Hong Seong-hwa 2014, 8). Initially, Portuguese traders only traveled along the Kyushu coast of Japan, but with the arrival of Father Xavier in 1549, they began to settle, and relations between the two countries became even more active (Choi Young-soo 2005, 132). Following Xavier, Portuguese Jesuit missionaries such as Gaspar Vilela and Luís Fróis also headed to Japan and stayed there, conducting missionary work.

During this period, the Society of Jesus played a significant role not only in missionary activities but also in economy and trade. They actively utilized the Nanban trade (Portuguese trade), and European merchants participating in the Nanban trade also required the mediation or assistance of the Jesuits. Trade activities and religious missions were organically intertwined, inseparable and independent (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 110). The Portuguese pursued two goals: the pursuit of profit and the salvation of souls, overcoming physical hardship and contempt (Choi Young-soo 2005, 134).

Luís Fróis was one of the Jesuit priests active in the Far East in the 16th century. As a Portuguese Jesuit missionary, he arrived in Japan in 1563 and, despite a brief expulsion by Toyotomi Hideyoshi, remained in Japan until his death at the age of 65 in 1597. Fróis personally experienced the politically turbulent Sengoku period in Japan and was one of the few foreigners who directly witnessed Toyotomi Hideyoshi planning and executing the Imjin War (Frois 2008, 14-15).

Fróis also left behind various records of his experiences in Japan. From 1582, as a priest belonging to the vice-province of Japan, he was responsible for writing the annual letters of the Society of Jesus in Japan, sent to the Roman and European Jesuit monasteries (Frois 2008, 15). Fróis also authored the book Tratado. This book is structured by contrasting Western and Japanese cultures. In this book, Fróis specifically describes the cultural differences between the West and Japan in areas such as child-rearing, religion, food culture, weaponry, and architecture. Furthermore, under the direction of Father Alessandro Valignano, the Jesuit Visitor to Japan, he compiled a book on the missionary activities in Japan, which is the "History of Japan" (Frois 2017, 5-6). Through the "History of Japan," Fróis documented the activities of Jesuit priests on the stage of Japan within the world and described numerous social, political, and geographical characteristics of Japan (Frois, 1999, 11). The "History of Japan" is considered the most faithful and comprehensive account of the missionary endeavor in Japan among works written in the 16th century (Frois, 2008, 198).

The last ten chapters of Luís Fróis's "History of Japan" are records of the Imjin War. Although the content related to the Imjin War only extends to early 1594, it contains information about Toyotomi Hideyoshi's war intentions and preparations, and the political situation in Japan before the outbreak of the war (Frois 2008, 197-198). Chapter 10 also includes descriptions of Joseon's terrain, climate, customs, clothing, and traditions (Frois 1999, 12). In the 16th century, Portugal was a world power and utilized the Society of Jesus in managing global affairs. Among the figures of the Society of Jesus, the missionary Luís Fróis left the most detailed records of what he saw, heard, and felt. In many respects, Luís Fróis is a very important actor, and the records he left behind hold significant value.

III. Perspectives on the Nature of the Imjin War

This chapter will examine in detail the positions of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, as well as Luís Fróis's stance on the nature of the Imjin War. The author's original goal was to comparatively analyze the positions of Joseon, Japan, Ming China, and Luís Fróis regarding the causes of the Imjin War. However, the plan was changed to focus on the 'nature' of the Imjin War. There are two main reasons for this. The first reason is that Luís Fróis's writings do not contain many direct mentions of the causes of the Imjin War. In "History of Japan," Fróis describes the Imjin War in detail and conveys his thoughts on its causes. However, this is indirectly inferred through reading between the lines, as Fróis does not directly discuss the causes of the Imjin War extensively. The second reason is that the term 'nature' can encompass the causes. Joseon, Japan, Ming China, and Luís Fróis have left extensive records on various aspects of the Imjin War. Therefore, focusing solely on the positions regarding the causes of the Imjin War could be considered a narrow perspective. This study aims to explore how the Imjin War is viewed, including its causes.

This chapter examines the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China on the nature of the Imjin War. These perspectives were identified by referencing writings from the time of the Imjin War or immediately thereafter. While various studies on the Imjin War have been conducted in each country from the post-war period to the present day, for comparison with Luís Fróis, it is essential to focus on contemporary writings and arguments. The focus is on the records of individuals who were contemporaries of Luís Fróis and directly or indirectly experienced the Imjin War. Furthermore, the emphasis is on records that showcase the raw perspective of each country, as much as possible, without being influenced by the records of other nations.

<Figure 3> The sea viewed from the site of Nagoya Castle, a departure point for Japan's Imjin War expedition. While writing the field report, I continuously contemplated the differences in perspectives on the Imjin War and the reasons behind those differences.

I pondered similar questions while looking out at the sea from the Nagoya Castle site. I took time to answer questions for myself such as, 'What were the Japanese thinking when they gathered here?' and 'With what feelings did the Japanese look out at the sea?' 1. Differences in Perspectives between Joseon, Japan, Ming China, and Luís Fróis (1) Perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China

While looking, I also had similar concerns. I took time to answer questions for myself such as, 'What thoughts did the Japanese people have when they gathered here?' and 'With what feelings did the Japanese people look across the sea?'

'What thoughts did the Japanese people have when they gathered here?' and 'With what feelings did the Japanese people look across the sea?'

1. Differences in Perspective between Joseon, Japan, and Ming, and the Perspective of Luís Fróis (1) Perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming

In the case of Joseon, examining the writings of Yu Seong-ryong is crucial. Yu Seong-ryong served as Minister of War and Commander-in-Chief during the national crisis of the Imjin War, playing an active role in the midst of the conflict (Jang Jun-ho 2020, 13). Therefore, historical sources such as "Nanhujaprok" and "Jingbirok," which he authored, are important materials for understanding the Joseon perspective of the Imjin War at the time. "Jingbirok" in particular, although an official state record, can serve as a supplementary source to the "Annals of King Seonjo," which is evaluated as an unfair record due to factional influence. "Jingbirok" is a record compiled by Yu Seong-ryong, focusing on facts he deemed important as he investigated the causes of the Imjin War and chronicled its progression. "Jingbirok" was actually used as important material for revising the "Annals of King Seonjo" and is recognized for its historical value, having significantly influenced various later Joseon documents (Jang Jun-ho 2020, 14-15).

"Nanhujaprok" is considered a draft of "Jingbirok." "Nanhujaprok" identifies the main causes of the Imjin War as political disorder due to powerful officials during the reign of King Myeongjong, military disorder revealed during the Eumyo Japanese invasions, and factional strife that began during the reign of King Seonjo (Jeong Hae-eun 2021, 188). "Jingbirok" traces the cause of the war back to the 100 years during which Joseon did not send envoys after the mission sent to Japan returned without being received, thus neglecting to monitor Japanese movements (Jeong Hae-eun 2021, 189). Yu Seong-ryong emphasizes the anecdote of Shin Suk-ju's deathbed advice to King Seongjong, stating that Joseon had maintained friendly relations with Japan for 200 years. He highlighted that Shin Suk-ju's dying wish was not to break relations with Japan (re-quoted from Jang Jun-ho 2020, 66, citing "Jingbirok" Vol. 1). This indicates that the rupture of relations with Japan was the primary cause that led to the Japanese invasion (Jang Jun-ho 2020, 66).

Another relevant text is Yi Su-gwang's "Jibong Yuseol." Yi Su-gwang was active both on the battlefield and in the royal court during the Imjin War, performing various duties. For this reason, his writings hold great value for research on the Imjin War. In "Jibong Yuseol," he reflects on the war and leaves behind various theses and practical countermeasures (Kim Kyung-tae 2018, 77). Yi Su-gwang attributed the cause of the war solely to "Toyotomi Hideyoshi's desire for invasion" (Kim Kyung-tae 2018, 85). Nevertheless, he also proposed countermeasures to be taken after the war, presenting reform proposals in areas such as securing military provisions and personnel, operating the military system, and awarding merits (re-quoted from Kim Kyung-tae 2019, 93-105, citing "Jibong Yuseol").

Next is the Japanese perspective. Kenkai's "Seiseo Nikki" (Diary of the Eastern Expedition) is a relevant source. Kenkai was the accompanying monk to Konishi Yukinaga during the Imjin War, and he was responsible for drafting documents related to Joseon. "Seiseo Nikki" is Kenkai's field diary (Hyeon Byeong-ju 2016, 17). The diary contains passages such as, "The reason I ordered our troops to retreat is none other than to seek peace. ... On several occasions before this, I came to your country as an envoy and reported on the victories and defeats of the war, but your country did not heed my words, leading to our current defeat. Our King wishes to repay his grudge against the Great Ming by borrowing your country's path. Last year, I informed your country's envoy of this in detail, and I also sent a letter to your court with this content, but your court officials only guarded the border and did not allow us to pass, and even took up arms. Therefore, our army defeated them, reached Sangju, and sent a letter to the court, but received no reply" (re-quoted from Kim Si-deok 2012, 93, citing "Seiseo Nikki"). This record reveals Japan's attempt to shift the responsibility for the war onto Joseon and justify the invasion.

"Shukuroku" is also a relevant source. "Shukuroku" is a text left by Shukuro, the accompanying monk to Mōri Terumoto. He left numerous records justifying Japan's invasion of Joseon and the necessity of civilian massacres. Passages like, "As the sun set in the west, our army returned to camp and laid the severed ears before Lord Yoshikawa. He said, 'Leaving even one person alive is like leaving a wounded tiger. We must kill them all, regardless of whether they are old, young, women, or children,'" reveal Shukuro's support for indiscriminate slaughter (Shin Seong-min 2022).

Finally, the Ming perspective. Zhuge Yuanse's "Yangjo Pyongyangrok" is one of the relevant historical sources. This is a comprehensive history of the Imjin War written from the Chinese perspective immediately after the war (Hyeon Byeong-ju 2016, 18). "Yangjo Pyongyangrok" repeatedly argues that Joseon could not defend against Japan due to its corrupt and incompetent politics, the licentiousness of King Seonjo of Joseon, and the rise of corrupt officials like Yu Seong-ryong and Yi Deok-hyeong, and therefore the Ming army saved Joseon. This emphasis on Joseon's incompetence and responsibility influenced later Chinese works such as "Mubiji" and "Mingshi Jishibenmo," as well as the Japanese "Joseon Jeongbeolgi" (Kim Si-deok 2012, 166-167).

Next is Song Yingchang's "Jinglue Fu Guo Yao Pian." Song Yingchang was the commander-in-chief of the Ming forces from the outbreak of the Imjin War in 1592 until the following year, and he conducted the war by providing supplies to the commander Li Rusong. "Jinglue Fu Guo Yao Pian" contains explanations of Joseon's strategic importance from a Chinese perspective, the reasons for accepting Japan's tributary proposal, and clarifications regarding criticism of the Ming court. Song Yingchang warned that if Japan occupied Joseon, there would be a risk of invading China, arguing, "The reason our army is saving Joseon is, in fact, to protect China" (Park Sang-hyun 2021).

The perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China on the Imjin War thus show significant discrepancies. However, despite the various differences, certain commonalities can be found. The first is the lack of discussion regarding Japan's internal politics. The various records from Joseon, Japan, and Ming China at the time do not seem to have sufficiently examined the internal political circumstances of Japan when considering the reasons for the Imjin War. Even in writings that view the Imjin War as solely Japan's fault, the focus is on Toyotomi Hideyoshi's personal greed and ambition, without considering Japan's political situation. Even Japanese literature often omits descriptions of Japan's internal politics, focusing instead on Joseon's responsibility. The second is that when diagnosing the nature of the Imjin War, the perspective does not deviate from the context of East Asia. The various records from Joseon, Japan, and Ming China at the time argued that the other party was responsible, or acknowledged some responsibility on their own part and sought areas for improvement. However, these records commonly focused only on Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, within East Asia. All three countries viewed the Imjin War as a war involving Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, and did not step outside the context of 'East Asia.'

(2) Luís Fróis's Perspective

Luís Fróis's perspective shares commonalities with the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China examined earlier. Luís Fróis also focused on Toyotomi Hideyoshi's ambition. Passages from "History of Japan" such as, "The Kwampaku (Hideyoshi) was never one to miss an opportunity to undertake a great enterprise that would serve to display and commemorate his fame," or "Because the Kwampaku desired honor and fame," (Frois 2003, 151; 2003, 166) indicate that Fróis focused on Hideyoshi's ambition and desire for fame.

However, the crucial difference lies between the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, and Luís Fróis's perspective. The nature of the Imjin War as viewed by Luís Fróis differed from that viewed by Joseon, Japan, and Ming China; Fróis additionally focused on four aspects that differed from Joseon, Japan, and Ming China. The first is the international nature of the Imjin War. Luís Fróis viewed the Imjin War as a type of international war that extended beyond East Asia. The second is the missionary nature of the Imjin War. Fróis likely anticipated some expansion of the Society of Jesus's influence and the spread of Christianity through the Imjin War. The third is the political nature of the Imjin War. When defining the nature of the Imjin War, Fróis particularly focused on Japan's internal political factors. And the fourth is the technological nature of the Imjin War. Fróis considered maritime technology and gunpowder weaponry technology to be very important in the Imjin War.

Luís Fróis's perspective overcomes the limitations of the perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China. The perspectives of Joseon, Japan, and Ming China commonly lacked discussion of Japan's internal politics, whereas Fróis focused on the political nature of the Imjin War and closely examined Japan's internal politics. Furthermore, Joseon, Japan, and Ming China viewed the Imjin War only within the context of East Asia, but Fróis focused on the international, missionary, and technological aspects of the Imjin War. By focusing on these characteristics, Fróis viewed the Imjin War with a broader perspective. Thus, Luís Fróis's "History of Japan" overcomes the limitations of the perspectives of the three East Asian countries and can serve as a supplement. Therefore, when studying perspectives on the Imjin War, it is crucial to study Luís Fróis's research alongside the perspectives of the three East Asian countries of the time.

Below, we will examine in detail how Luís Fróis's perspective on the Imjin War was formed. Ultimately, this perspective was shaped by the influence of the international political context, structure, and background of '16th Century World Power Portugal.' Because Luís Fróis was influenced by the international political context of '16th Century World Power Portugal,' he was able to focus on the international, missionary, political, and technological aspects of the Imjin War. In contrast, Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, not being influenced by such a structure, did not focus on these aspects of the Imjin War.

2. Factors Shaping Luís Fróis's Perspective (1) The 'International' Nature of the Imjin War

Luís Fróis focused on the international nature of the Imjin War. He viewed the Imjin War as a type of international war that extended beyond East Asia. This perspective can be confirmed in the section of "History of Japan" where India is mentioned. In "History of Japan," Fróis vividly describes the situation in June 1590 when an envoy from the Viceroy of India met with Hideyoshi. What is noteworthy here is that Alessandro Valignano, a Jesuit priest, came to Nagasaki, Japan, as an envoy of the Viceroy of India (Frois 2017, 370-371). Furthermore, Fróis quotes Hideyoshi's letters several times in "History of Japan." Fróis notes Hideyoshi's ambition in a letter to the Viceroy of India, stating, "I am determined to conquer the Kingdom of China. I will cross over to that country in no long time, and I have no doubt that I can conquer it easily" (Frois 2017, 405). He also notes Hideyoshi's statement in a letter to his nephew: "Among the three countries that share the world, namely Japan, China, and India, there is no one who can oppose me" (Frois 2003, 221). Thus, Luís Fróis extensively discusses the matter of the Indian envoy in the chapters related to the Imjin War in "History of Japan" and introduces Hideyoshi's perspective concerning India. He viewed the Imjin War not merely as a war of East Asia, but as a war involving India. The perspective of viewing the Imjin War as a type of international war extending beyond East Asia can also be found in the section discussing Christianity in "History of Japan." While describing the progression of the Imjin War, Fróis writes, "Agostinho Tsunokami-dono, the lord who ruled half of Higo Province, acting under the orders of the Kwampaku, immediately began preparations for the expedition. Under his command were all the armed Christians of the Kyushu region. One of them was the lord Protasius Arima Harunobu, who, among many noble lords, was more than others endowed with innate prudence and bold action, and was unsurpassed in his readiness for battle with various weapons and ammunition." (Frois 2003, 189-190). He also writes, "The Christians in the region where the priest resided tried to confess to the priest if possible, receive communion, and make the best preparations for this expedition," and "It is by God's great providence that all these Christians were gathered under Agostinho, and Father Gregorio de Cespedes was dispatched to Joseon in response to Agostinho's plea." (Frois 2003, 191; 2003, 245). In the chapters related to the Imjin War, Fróis continuously mentions Christianity, focusing on the activities of Christians and the role of priests during the Imjin War. He viewed the Imjin War not merely as a war of East Asia, but as a war involving Western Christian forces, including the Society of Jesus. In summary, compared to the three East Asian countries, Fróis viewed the Imjin War as a war on a broader scale.

The formation of the perspective that views the Imjin War as a type of international war can be attributed to Fróis's childhood experiences, his education and activities, and the people and materials that influenced him. First, Fróis's childhood experiences likely influenced his perspective. Portugal was a country with a global outlook at the time. As confirmed earlier, Portugal, a World Power in the 16th century, possessed a broader vision than any other country at the time. Fróis had experience working for the Portuguese royal court. Born in Lisbon, the capital of Portugal, in 1532, Fróis was of noble birth and began working in the Portuguese royal secretariat at the age of 9 in 1541 (Frois 2003, 13). While working at the court, Fróis likely learned and acquired Portugal's global perspective.

Next, the education Fróis received and the activities he participated in likely influenced his perspective. When Fróis joined the Society of Jesus, Portugal had already expanded into India in its process of global expansion. As examined in Chapter II, Portugal's objective in expanding into India was the formation of a global network and a global trade system. Portugal aimed to profit through trade and spread the Catholic faith. In this context, King John III of Portugal dispatched missionaries to India, and Luís Fróis was also sent to Goa, India (Park Young-ho 2003). He went to Goa, India, and attended St. Paul's College, receiving education and systematic training to become a missionary. There, he also served as secretary to the head of the Goa province (Frois 2003, 13). Fróis also broadened his horizons by visiting various regions of India and Malacca (Frois 2008, 184-185). By going to India according to Portugal's missionary policy, visiting various regions, and traveling, Fróis likely developed a wider perspective. Therefore, when describing the Imjin War, he could view the war more broadly, such as by focusing on the discussion of India.

Finally, we must examine the people and materials that influenced Fróis. His perspective was likely shaped by the influence of various individuals and diverse materials. Fróis was greatly influenced by Father Francisco Xavier. Xavier had gone to India before Fróis and was the first to embark on missionary work in Japan (Hong Seong-hwa 2014, 8). As a disciple of Father Xavier, who was active globally, Fróis could have learned his broad perspective (Kim Hak-jun 2009, 269). Furthermore, Fróis obtained materials necessary for his writing from merchants, Christians, and Jesuit priests (Frois 1999, 11). He states that traveling through all the regions of Japan where missionary activities were taking place in 1586, accompanying Father Gaspar Coelho, the Jesuit Visitor to Japan, and gathering extensive information from priests, friars, and Catholics he met there greatly aided in the writing of "History of Japan" (Frois 2008, 196). He was also well-informed about the situation on the Korean peninsula thanks to letters written by Father Cespedes from Joseon (Park Young-ja 2016). Portugal utilized Jesuit missionaries to form a global network and trade system, and Father Xavier was at the forefront of this effort. Luís Fróis, learning from such a figure, could have gained a global perspective. Furthermore, by meeting people from various parts of the world and reading their writings, he could have acquired a broader perspective. As such, he was able to view the Imjin War not simply as a problem of the Korean peninsula or East Asia, but from a broader perspective.

(2) The 'Missionary' Nature of the Imjin War

Luís Fróis viewed the Imjin War as having a missionary character. Fróis likely anticipated some expansion of the Society of Jesus's influence and the spread of Christianity through the Imjin War. This perspective can be confirmed by the fact that he continuously mentions Christianity when discussing the Imjin War in "History of Japan." This content was examined in the section immediately above. Fróis views the Imjin War as a war involving Christian forces by focusing on the activities of Christians and the role of priests during the Imjin War. The continuous mention of Christianity and the positive evaluation of Christianity while describing the progression of the Imjin War indicate that Fróis assessed the Imjin War as a war related to Christianity. Furthermore, Fróis quotes the second letter sent by Father Gregorio de Cespedes from Joseon. It contains passages such as, "That night I baptized his nephew and thirty other high-ranking samurai, and the next day, ten more. I was deeply moved by the joy they showed and their diligent recitation of prayers translated into Japanese. They immediately asked me for items that would serve as symbols for Christians, so I gave them all rosaries, which seemed to bring them great comfort." (Frois 2003, 256). Although this is not about missionary work among Koreans or Chinese, this passage confirms that the Society of Jesus actively baptized and proselytized the Japanese who participated in the war. Fróis and other Jesuits viewed the Imjin War as a means of evangelization.

The perspective of viewing the Imjin War as an opportunity for evangelization can also be found in the writings of Francisco Pasio. The book "Imjin War and Toyotomi Hideyoshi," which is a translation of "History of Japan," includes an appendix titled 'On the Death of Toyotomi Hideyoshi' by Francisco Pasio (Frois 2003, 329-353). This text describes the circumstances of Toyotomi Hideyoshi's death. Since Fróis died in 1597, he could not record Hideyoshi's death; this text was included as an appendix to the book to help readers understand the situation in Japan after Fróis's death. Although 'On the Death of Toyotomi Hideyoshi' was not written by Fróis, it was written by Pasio, a Jesuit priest who was active in Japan at the same time and in the same place as Fróis. Both Fróis and Pasio were members of the Society of Jesus, likely shared similar thoughts and values, and had many commonalities due to their activities in the same time period and location. In this regard, Pasio's writing is worth referencing.

In this text, Pasio states, "Thus, the seven-year war in Joseon finally came to an end. This war has been sustained through the great efforts and expenses of us (Japanese) Christians, and it has also had the advantage of allowing Christian lords to secure their domains. There is no doubt that if they had not participated in the war, their domains would have passed into the hands of other lords by Hideyoshi, causing immeasurable loss to the Church. Therefore, for the evangelistic achievements mentioned above, and for the smooth harvest in this new vineyard where numerous lords and noblemen have been remarkably converted without encountering significant obstacles, and moreover, for the safe arrival of our most revered Father in Japan during this period, we must offer infinite gratitude to God." (Frois 2003, 351). He emphasizes the participation and efforts of Christians in the war. Most importantly, he mentions the results of evangelization. Through Pasio's writing, we can indirectly understand that the Jesuits, including Fróis at the time, viewed the Imjin War as a means of evangelization.

The perspective of viewing the Imjin War as an opportunity for evangelization can be attributed to the influence of the Society of Jesus and the mission assigned to Fróis. First, the Society of Jesus likely influenced his perspective. Portugal dispatched the Society of Jesus throughout the world, utilizing Jesuit missionary work as a means to form a global network. One of the reasons the Society of Jesus moved to Asia was for missionary work to save souls (Choi Young-soo 2005, 134). Specifically, the Society of Jesus actively engaged in missionary work in Japan based on various principles, including positive acceptance of Japanese culture and people, active utilization of Portuguese merchant ships for missionary activities, securing freedom of missionary work among vassals and subjects through the permission of feudal lords, and seizing opportunities to evangelize in the capital, Kyoto (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 121). Furthermore, the Society of Jesus adapted by respecting Japanese customs, maintaining close relationships with Japanese authorities, and striving to gain social status in Japan by adopting an attitude that did not conflict with Japanese society. They worked to establish Christianity as an institutional religion in Japanese society (Jang Hye-jin 2019, 60). Luís Fróis was a priest belonging to the Society of Jesus, whose purpose was missionary work. Therefore, his purpose in going to Japan was also the propagation of Christianity. The Imjin War was a war in which Joseon, Japan, and Ming China, the targets of Jesuit evangelization, all participated. As he always kept the objectives of the Society of Jesus in mind, Luís Fróis could view the Imjin War as an opportunity to incorporate China and Joseon, and an opportunity to form networks.

Next, the mission assigned to Fróis likely influenced his perspective. Portugal dispatched priests to various parts of the world, utilizing the Society of Jesus to form a global network. However, for effective missionary work, the Society of Jesus would have needed guidelines for the priests to follow. There would have been a need for reference materials documenting the missionary activities and strategies of priests who had worked before, for future missionaries. And the task of compiling such materials was assigned to Luís Fróis. Father Giovanni Pietro Maffei, while collecting materials for his writings on the Jesuit missionary activities in Portuguese India, read the annual letters of the Society of Jesus written by Fróis and recognized Fróis's talent as a writer. He sent a letter to the Jesuit Superior General, Everard Mercurian, proposing that Fróis be commissioned to write about the missionary activities and development of Jesuit priests in Japan, as well as information about Japan and the civil wars that hindered missionary work, based on his own experiences. After the death of Superior General Mercurian, his successor, Father Claudio Acquaviva, accepted this proposal and subsequently sent a letter to Valignano, instructing him to do so. Valignano then sent a letter to Father Gaspar Coelho, the Jesuit Vice-Provincial of Japan, in April 1584, ordering him to commission Fróis to write "History of Japan," thus entrusting Fróis with the responsibility of writing the book (Frois 2008, 188-189).

Indeed, what Fróis initially intended to cover in "History of Japan" was the history of Catholic missionary work and its development in Japan over half a century (Frois 2003, 11). In the preface to "History of Japan," Fróis states the reason for writing: "To encourage priests and brothers working for Catholic evangelization by informing them of the achievements of past predecessors, and to fulfill the wish of the Superior General of the Society of Jesus to publish "History of Japan" in Europe and disseminate the history of Catholic evangelization and development even in distant regions." (Frois 2008, 195). Luís Fróis was assigned the mission by the Society of Jesus to organize missionary activities, and he himself seems to have been eager to carry out this mission well. Therefore, he would have recognized that his own activities in Japan and his observations of events related to the Imjin War were all connected to missionary work. As a result, Fróis could have viewed the Imjin War as a war with a missionary character. The fact that the Imjin War is described over many chapters in a book documenting missionary activities indicates that Fróis considered the war an opportunity for evangelization.

(3) The 'Political' Nature of the Imjin War

Luís Fróis viewed the Imjin War as a war with a political character. This perspective can be confirmed by the fact that he focuses on Japan's internal political factors in "History of Japan." "History of Japan" frequently contains passages describing the inner thoughts of Hideyoshi and Japanese warriors, such as, "However, he (Hideyoshi) also knew that the hearts of the Japanese are naturally fickle, and that a feudal lord cannot secure and rule his country without changing what he has once decided through war or rebellion, which is generally the case. Therefore, after deceiving and subjugating the lords of the empire, he resolved to drive them into the plan of conquering China through his exquisite skill and care," and "Because the Japanese warriors obeyed whatever pleased the Kwampaku" (Frois 2003, 165; 2003, 167).

Furthermore, "History of Japan" quotes Hideyoshi's remarks to the Japanese feudal lords, such as, "The Kwampaku, having truly understood the inner thoughts of all of them, showed favor and generosity to many, while at times, like a wandering wolf, he would let out a terrifying howl and utter frightening threats. He would say, 'Let anyone who dares to do something reckless that goes against my decision be annihilated for their thoughtlessness, and their territories be destroyed,' thus suppressing everyone with immense fear." and "Although I am surrounded by the utmost joy, pleasure, treasures, and prosperity of the Japanese Empire, the lord of all under heaven, I will abandon them all and achieve this unprecedented and admirable plan with my own strength. All must follow me in this plan and voyage, and even if they must lay down their lives, it will be eternally remembered and praised with me, so they must gladly accept such hardships. You are carrying out a task that the world most desires with your noble courage, and if you survive and the work progresses smoothly, you will be granted empires, stipends, and favorable territories acquired through new conquests, and you will spend the rest of your lives in great joy and pleasure." (Frois 2003, 175-177).

Focusing on these remarks, Fróis viewed the Imjin War as a war initiated by Hideyoshi to appease internal opposition in Japan, a war that utilized the political ambitions of Japanese feudal lords eager to gain merit. Additionally, in "History of Japan," Fróis criticizes Hideyoshi, evaluating the Imjin War as Hideyoshi's scheme to gain his own power and honor while confiscating the wealth of the Sengoku daimyo and driving them out of Japan (Frois 2008, 197). The above passages and his evaluation confirm that Fróis focused on Japan's internal political aspects.

The perspective that the Imjin War was an extension of Japan's internal politics can be attributed to the information about Japan obtained through various channels and the Jesuit strategy of adaptation. First, the information Fróis possessed through various channels likely influenced his perspective. Luís Fróis was born in Lisbon in 1532 and joined the Society of Jesus at 16. He was then dispatched to Goa, India, where the East India Company was located, and served as secretary to the Goa province. At that time, all reports sent by missionaries from various parts of Asia to the Jesuit General in Rome had to pass through the Goa province, and Fróis, in his capacity as secretary, had access to all these documents. Due to his position, he became well-versed in the affairs of various parts of Asia, especially the situation in Japan (Frois 2003, 12-13). Furthermore, he was also knowledgeable about the situation on the Korean peninsula with the help of letters written by Father Cespedes from Joseon (Park Young-ja 2016).

Fróis did not stop at obtaining information from the writings of others; he personally traveled throughout Japan to gather information. He confessed that traveling through all regions of Japan and gathering extensive information from the priests, friars, and Catholics he met there was particularly helpful in writing "History of Japan" (Frois 2008, 196). Portugal utilized the Society of Jesus as a means in managing the world, and the Society of Jesus collected diverse information and left various records as they expanded globally. Fróis was in a position to access such materials and actually studied them. Therefore, he was already knowledgeable about the situation in Japan before even going there. He was able to learn in detail about Japan's various internal political situations and issues. As such, Fróis, who was familiar with Hideyoshi and Japan's internal political situation through various channels, could not help but focus more on Japan's internal politics when describing the Imjin War. Consequently, compared to the three East Asian countries, Fróis's account of the Imjin War is more closely intertwined with Japan's internal political situation.

Next, the Jesuit strategy of adaptation likely influenced his perspective. The policy adopted by the Society of Jesus for its missionary activities in East Asia was 'adaptation' (Jang Hye-jin 2019, 53). This is a key discourse that emerged in the history of missionary work during the Age of Discovery, which began in the 15th century. 'Adaptation' or 'adaptationism' can be defined as a methodological strategy adopted by a religion to integrate itself coherently within the order of another culture or world (Jang Hye-jin 2019, 55). Jesuit missionary work in Japan and China also exhibited characteristics of adaptive missionary work. To evangelize in Japan and China, where there was a strong sense of pride in tradition, the Society of Jesus first sought to thoroughly learn the local language and script to gain a concrete understanding of their thought and culture. Subsequently, they aimed to spread doctrine through academic exchange with the ruling class and intellectuals. This strategy contrasted with the Christian propagation strategies employed by Spain and France in the New World, which were based on military superiority (Kim Jong-geon 2011, 1-2). The adaptive missionary methods promoted by Xavier, Valignano, and others led to the expansion of top-down evangelization, changes in missionaries' lifestyles, missionaries' learning of local languages, and the training of local clergy (Kim Hye-kyung 2010, 21-25).

Fróis was a missionary active in Japan during the period when the Society of Jesus adopted the strategy of adaptation, and he was also a disciple of Xavier, who advocated adaptive missionary work (Kim Hak-jun 2009, 269). Fróis, who had excellent linguistic abilities, also strove to learn Japanese in accordance with this strategy. Fróis went to Japan on July 6, 1563, and despite suffering from illness, he diligently studied Japanese and other aspects of local adaptation (Frois 2003, 13-14). As a result of his efforts, Fróis became proficient in Japanese and was able to interact with the Japanese ruling class based on this proficiency. Fróis interacted with Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi and observed them, leaving numerous records. Fróis had personal exchanges with Oda Nobunaga approximately 18 times during the decade after Nobunaga seized power in Kyoto. Fróis also paid a visit to Hideyoshi at Osaka Castle and accompanied Valignano's delegation when they met Hideyoshi at Jurakutei (Frois 2003, 14-16). One characteristic of Fróis's "History of Japan" is that he left behind remarkably objective records. Fróis boldly mentions physical defects such as Hideyoshi's six fingers, which are not mentioned in any Japanese records. Furthermore, he unreservedly conveys facts such as the Emperor living in extreme poverty, the Shogun being very foolish, and Hideyoshi being a highly deceitful person (Frois 2003, 11). This objective narration was possible partly because he was in the free position of an outsider, not a Japanese national (Frois 2003, 11), but also because he had lived in Japan for a long time and directly interacted with the powerful figures there. Portugal utilized the Society of Jesus as a means in managing the world, and the strategy employed by the Society of Jesus in Japan at the time was 'adaptationism.' Portugal and the Society of Jesus aimed to form a global network through a strategy of adapting to local cultures. Fróis, already knowledgeable about the situation in Japan through various channels as examined earlier, was able to directly interact with Oda Nobunaga and Toyotomi Hideyoshi thanks to the Jesuit strategy of adaptation. As a result, he would have been able to grasp Japan's internal politics in greater detail and accuracy. Fróis would have felt that the Imjin War was connected to the internal political factors of Japan that he had personally witnessed and heard, and would have wanted to emphasize that the Imjin War was linked to Japan's internal politics. (4) The 'Technological' Nature of the Imjin War

Luís Fróis focused on the technology used in the Imjin War. He considered maritime technology and gunpowder weaponry technology to be very important in the Imjin War. This perspective can be confirmed by his introduction of Joseon and Japanese ships and weaponry in "History of Japan." Fróis describes Joseon's ships and weaponry as follows: "They (Joseon people) are said to be very skilled with small bows, similar to Turkish bows, and use poisoned arrows. The ships they ride are sturdy and large, with decks on top. They use gunpowder containers and firearms, and cannons like Turkish stone cannons, which do not use projectiles but are loaded with wooden arrows the thickness of a man's thigh, with pieces of iron attached like a fish's tail, and fired. These arrows have the power to pierce and destroy anything they hit. Other weapons are not powerful, and their swords are particularly short and not very useful. They also use some firearms without stocks." (Frois 2003, 185-186).

Fróis also discusses Japanese ships and weaponry, stating, "The two commanders of the Kwampaku, Kato Toranosuke and another lord from Awano Province, having witnessed the immense damage inflicted by the Joseon people on the Japanese army at sea, decided to send their fleet of 300 ships to Joseon. They loaded the necessary weapons and ammunition for this naval engagement and embarked elite troops. They carried numerous firearms, spears, bows, and arrows. Thus, the Japanese army, confident in their superior equipment, set out to find the Joseon pirates who had only a few ships." (Frois 2003, 234). Furthermore, he describes naval battles between Joseon and Japan, stating, "However, since the Joseon people had been eager to find Japanese ships, they shouted with joy upon encountering them and sailed their ships to attack the Japanese fleet. The Joseon ships were built high and sturdy, overwhelming the Japanese ships. First, there was an attack with firearms from the Joseon navy, which greatly troubled and harassed the Japanese, so the Japanese responded with a tactic of sailing far out to sea to escape the annoying close-range attacks of the Joseon people. However, the Joseon people threw strong iron chains with hooks from above to prevent the Japanese from rowing away with their ships, making it difficult for the Japanese ships to escape." (Frois 2003, 234-235), thus showing interest in maritime technology and gunpowder weaponry technology.

He also quotes Hideyoshi's statement: "I wish to end the internal conflicts in Japan and bring peace to the people, and after achieving that, I will hand over the Kingdom of Japan to my younger brother Hidenaga and devote myself to the conquest of Joseon and China. In preparation for this, I am currently gathering timber to build 2,000 ships for the large army to cross the sea. I have no intention of asking for any other aid besides requesting the missionaries to arrange for the procurement of two large nau (large sailing ships used in Europe from the 14th to 16th centuries) equipped with sufficient armaments. And I have no intention of obtaining those nau for free." (Frois 2017, 269), noting that Hideyoshi requested nau from the Jesuits for the Imjin War. Fróis continuously mentions the various technologies used in the Imjin War and emphasizes their significant role in the conflict.

The perspective that focuses on the various technologies used in the Imjin War could have been formed due to Portugal's status as a maritime power and the activities of the Society of Jesus. First, Portugal's status as a maritime power likely influenced Fróis's perspective. As examined earlier, Modelski evaluated Portugal as a World Power because it possessed oceanic supremacy. In the 16th century, Portugal was the ruler of the seas, armed with powerful maritime technology. In other words, maritime technology was crucial in Portugal's management of the world. The Society of Jesus and merchants were able to travel to various parts of the world using Portugal's maritime technology and ships. Fróis likely used Portuguese ships during his dispatch to India or Japan and while traveling to various regions. And spending long periods at sea naturally sparked his interest in ships. In fact, Fróis demonstrates his interest in ships by discussing 'Ships, seafaring and dogus' in Chapter 12 of his book Tratado. He possessed extensive knowledge of maritime technology, even listing the specific differences between Japanese and European ships in that chapter (Frois 2014, 217-226).

Additionally, Fróis, having lived in Japan for a long time and interacted with politicians, would have been able to learn more about Japan's maritime technology and ships. He also learned about Joseon's maritime technology and ships based on information Hideyoshi possessed about Joseon and various maps printed with Joseon's situation and geography (Frois 2003, 183). His interest in maritime technology likely led him to mention related aspects extensively in his account of the Imjin War and focus on the technology used in the conflict.

Next, the activities of the Society of Jesus likely influenced Fróis's perspective. As stated in Chapter II, trade activities and religious missions in Japan were organically intertwined and inseparable. Portuguese merchants and the Society of Jesus worked together in Japan. Merchants required the mediation or assistance of the Society of Jesus to participate in trade, and the Society of Jesus itself also engaged in trade. A representative trade in which the Society of Jesus participated was the trade of firearms. Jesuit missionaries began Christian evangelization in exchange for Western firearms in China and Japan (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 115). Furthermore, they also funded their missionary activities through the trade of Western firearms (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 120). Missionaries brought Western firearms and met the political and military needs of the feudal lords, who strongly desired advanced Western weapons such as cannons and arquebuses to strengthen their military power or expand their territories. For this reason, they actively sought to attract Portuguese merchant ships to ports in their domains, and the Society of Jesus funded themselves through these transactions (Jang Hye-jin 2020, 122-123). The Society of Jesus played a role in technology transfer by selling weapons to Japan.

As a member of the Society of Jesus, Fróis would have naturally become interested in and learned a great deal about gunpowder weaponry. In fact, Fróis demonstrates his interest in weapons by discussing 'Japanese offensive and defensive weapons and warfare' in Chapter 7 of his book Tratado. He shows considerable understanding of weapons in that chapter, comparing Japanese and European weapons, and also mentions the use of gunpowder weapons (Frois 2014, 147-162). Additionally, Fróis, having lived in Japan for a long time and interacted with politicians, would have been able to observe how gunpowder weapons were used in Japan. Portugal utilized the Society of Jesus as a means in managing the world, and the Society of Jesus actively engaged in the trade of arquebuses in Japan. Fróis, as a priest belonging to such a society and having resided in Japan for an extended period, would have naturally learned about gunpowder weapons. Consequently, when observing the Imjin War, he could not help but pay attention to the gunpowder weapons used in the conflict.

IV. Conclusion and Expected Research Effects

1. Conclusion

Luís Fróis focused on four aspects of the Imjin War that the three East Asian countries did not pay attention to. The first is the international nature of the Imjin War. Fróis viewed the Imjin War as a type of international war involving India and Christianity, a perspective shaped by his childhood experiences, education, activities, and the influence of various people and materials. The second is the missionary nature of the Imjin War. Fróis considered the Imjin War an opportunity for evangelization, a perspective shaped by the influence of the Society of Jesus and the mission assigned to him. The third is the political nature of the Imjin War. Fróis believed the Imjin War was an extension of Japan's internal politics, a perspective formed as a result of his reception of information about Japan and his adoption of the Jesuit strategy of adaptation. The fourth is the technological nature of the Imjin War. Fróis particularly focused on the maritime technology and gunpowder weaponry technology used in the Imjin War. This perspective was shaped by Portugal's status as a maritime power and the activities of the Society of Jesus.

Examining the factors that shaped Luis Frois's perspective on the Imjin War, all of them are related to the context, structure, and background of '16th Century World Power Portugal.' It was because such a background existed that the various factors shaping his perspective, mentioned above, could operate and lead to the formation of Frois's viewpoint on the Imjin War. In summary, the geopolitical context (Structure) of '16th Century World Power Portugal' influenced the individual (Agency) of Luis Frois, shaping his perspective on the Imjin War. Because Luis Frois was influenced by the geopolitical context of '16th Century World Power Portugal,' he was able to focus on the international, missionary, political, and technological aspects of the Imjin War. In contrast, Joseon, Japan, and Ming, not being influenced by such a structure, failed to focus on the international, missionary, political, and technological aspects of the Imjin War.

2. Expected Effects of the Research

There are two main expected effects of this research. First, it is expected to invigorate research on the Imjin War. We anticipate that research viewing the Imjin War from various perspectives will become more active. In particular, we expect an increase in studies that closely examine and compare the perspectives of East Asians and Westerners on the Imjin War during that period, as done in this study. Second, it is expected to invigorate research on Westerners who were active in Asia during the 16th century. This study focuses on Luis Frois, who spent over 30 years in Japan engaged in missionary activities, and his writings. However, there were many other missionaries active in Asia during the same period. Examples include Jesuit missionaries such as Francisco Xavier and Gaspar Vilela. Besides Jesuit missionaries, figures like Martin de Rada of the Augustinian Order and Gaspar da Cruz of the Dominican Order were active in Asia. We expect research that examines the activities of these individuals and explores the records they left behind to become more active. Furthermore, we can anticipate the emergence of research that seeks out information related to Joseon and perspectives on Joseon within their records.

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