The Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Qing's Last Composite World Order, National Museum of China

The Young People of the Sarangbang Embrace Beijing

Jeong Da-eun Seoul National University

Category: EAI Sarangbang Excursions
Published: August 22, 2022

Jeong Da-eun · Seoul National University

Introduction

The Qing Dynasty, established by the Manchu people, was a conquest dynasty and the last unified dynasty of China. It was the longest-lasting state in Chinese history since the Han Dynasty.

In the mid-18th century, the Qing Dynasty was undoubtedly the world's strongest empire. The empire ruled over a multi-ethnic state with the largest territory in history, stretching across Manchuria, Tibet, Mongolia, and Xinjiang, after subjugating the Dzungars, its greatest threat, in addition to its Chinese heartland (Islamoglu and Perdu 2009, 21).

Emperor Qianlong initiated extensive cultural projects, producing the <Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> (Illustrations of Tributaries of the Great Qing) in 1761, which meticulously depicted the appearance of foreign peoples, and completing the <Siku Quanshu> (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries) in 1781, the largest compendium in history.

During Qianlong's 60-year reign, the Qing Dynasty experienced a golden age in economy, military, and culture, enhancing its domestic and international standing. However, beneath the surface, the empire was slowly decaying. Frequent foreign expeditions led to financial depletion, and corruption among the imperial family and officials sounded the prelude to the Qing's decline.

It was also during this period that Western perceptions of China began to decline, marked by the visit of Lord Macartney from Britain in 1793.

The <Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> includes 301 illustrations, encompassing 37 countries and 264 ethnic minorities, all incorporated into the Qing Empire's world order. It describes the regions where these peoples lived, their histories, unique customs, and their relationships with the Qing Dynasty in both Chinese and Manchu.

Traditionally, China established its identity based on the concept of the civilized center (Zhonghua) and the barbarian periphery (Yi). The tribute system was the practical mechanism for constructing this order. Zhigong (職貢), meaning tribute presentation, was a symbolic act where surrounding vassal states and foreign countries offered tribute to the Son of Heaven in China.

The accompanying diplomatic rituals carried various political and cultural implications. Therefore, the Zhigong Tu served as a form of documentary painting, depicting the circumstances of diplomatic envoys' arrival and supplementing this with records of China's foreign relations, histories, and customs of various countries.

These were created to facilitate systematic information gathering and understanding of the surrounding world by Chinese dynasties.

However, it is difficult to fathom Emperor Qianlong's true intentions based solely on superficial reasons. In reality, Qianlong desired to be the ruler of a unified world not only in terms of territorial expansion but also in a cultural sense.

Furthermore, as the Son of Heaven responsible for rectifying the order of the world amidst the clash between traditional Chinese cosmology and the Western material world, his concerns were fully reflected in the Huang Qing Zhigong Tu.

This report aims to examine the composite world order depicted in the visual imagery of the Huang Qing Zhigong Tu, reflecting the geopolitical changes of the Qing and its neighboring countries in the 18th century.

1. The Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Qing's Last Composite World Order, National Museum of China

First, by comparing illustrations depicting foreign lands from different periods, we will trace the evolution of perceptions of foreign lands diachronically. In particular, considering that the <Wanguo Laichao Tu> (Illustrations of Myriad Nations Coming to Court), created around the same period, encompasses scenes of foreign envoys presenting tribute, we have cautiously examined its iconographic relationship with the <Huang Qing Zhigong Tu>.

Additionally, through the illustrations and descriptions of Mongolia-Tibet, Joseon, and Western countries, we aim to understand the Qing Empire's self-perception and its perception of the outside world, thereby deciphering the network of relationships within the composite world order.

Through this comparative analysis, we seek to reveal the hidden purpose behind Emperor Qianlong's inclusion of illustrations and records of the attire, customs, and products of neighboring countries and vassal states in the Zhigong Tu.

Review of Existing Research

Existing research on the <Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> has primarily been conducted from the perspectives of Chinese history and art history. Jeong Eun-ju (2015) examined the background of the creation of successive Zhigong Tu extant in China and analyzed the Han Chinese figures depicted.

Review of Existing Research

Existing research on the <Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> has primarily been conducted from the perspectives of Chinese history and art history. Jeong Eun-ju (2015) examined the background of the creation of successive Zhigong Tu extant in China and analyzed the Han Chinese figures depicted.

Based on a diachronic analysis, this study identifies changes in China's perceptions. Here,

1. The Imperial Tribute Register: The Qing Dynasty's Final Complex World Order_National Museum of China

The Imperial Tribute Register is closely related to the political glorification of territorial expansion during the Qianlong era,

and reflects the intention to expand the empire's status to the world.

In another study, Jeong Eun-ju (2011, 2014) examined the circumstances of the creation of The Imperial Tribute Register

to organize its historical value and analyzed its detailed features and pictorial changes based on its relationship with The Map of Ten Thousand Nations Paying Tribute.

Lai Yuchih also argues that the figures depicted in the first volume of The Imperial Tribute Register

are images of the system of ten thousand nations paying tribute, as shown in The Map of Ten Thousand Nations Paying Tribute,

The depiction in the first volume of <Hwangcheongjikgongdo>

thereby introducing both works as images that symbolically represent the status of the Qing dynasty.

Studies focusing on the political objectives of The Imperial Tribute Register have also been conducted.

Seo Yun-jeong (2019) reconstructs the historical context of the tributary relationship between Qing China and Joseon in the 18th century

to examine the transmission of Qing material culture to Joseon and its impact on intellectuals.

She particularly focuses on the cases of The Album of Pacifying the Western Regions and The Album of Pacifying the Jin and Tian Mountains

to emphasize the political function of diplomatic gifts.

Song In-ju (2018) argues that the logic of describing the non-Han world in The Imperial Tribute Register

aligns with the logic of Qing rule and further connects to the ethnic discourse of modern and contemporary China.

She explains that the Qing dynasty inherited the traditional Sinocentric worldview of previous Chinese dynasties to rule over the non-Han peoples within China

in order to consolidate the great unification, and that by visualizing the newly acquired territories through a series of compilations including The Imperial Tribute Register,

the Qing dynasty secured historical and cultural legitimacy for its rule.

Lee Eun-sang's research is representative of studies that capture the numerous visual images left by Emperor Qianlong from a political science perspective.

Lee Eun-sang (2021) newly illuminates 18th-century Qing China as an 'image empire'

and emphasizes Emperor Qianlong's visual politics for effectively governing a multi-ethnic state.

Visual images were a sure strategy of rule that could intuitively convey the emperor's image or message to appease and govern ethnic groups.

Furthermore, by possessing knowledge and information about the various ethnic groups within the Qing Empire,

the rulers of the empire could achieve power and assert their dominance over them.

Similar discussions regarding Emperor Qianlong's formation of imperial image and visual image policy can be found in the research of Jeong Seok-beom and Yu Jae-bin.

Jeong Seok-beom (2009) argues that Emperor Qianlong sought to achieve the great unification through visual monuments that imprinted the military might and imperial image of the Qing dynasty.

Yu Jae-bin (2006) evaluates, through a pictorial approach to Emperor Qianlong's portraits, that he culturally embodied his ruling philosophy of seeking to integrate the scattered powers of the world under one empire.

However, existing research leaves room for improvement regarding the political implications and specific background elucidation of The Imperial Tribute Register.

Mark Mancall's (1968) dichotomy of the northwestern crescent region, characterized by an autonomous tributary system, and the southeastern crescent region, structured by tributary relations,

tends to view the complexity of the Qing world order somewhat simplistically.

Interpreting the world within these two rigid frameworks may, in fact, cause the vibrant historical values to fade.

This is because it fails to explain the complex interweaving of regional networks by separating the other protagonists constituting the complex world order from the empire's history

and perceiving them merely as static and peripheral entities.

While a significant amount of research has been conducted in Korea on the foreign relations between Qing China and Joseon and their mutual perceptions,

research focusing on the encounter with the West, which led to the collapse of the Sinocentric world order, has been somewhat lacking.

Recent research by Lee Yu-jin (2020) highlights the presence of Westerners in The Imperial Tribute Register

and focuses on revealing Qing China's dual perception of the West amidst rapidly changing global affairs.

Cheng-Hua Wang (2014) also discusses the 18th century.

is assessed as having realized <Man-guk-rae-jo-do>.

However, existing research has shortcomings regarding the political implications of <Hwangcheongjikgongdo> and

the clarification of its specific background. Mark Mancall's (1968) dichotomy of the Northwest Crescent region with its unique tributary system and

the Southeast Crescent region composed of tributary relations tends to view the complexity of the Qing dynasty's

world order somewhat simplistically. The dichotomy of the Northwest Crescent region with its unique tributary system and

the Southeast Crescent region composed of tributary relations tends to view the complexity of the Qing dynasty's

1. Hwangcheongjikgongdo: The Last Complex World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

world order somewhat simplistically. Interpreting the qualitative world within these two strict frameworks

may rather cause the vibrant historical values to fade.

This is because it separates the other protagonists that constitute the complex world order from the empire's history

and recognizes them as simply static and peripheral entities,

thereby failing to explain the complex interweaving of the relational networks in each region.

In reality, while considerable research has been conducted on the foreign relations between the Qing dynasty and Joseon and their mutual perceptions,

domestic research has focused significantly on the foreign relations between the Qing dynasty and Joseon and their consequent mutual perceptions.

However, research focusing on the encounter with the West, which led to the collapse of the China-centric world order, has been somewhat insufficient.

Recent research by Lee Yu-jin (2020) highlights the presence of the West in <Hwangcheongjikgongdo>

and focuses on elucidating the Qing's dual perception of the West amidst rapidly changing global affairs.

Recent research by Lee Yu-jin (2020) highlights the presence of the West in <Hwangcheongjikgongdo>

and focuses on elucidating the Qing's dual perception of the West amidst rapidly changing global affairs.

Cheng-Hua Wang (2014) also discusses the 18th century.

It tells the story of a global transition in Chinese history by exploring the interaction between China and Europe in the art and visual culture of the Qing Dynasty.

However, previous studies were limited to emphasizing the Qing Dynasty's perception of a pre-determined counterpart and its response to that counterpart.

Therefore, they did not sufficiently reflect the complex contexts and the interests of various actors at the time.

To overcome these limitations,

this travelogue seeks to comprehensively consider the connections and distinctions among various relationships by placing not only China and Joseon, the traditional protagonists of the world order, but also Mongolia and Tibet, alongside the new protagonist, the West, on the same stage.

The Tribute Bearer Paintings: From Imagination to Reality of Foreign Lands

In history, China constructed its identity through the dichotomy of the central Sinocentric world and the surrounding barbarians.

The successive dynasties of China depicted the forms of foreign lands through travelogues, tribute bearer paintings, myths, and legends.

The oldest existing material describing the peoples of foreign lands is the

<Classic of Mountains and Seas (Shanhaijing)>.

The illustrations of foreign peoples described in <Shanhaijing> mostly depict them as half-human, half-beast, exhibiting inhuman characteristics.

The narratives of the inhumanity and barbarism of ethnic minorities did not originate from observations of foreign lands but from historical memory and imagination (Gaozhao 2012).

Behind this lay the disdain, rejection, belittlement, and contempt of the Celestial Empire towards foreign lands and peoples.

The oldest extant tribute bearer painting is from the Southern Dynasties period,

<Tribute Bearers of Liang (Liang Zhigong Tu)>.

It was created to observe the appearance and inquire about the customs of foreign envoys dispatched to the Liang Dynasty in the 40th year of Emperor Wu of Liang's reign.

The <Tribute Bearers of Liang> housed in the National Museum of China records 12 countries, including Baekje, depicted as colored figure paintings.

The envoy from Baekje appears third, wearing a white hat, and is depicted in a green robe with a crimson collar and sleeves, and a pink lower garment with an orange trim and black shoes.

1. Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Last Complex Sinocentric Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

The figure depiction in this <Tribute Bearers of Liang> is very similar to Yan Liben's <Court of the Emperor (Wanghui Tu)>.

Emperor Taizong of Tang used King Wu of Zhou as a precedent to create <Court of the Emperor>, which sequentially depicts the reception of envoys from a total of 24 countries, including the three kingdoms of Korea.

The figure section of the Ming Dynasty's <Compendium of Three Powers (Sancai Tuhui)> featured figures from unrealistic, imaginary countries mixed with those from countries with which direct experience existed.

Even for countries with which direct experience existed, it followed existing legends.

Although practical knowledge of foreign lands gradually accumulated through trade and diplomatic exchanges,

the depictions of foreign lands were based on a kind of imagination regarding the Sinocentric world and the surrounding barbarians.

The imaginative knowledge formed from historical records, based on speculation and understanding of the classics, led to the layering of later imaginations onto ancient imaginations and stories upon stories, entering history.

It was only after the creation of Matteo Ricci's <Map of the Myriad Countries of the World (Kunyu Wanguo Quantu)> in 1602 that the China-centric worldview underwent a fundamental change, and a new world of myriad countries gradually began to be accepted.

Over approximately 100 years, from Matteo Ricci to the Qianlong Emperor,

the forms of foreign lands that arose from imagination were replaced by realistic paintings that approached objective observation.

1. Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Last Complex Sinocentric Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

<Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> is a tribute bearer painting produced at the state level,

<Figure 1>

Envoy from the State of Baekje <Tribute Bearers of Liang>

National Museum of China

<Figure 2> <Court of the Emperor> circa 629, National Palace Museum, Taipei

The depiction of figures in the <Tribute Bearers of Liang> is very similar to Yan Liben's <Court of the Emperor (Wanghui Tu)>.

Emperor Taizong of Tang used King Wu of Zhou as a precedent to create <Court of the Emperor>, which sequentially depicts the reception of envoys from a total of 24 countries, including the three kingdoms of Korea.

The figure section of the Ming Dynasty's <Compendium of Three Powers (Sancai Tuhui)> featured figures from unrealistic, imaginary countries mixed with those from countries with which direct experience existed.

Even for countries with which direct experience existed, it followed existing legends.

<Figure 2> <Court of the Emperor> circa 629, National Palace Museum, Taipei

The figure section of the Ming Dynasty's <Compendium of Three Powers (Sancai Tuhui)> featured figures from unrealistic, imaginary countries mixed with those from countries with which direct experience existed.

Even for countries with which direct experience existed, it followed existing legends.

Although practical knowledge of foreign lands gradually accumulated through trade and diplomatic exchanges,

the depictions of foreign lands were based on a kind of imagination regarding the Sinocentric world and the surrounding barbarians.

The imaginative knowledge formed from historical records, based on speculation and understanding of the classics, led to the layering of later imaginations onto ancient imaginations and stories upon stories, entering history.

It was only after the creation of Matteo Ricci's <Map of the Myriad Countries of the World (Kunyu Wanguo Quantu)> in 1602 that the China-centric worldview underwent a fundamental change, and a new world of myriad countries gradually began to be accepted.

Over approximately 100 years, from Matteo Ricci to the Qianlong Emperor,

the forms of foreign lands that arose from imagination were replaced by realistic paintings that approached objective observation.

<Huang Qing Zhigong Tu> is a tribute bearer painting produced at the state level,

‘Huang Qing (皇淸)’ refers to the Qing Dynasty elevated as an imperial state.

It tells the story of a global transition in Chinese history by exploring the interaction between China and Europe in the art and visual culture of the Qing Dynasty.

However, previous studies were limited to emphasizing the Qing Dynasty's perception of a pre-determined counterpart and its response to that counterpart.

1. Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Last Complex Sinocentric Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

Therefore, they did not sufficiently reflect the complex contexts and the interests of various actors at the time.

To overcome these limitations,

this travelogue seeks to comprehensively consider the connections and distinctions among various relationships by placing not only China and Joseon, the traditional protagonists of the world order, but also Mongolia and Tibet, alongside the new protagonist, the West, on the same stage.

The Tribute Bearer Paintings: From Imagination to Reality of Foreign Lands

In history, China constructed its identity through the dichotomy of the central Sinocentric world and the surrounding barbarians.

In traditional China, when seeking to praise the current era of peace and prosperity, they looked for models in the past. As the physical territory expanded, the great empires needed to systematically collect as much information as possible to harmoniously integrate peoples with different languages and cultures. Emperor Qianlong, keeping in mind Emperor Taizong's "Wanghui Tu" (Diagram of Tribute Missions), produced the "Huangqing Zhigong Tu" (Album of Tributaries of the Qing Dynasty) and intended it to be a mirror to aid and govern the future.

As the physical territory expanded, the great empires needed to systematically collect as much information as possible to harmoniously integrate peoples with different languages and cultures.

the great empires needed to systematically collect as much information as possible to harmoniously integrate peoples with different languages and cultures.

to systematically collect as much information as possible to harmoniously integrate peoples with different languages and cultures.

Emperor Qianlong, keeping in mind Emperor Taizong's "Wanghui Tu" (Diagram of Tribute Missions), produced the "Huangqing Zhigong Tu" (Album of Tributaries of the Qing Dynasty)

and intended it to be a mirror to aid and govern the future.

and govern the future.

The "Huangqing Zhigong Tu" borrowed the composition and structure of previously produced tribute albums, but it stands out for its effort to perceive the world more objectively by focusing on the most extensive and detailed information and realistic depictions of people based on direct observation.

by focusing on the most extensive and detailed information and realistic depictions of people based on direct observation.

focusing on the most extensive and detailed information and realistic depictions of people based on direct observation.

It primarily depicts a pair of officials and commoners wearing their ethnic attire, deviating from the previous practice of focusing mainly on envoys from various countries.

Furthermore, the figures in the paintings are accompanied by symbols that represent unique cultural customs.

At the top of the painting, descriptions are provided regarding the ethnic group's history, region, food and clothing, customs and symbols, and their relationship with the Qing Dynasty.

In the first volume, the foreign countries are arranged in the order of Joseon, Ryukyu, Annam, Siam, Laos, Nanzhang, Mian Dian, and the Atlantic, considering concepts of favorability and geographical distance.

From the second volume onwards, the scope is expanded to include the inner tributaries such as Tibet and the minority peoples of Tusa, giving it the character of a compendium of customs.

giving it the character of a compendium of customs.

Figure 3. Yo Munhan, Jang Jeong-eon, et al., "Manguq Laizhao Tu" (Album of Myriad Nations Coming to Court), 1761, Palace Museum, Beijing.

1. Huangqing Zhigong Tu: The Qing's Final Composite World Order_National Museum of China

The "Manguq Laizhao Tu" is a tribute album that depicts, in a single painting, the scene of foreign envoys and outer tributaries offering tribute and paying homage at the Taihe Gate of the Forbidden City in the Qing Dynasty during the Qianlong era.

From the bottom of the painting, the Portuguese envoy delegation, the Indian envoy delegation riding elephants, and above them, the Joseon envoy delegation wearing hats can be seen.

Furthermore, the fact that Emperor Qianlong's imperial poem written in the autumn of 1761 for the "Manguq Laizhao Tu" matches the imperial poem written at the beginning of the first volume of the "Huangqing Zhigong Tu" indicates that the two works share the same production background.

the imperial poem written at the beginning of the first volume of the "Huangqing Zhigong Tu" indicates that the two works share the same production background.

the two works share the same production background.

The reason why successive Chinese dynasties produced tribute albums was that tribute was the core element in constructing China's identity as an absolute superior.

Through the act of tribute, the empire confirmed its power by regarding the other within an unequal relationship as a subordinate entity.

The tribute system, which formed a Sinocentric worldview, was the ideal international relationship pursued by successive Chinese dynasties.

The Qing Dynasty actively utilized the tribute system to affirm its legitimacy and the dignity of its rule as the Chinese emperor domestically,

to affirm its legitimacy and the dignity of its rule as the Chinese emperor domestically,

and to stably maintain relations with its neighbors as the center of the world externally.

A noteworthy point is that in the "Manguq Laizhao Tu" produced in 1760 and 1779, Emperor Qianlong appears alongside the delegations from various countries entering the Forbidden City, the spatial setting where tribute is offered.

It aimed to visually demonstrate the ruler's power by depicting envoys from all directions coming to offer tribute to the emperor.

In reality, tribute was offered by each country individually, making it practically impossible for all envoys to gather in front of the Forbidden City.

This was a scene dramatically staged entirely by the Qing Dynasty, creating a setting that maximized the Qing's majestic image and the emperor's authority by establishing a hierarchy among the peoples belonging to the composite world order.

creating a setting that maximized the Qing's majestic image and the emperor's authority by establishing a hierarchy among the peoples belonging to the composite world order.

The era of peace and prosperity has continued for generations, and the four seas are like spring.

Tribute to the Qing Dynasty means all nations are equal.

Who can be an exception to the system of writing and carts?

All humanity is not without kinship.

From east and west, they gather to see the emperor,

Southern barbarians and northern nomads participate in the New Year's Day [audience].

The painting does not display the emperor's teachings,

but rather, it is to protect peace and diligently supervise.

The imperial poem acknowledges the existence of all nations, yet within the emperor's reign,

We have imbued it with the wish for a lasting era of peace and unification across the four seas. Emperor Qianlong dreamed of a great unification not only in the physical dimension but also in the cultural dimension (Elliot 2011, 58-67). He wished to showcase that the Qing Dynasty was not merely an empire unified by force, but that the various peoples within and outside the empire had been assimilated into Chinese culture. To assert dominion over all ethnic groups within the empire, it was necessary to establish an objective definition of those to be civilized within a standardized framework. Here, <Portraits of the Imperial Clan> was used as evidence of ethnic harmony and as a symbol of the Qing Empire's strength.

We have imbued it with the wish for a lasting era of peace and unification across the four seas. Emperor Qianlong dreamed of a great unification not only in the physical dimension but also in the cultural dimension (Elliot 2011, 58-67).

great unification not only in the physical dimension but also in the cultural dimension (Elliot 2011, 58-67). The Qing Dynasty was not merely an empire unified by force,

The Qing Dynasty was not merely an empire unified by force, but that the various peoples within and outside the empire had been assimilated into Chinese culture.

assimilated into Chinese culture. To assert dominion over all ethnic groups within the empire, it was necessary to establish an objective definition of those to be civilized within a standardized framework.

1. Portraits of the Imperial Clan: The Qing Dynasty's Last Composite World Order_National Museum of China

To assert dominion over all ethnic groups within the empire, it was necessary to establish an objective definition of those to be civilized within a standardized framework.

necessary to establish an objective definition of those to be civilized within a standardized framework. Here, <Portraits of the Imperial Clan> was used as evidence of ethnic harmony and as a symbol of the Qing Empire's strength.

Here, <Portraits of the Imperial Clan> was used as evidence of ethnic harmony and as a symbol of the Qing Empire's strength.

as evidence of ethnic harmony and as a symbol of the Qing Empire's strength.

The preface to the "Draft History of Qing" (Qing Shi Gao) records that by the Shunzhi reign, the Qing Dynasty's prestige had resonated beyond its borders, with distant foreign lands submitting tribute first. It is stated, "This was due to the brilliance of the time, which inspired awe on land and sea, causing distant foreign regions to bow in submission. They came drawn by righteousness and transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

with distant foreign lands submitting tribute first. It is stated, "This was due to the brilliance of the time, which inspired awe on land and sea, causing distant foreign regions to bow in submission. They came drawn by righteousness and transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

It is stated, "This was due to the brilliance of the time, which inspired awe on land and sea, causing distant foreign regions to bow in submission. They came drawn by righteousness and transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

which inspired awe on land and sea, causing distant foreign regions to bow in submission. They came drawn by righteousness and transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

They came drawn by righteousness and transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

transformed by virtue, not by conquest through force."

not by conquest through force."

The central pillar enabling the composite world order was the emperor himself. Emperor Qianlong actively utilized his portraits as visual imagery. He commissioned portraits of himself in various costumes, intentionally bestowing diverse identities upon himself, while simultaneously desiring that all these identities converge in his persona as emperor (Crossley 1999, 133-134).

He commissioned portraits of himself in various costumes, intentionally bestowing diverse identities upon himself, while simultaneously desiring that all these identities converge in his persona as emperor (Crossley 1999, 133-134).

intentionally bestowing diverse identities upon himself, while simultaneously desiring that all these identities converge in his persona as emperor (Crossley 1999, 133-134).

while simultaneously desiring that all these identities converge in his persona as emperor (Crossley 1999, 133-134).

Emperor Qianlong was not only the Son of Heaven to the Han Chinese populace but also the protector of Tibetan Buddhism and a ruler depicted in European-style armor on horseback (Luo 2014, 128-130). These two contrasting images represented his self-image as a universal monarch encompassing all categories of beings in the world, embodying both the sage ruler who transforms through 'virtue' and the conqueror who subjugates through 'power'.

Emperor Qianlong was not only the Son of Heaven to the Han Chinese populace but also the protector of Tibetan Buddhism and a ruler depicted in European-style armor on horseback (Luo 2014, 128-130).

and a ruler depicted in European-style armor on horseback (Luo 2014, 128-130).

These two contrasting images represented his self-image as a universal monarch encompassing all categories of beings in the world, embodying both the sage ruler who transforms through 'virtue' and the conqueror who subjugates through 'power'.

who transforms through 'virtue' and the conqueror who subjugates through 'power'.

representing his self-image as a universal monarch encompassing all categories of beings in the world, embodying both the sage ruler who transforms through 'virtue' and the conqueror who subjugates through 'power'.

Furthermore, Emperor Qianlong demonstrated flexibility by adopting various personas and engaging in complex performances corresponding to the diverse actors on the stage of the world order. Because the vast expanse of the empire was inhabited by groups with diverse cultural backgrounds, the Qing Dynasty could not avoid applying different methods of governance. Emperor Qianlong's ambition was to ensure the empire's stability by skillfully employing policies of conquest and appeasement, pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

The vast expanse of the empire was inhabited by groups with diverse cultural backgrounds, so the Qing Dynasty could not avoid applying different methods of governance. Emperor Qianlong's ambition was to ensure the empire's stability by skillfully employing policies of conquest and appeasement, pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

Because the vast expanse of the empire was inhabited by groups with diverse cultural backgrounds, the Qing Dynasty could not avoid applying different methods of governance. Emperor Qianlong's ambition was to ensure the empire's stability by skillfully employing policies of conquest and appeasement, pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

so the Qing Dynasty could not avoid applying different methods of governance. Emperor Qianlong's ambition was to ensure the empire's stability by skillfully employing policies of conquest and appeasement, pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

Emperor Qianlong's ambition was to ensure the empire's stability by skillfully employing policies of conquest and appeasement, pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

pursuing cultural unification through Confucian rites and governance while not forgetting Manchu identity.

While using Confucian institutions and philosophy to govern the Han Chinese, other regions of the empire reflected the historical and cultural traditions of the Mongols, Tibetans, and Turks (Mosca 2014, 103-116).

other regions of the empire reflected the historical and cultural traditions of the Mongols, Tibetans, and Turks (Mosca 2014, 103-116).

reflected the historical and cultural traditions of the Mongols, Tibetans, and Turks (Mosca 2014, 103-116).

Conquest and Appeasement: The Mongol-Tibetan World

The outward expansion, pursued since the Kangxi era, reached its zenith during the Qianlong reign. Emperor Qianlong secured the largest territory in Chinese history.

Emperor Qianlong secured the largest territory in Chinese history.

The war memorial paintings produced during the Qianlong era, such as <The Campaign to Pacify the Jinchuan Region>, <The Campaign to Pacify the Hui Peoples>, and <The Campaign to Pacify the Zunghar Region>, as well as <The Southern Inspection Tour of Emperor Qianlong>, all served as visual representations to showcase the unification of diverse ethnic groups spread across the vast territory under the emperor's rule (Reed 2017).

<The Campaign to Pacify the Jinchuan Region>, <The Campaign to Pacify the Hui Peoples>, and <The Campaign to Pacify the Zunghar Region>, as well as <The Southern Inspection Tour of Emperor Qianlong>, all served as visual representations to showcase the unification of diverse ethnic groups spread across the vast territory under the emperor's rule (Reed 2017).

as well as <The Southern Inspection Tour of Emperor Qianlong>, all served as visual representations to showcase the unification of diverse ethnic groups spread across the vast territory under the emperor's rule (Reed 2017).

all served as visual representations to showcase the unification of diverse ethnic groups spread across the vast territory under the emperor's rule (Reed 2017).

to showcase the unification of diverse ethnic groups spread across the vast territory under the emperor's rule (Reed 2017).

1. Portraits of the Imperial Clan: The Qing Dynasty's Last Composite World Order_National Museum of China

Furthermore, after pacifying the Miao territories and Jinchuan, Emperor Qianlong ordered the creation of <Portraits of the Imperial Clan> in 1748. The completion of its production in 1761 coincided with the period when Emperor Qianlong completed the vast territorial framework of the empire by pacifying the Zunghars, with whom he had vied for hegemony in the Mongol-Tibetan world (Purdue 2012, 316-369).

Emperor Qianlong ordered the creation of <Portraits of the Imperial Clan> in 1748. The completion of its production in 1761 coincided with the period when Emperor Qianlong completed the vast territorial framework of the empire by pacifying the Zunghars, with whom he had vied for hegemony in the Mongol-Tibetan world (Purdue 2012, 316-369).

The completion of its production in 1761 coincided with the period when Emperor Qianlong completed the vast territorial framework of the empire by pacifying the Zunghars, with whom he had vied for hegemony in the Mongol-Tibetan world (Purdue 2012, 316-369).

when Emperor Qianlong completed the vast territorial framework of the empire by pacifying the Zunghars, with whom he had vied for hegemony in the Mongol-Tibetan world (Purdue 2012, 316-369).

The preface to the "Draft History of Qing" also states, "The various countries surrounding China formed a ring, all becoming vassal states, with territory of considerable scale, strong borders, and ample military preparedness, extending the emperor's virtue limitlessly. This was unprecedented since the Qin and Han dynasties," expressing immense pride.

The various countries surrounding China formed a ring, all becoming vassal states, with territory of considerable scale, strong borders, and ample military preparedness, extending the emperor's virtue limitlessly. This was unprecedented since the Qin and Han dynasties," expressing immense pride.

with territory of considerable scale, strong borders, and ample military preparedness, extending the emperor's virtue limitlessly. This was unprecedented since the Qin and Han dynasties," expressing immense pride.

This was unprecedented since the Qin and Han dynasties," expressing immense pride.

expressing immense pride.

<Figure 4> The Campaign to Pacify the Zunghar Region. National Museum of China.

The title directly affixed by Emperor Qianlong to the first volume of <The Imperial Atlas of the Qing Dynasty>.

‘Lādotú shíláng’ (擴張疆域圖式) means ‘the territory has been expanded’. In particular,

the first volume included not only foreign regions but also Tibet and Xinjiang, which had been foreign and newly became internal regions.

Regarding these regions, the terms ‘pacify’ (平定) and ‘submit’ (歸誠, 向化, 投誠, 內屬) were emphasized.

Although it may seem inconsistent at first glance, the arrangement of the first volume, which has its own inherent logic, reflects the gaze of an expanding empire.

The Qing Dynasty implemented a appeasement policy towards the non-Han peoples within the Inner Dependencies and Outer Dependencies (內屬外藩), respecting their customs and religions rather than demanding unconditional sinicization (Rosky 2010, 27-28).

They believed that the emperor's wise and benevolent rule was a powerful attraction.

After completely subjugating the Mongols, the Qing Dynasty sought to gain hegemony in Inner Asia through Tibetan Buddhism.

At that time, Tibet was not only a strategic buffer zone west of the Qing border but also the political and religious center of the Buddhist world encompassing the Inner Asian region.

The Mongol-Tibetan world was a region not under the rule of the Ming Dynasty, and the presence of the Qing was also understood within the religious sphere (Farquhar, 1978).

Therefore, the perception of the Qing Dynasty was largely related to Tibetan Buddhism rather than Chinese civilization and values.

The Qing emperors, who originated as nomadic rulers, were portrayed as manifestations of Manjushri and Chakravartin kings (Kim Seong-su 2009, 61-63).

As the Qing Dynasty, which was expanding its territory, established itself as the ruler of the Mongol-Tibetan world beyond the Great Wall, Rehe emerged as a second capital.

Since Emperor Kangxi built the Summer Palace in Rehe in 1703, the emperor visited the site every summer to hold hunting events, which also served as military exercises, with the Mongol-Tibetan nobility.

He also invited Tibetan Buddhist lamas to support their religious activities.

On August 13, 1780, Emperor Qianlong, celebrating his 70th birthday, built the golden structure ‘Tashilhunpo’.

This magnificent building was the residence of the Panchen Lama, the second highest figure in Tibetan Buddhism.

Although the 70th birthday celebration for Emperor Qianlong was a symbol of the empire he had achieved during his reign, rather than a Chinese-style event, the visit of the Panchen Lama had a decisive influence on choosing Rehe over Beijing.

The Panchen Lama not only entered the emperor's sleeping quarters in his palanquin but also did not bow to the emperor, unlike tributary envoys (Hevia 1995, 46-47).

He came to Rehe with the purpose of bestowing religious authority upon the emperor's legitimacy (Cha Hye-won 2010, 332).

In response, Emperor Qianlong offered extraordinary hospitality as a strategic decision to secure the security of the western frontier and appease Tibet.

In 1744, Emperor Qianlong had rebuilt the Yonghe Temple (雍和宮), which was the former residence of Emperor Yongzheng and the birthplace of Emperor Qianlong himself.

This was intended not only to attract the attention of all Tibetan Buddhists and lamas to Beijing but also to establish it as a sacred site comparable to the Potala Palace in Lhasa, thereby enhancing the sanctity of imperial power.

Furthermore, he appointed a resident lama in Beijing to form a Buddhist network centered on the Qing Dynasty (Sperling, 1998).

The Yonghe Temple also caused a significant reaction in the Mongol-Tibetan world.

Tibetan Buddhist leaders expressed their gratitude that the emperor personally built a large temple in Beijing and devoted himself to Buddhist practice (Ahn Yun-a, Jo Byeong-hak 2019, 124).

Tibetan Buddhism, which had been fiercely competitive internally for a long time, needed a powerful secular patron, and at times accepted the use of Qing military force for the development of Buddhism.

This converged with the Qing Dynasty's desire to enter the Inner Asian regional order.

On August 13, 1780, Emperor Qianlong, celebrating his 70th birthday, built the golden structure ‘Tashilhunpo’.

This magnificent building was the residence of the Panchen Lama, the second highest figure in Tibetan Buddhism.

Although the 70th birthday celebration for Emperor Qianlong was a symbol of the empire he had achieved during his reign, rather than a Chinese-style event, the visit of the Panchen Lama had a decisive influence on choosing Rehe over Beijing.

The Panchen Lama not only entered the emperor's sleeping quarters in his palanquin but also did not bow to the emperor, unlike tributary envoys (Hevia 1995, 46-47).

He came to Rehe with the purpose of bestowing religious authority upon the emperor's legitimacy (Cha Hye-won 2010, 332).

In response, Emperor Qianlong offered extraordinary hospitality as a strategic decision to secure the security of the western frontier and appease Tibet.

In 1744, Emperor Qianlong had rebuilt the Yonghe Temple (雍和宮), which was the former residence of Emperor Yongzheng and the birthplace of Emperor Qianlong himself.

This was intended not only to attract the attention of all Tibetan Buddhists and lamas to Beijing but also to establish it as a sacred site comparable to the Potala Palace in Lhasa, thereby enhancing the sanctity of imperial power.

Furthermore, he appointed a resident lama in Beijing to form a Buddhist network centered on the Qing Dynasty (Sperling, 1998).

The Yonghe Temple also caused a significant reaction in the Mongol-Tibetan world.

Tibetan Buddhist leaders expressed their gratitude that the emperor personally built a large temple in Beijing and devoted himself to Buddhist practice (Ahn Yun-a, Jo Byeong-hak 2019, 124).

Tibetan Buddhism, which had been fiercely competitive internally for a long time, needed a powerful secular patron, and at times accepted the use of Qing military force for the development of Buddhism.

This converged with the Qing Dynasty's desire to enter the Inner Asian regional order.

<Figure 5>

<Qianlong as Manjushri>

1758 National Museum of China, Palace Museum

Meanwhile, Emperor Qianlong appointed ‘Amban’ in Mongolia, Tibet, Qinghai, and Xinjiang.

1. The Imperial Atlas of the Qing Dynasty: The Last Composite World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

known high officials were dispatched to institutionalize the dual path of politics and religion, and by introducing the Jinbingzhan system to the existing Huobulian system, it was used as a high-level control strategy to check Tibet (Oidtmann 2014). He also dispatched Lamas to Yili and Jincheng, similar to the local governance system, to strengthen sovereign rule over this region under the Emperor's purview. This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

the Jinbingzhan system to the existing Huobulian system, it was used as a high-level control strategy to check Tibet (Oidtmann 2014). He also dispatched Lamas to Yili and Jincheng, similar to the local governance system, to strengthen sovereign rule over this region under the Emperor's purview. This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

high-level control strategy to check Tibet (Oidtmann 2014). He also dispatched Lamas to Yili and Jincheng, similar to the local governance system, to strengthen sovereign rule over this region under the Emperor's purview. This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

similar to the local governance system, to strengthen sovereign rule over this region under the Emperor's purview. This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

to strengthen sovereign rule over this region under the Emperor's purview. This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

This contributed to stabilizing the situation by constraining the ruling classes of Mongolia and Tibet. The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

The Qing imperial family, which had long maintained a deep spiritual relationship with Tibetan Buddhism, sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

sought to integrate the legacy of the Mongol Empire with their shared ethnic roots (Millward 2004, 96-98). To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

To this end, Emperor Qianlong initiated the compilation of the Manchu Tripitaka in 1773. This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

This was an effort to highlight the status and identity of the Manchus amidst the crisis of their language and ethnic identity disappearing (Park Seo-yeon 2015).

Foreword: The Rationale Behind the Exceptional Treatment of Joseon

<Huangqing Zhigong Tu> is a record that aligns with the image of the 'other' as perceived by the Qing Dynasty, providing material for examining the evaluation and perception of the respective countries. Joseon appears first in the first volume. This is the opposite order of previous Zhigong Tu, where envoys from Baekje or Joseon appeared almost last. The order of foreign envoys in <Manguo Laizhao Tu> is almost identical to <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

providing material for examining the evaluation and perception of the respective countries. Joseon appears first in the first volume. This is the opposite order of previous Zhigong Tu, where envoys from Baekje or Joseon appeared almost last. <Manguo Laizhao Tu> has an almost identical order of foreign envoys as <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

Joseon appears first in the first volume. This is the opposite order of previous Zhigong Tu, where envoys from Baekje or Joseon appeared almost last. <Manguo Laizhao Tu> has an almost identical order of foreign envoys as <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

This is the opposite order of previous Zhigong Tu, where envoys from Baekje or Joseon appeared almost last. <Manguo Laizhao Tu> has an almost identical order of foreign envoys as <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

<Manguo Laizhao Tu> has an almost identical order of foreign envoys as <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

as <Huangqing Zhigong Tu>, and the composition and appearance of the envoys and their retinues are also depicted similarly. Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

Here too, the Joseon delegation was placed at the head of the procession of various countries, treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

treated as a civilized nation. Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

Furthermore, Zhigong Tu provides detailed descriptions of Joseon's geographical scale, the ceremonial attire of its king and officials, and the clothing of its women. Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

Joseon figures were recorded as officials and ladies of Joseon, and commoners and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

and commoner women. In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

In contrast, for other countries and peoples, they were introduced as 'barbarian men (Yiren)' and 'barbarian women (Yifu),' while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

while only Joseon was uniquely labeled as 'commoner men (Minren)' and 'commoner women (Minbu).' Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

Through this, it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

it can be inferred that the Qing Dynasty perceived Joseon as a subject of a civilized nation within the Sinocentric world order, rather than as a barbarian people.

<Figure 6>

Joseon Officials and Their Wives

<Huangqing Zhigong Tu>

1. Huangqing Zhigong Tu: The Last Composite World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

The Zhigong Tu further describes the history of Joseon, from Gija Joseon through Goguryeo and Goryeo to the founding of Joseon, and the historical background of the tributary relationship with the Qing Dynasty after the Manchu invasion of Joseon, briefly explaining the relationship with the Central Plain dynasties. Notably, Joseon receives an exceptionally positive evaluation. This is because tributary relations signified active support for and participation in the Sinocentric world order.

and the historical background of the tributary relationship with the Qing Dynasty after the Manchu invasion of Joseon, briefly explaining the relationship with the Central Plain dynasties. Notably, Joseon receives an exceptionally positive evaluation. This is because tributary relations signified active support for and participation in the Sinocentric world order.

Notably, Joseon receives an exceptionally positive evaluation. This is because tributary relations signified active support for and participation in the Sinocentric world order.

This is because tributary relations signified active support for and participation in the Sinocentric world order.

<Figure 7>

Joseon Commoners and Their Wives

<Huangqing Zhigong Tu>

They are fond of reading, understanding the script of the Central Plains, and place their food on the side. Officials were elegant and maintained decorum; the skirts and jackets of the women had decorative borders, and their court attire was adorned with embroidery of gold and silver on silk.

Officials were elegant and maintained decorum; the skirts and jackets of the women had decorative borders, and their court attire was adorned with embroidery of gold and silver on silk.

the skirts and jackets of the women had decorative borders, and their court attire was adorned with embroidery of gold and silver on silk.

their court attire was adorned with embroidery of gold and silver on silk.

This shows that Joseon was perceived and positively evaluated as a country that revered culture, observed Confucian rites, and met the standards of civilization (Park Won-ho 2007).

<Figure 8>

Joseon Envoys

1761 <Manguo Laizhao Tu>

1. Huangqing Zhigong Tu: The Last Composite World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

Changes in the relationship between the Qing and Joseon are also detected in the <Joseon Liezhuan> section of the "History of Qing." Following the Second Manchu Invasion of Joseon in 1627, at the request of Joseon

Following the Second Manchu Invasion of Joseon in 1627, at the request of Joseon

Although they formed a peace and became brotherly states, Joseon rarely complied with Qing's demands

and Qing considered Joseon to have broken the covenant.

Ultimately, "Joseon resisted the Qing army several times, but after the Byeongja Horan in 1637,

it surrendered to Qing and sent hostages, becoming an eternal vassal."

Thereafter, Joseon endured the unbelievable reality of a reversal of peace and maintained a tributary

relationship with Qing, offering tribute while harboring animosity.

During the Kangxi era, Joseon and Qing further strengthened the tributary system.

Qing regularly opened markets (Hoshi) in the Kangha region to manage trade, and Joseon also

sent envoys to offer congratulations during Qing's national events and ceremonies.

Emperor Kangxi decreed, "As the distance between Joseon and Beijing is over 3,000 li, making the

exchange of envoys difficult, all future congratulatory and celebratory messages should be

submitted simultaneously with the three major festivals: the Emperor's Birthday, Winter Solstice, and

New Year's Day, so that separate envoys are not necessarily dispatched; this shall be made into law."

This continued into the Qianlong era, with the memorial and tribute for Emperor Qianlong's birthday

in the first year of Qianlong also to be presented along with the regular tribute.

Specifically, when Emperor Qianlong visited Shenyang, and to celebrate his 70th birthday and the

Longevity Festival, Joseon sent envoys with congratulatory messages, and Emperor Qianlong bestowed

calligraphy plaques and imperial poems, and invited them to a banquet. In particular,

Emperor Qianlong, upon hearing that King Jeongjo "loved learning and was skilled in poetry,

awarded him the complete collection of the Five Classics in imitation of Song editions, along with brushes and ink as rewards."

Thus, the "History of Qing" primarily emphasized stories of the emperor's benevolence towards Joseon,

while also evaluating Joseon quite positively.

In the 45th year of Kangxi (A.D. 1706; 32nd year of King Sukjong of Joseon), he decreed to the Grand

Academician: "The King of Joseon sincerely and respectfully serves our court... After pacifying Joseon,

a stele was erected at the site where the troops were stationed, praising its virtue to this day.

Until the late Ming dynasty, they consistently served us well without ever betraying us, truly a

nation that values propriety, and thus is all the more worthy of admiration."

In the 4th month of the 23rd year of Qianlong (A.D. 1758; 34th year of King Yeongjo of Joseon), the Grand

Academician submitted a memorial: "Joseon has been a subordinate state for a long time, and its etiquette,

language, and script are all refined and elegant; therefore, please amend the number of officials in the

Interpreter's Office to eight."

This was done.

1. Huang Qing Zhi Gong Tu: Qing's Last Composite World Order_National Museum of China

The twenty-something King Jeongjo pursued a pragmatic and realistic diplomacy with a favorable attitude

rather than unconditional anti-Qing sentiment. The background of this diplomatic approach was the

external perception that the stability of Qing, which had dominated the Central Plains, was closely

linked to Joseon's peace and national security (Heo Tae-gu 2020). In reality, Joseon dispatched not only

regular missions to Qing annually but also voluntarily sent congratulatory missions for Emperor Qianlong's

70th birthday and 50th anniversary of his enthronement, thus offering relatively frequent tribute, and

was treated favorably compared to other countries (Goo Beom-jin 2014).

Joseon presented tribute goods such as silk, paper, ramie, ginseng, and hides, as well as gold, silver, and

Joseon produced local goods such as ginseng and leather, including silk, paper, and ramie.

rice to Qing (Seo Ho-su 2017; Hong Seon-i 2014). Amidst Jeongjo's unprecedented sincerity and Qianlong's

exceptional favor, the relationship between Joseon and Qing remained stable.

Nevertheless, throughout the "Huang Qing Zhi Gong Tu," the gaze of "civilization" viewing the other as

'barbarian' is revealed. This was a consistent identity of China, which regarded others as subordinate

through the unequal relationship of tribute. In particular, the periphery was othered as 'barbarian' by the

subject of 'Zhonghua,' the center of civilization.

Within the framework of 'civilization versus barbarism,' the fear of power beyond the control of

civilization and of uncontrollable others was expressed as contempt.

Peoples in a state of barbarism, not assimilated into China, were classified as 'raw (生)',

while peoples who were Sinicized and more civilized were classified as 'cooked (熟)'.

The Qing's perception of Joseon was that of an other that had submitted to the Qing, and

merely an other that was easy to control. In the latter half of the 18th century, the Qing, having entered a period of stability,

maintained a relatively lenient stance toward Joseon, and a peaceful relationship continued without significant issues.

The tribute gifts offered by diplomatic envoys were conceptualized not only as indicators of their subordinate status but also as tribute items acknowledging the cultural superiority of the Qing.

In response, the Qing bestowed upon Joseon imperial edicts and poems filled with laudatory rhetoric praising Joseon's exemplary attitude of conforming to the world order,

as well as courtly commentaries, ancient texts, and calligraphy. Notably, among the items bestowed were

the paintings <A Painting of Pacifying the Yangjin River> and <A Painting of Pacifying the Western Regions>, which were presented to Yi Seong-won and his entourage who participated in the Secho-yeon (a banquet for the new year's calligraphy) at Jagwang Pavilion in 1789.

These works served as a display of advanced culture, combining the Qing's powerful might with Western technology,

and carried a message of warning to those who might challenge the emperor's authority (Seo Yun-jeong 2019, 142-143).

Meanwhile, the Qing also utilized Joseon for its political objectives.

Emperor Qianlong invited two guests with entirely different characters to the Summer Palace in Rehe and ordered the Joseon envoys, who adhered to Neo-Confucianism, to meet with the Panchen Lama (Gu Beom-jin 2013).

Through the Panchen Lama, Qianlong introduced another domain of the world order, distinct from the sphere of Tibetan Buddhism's influence.

He intended to expand the grand unified world and visually demonstrate the complex world order by gathering all foreign envoys visiting Beijing and the peoples from the regions he had conquered.

1. The Imperial Qing's Tribute Bearers: The Qing's Last Complex World Order_National Museum of China

However, the awkward meeting with the Panchen Lama, which occurred reluctantly, and the demand to perform the kowtow ritual of the three kneelings and nine prostrations, were perceived as humiliation by the Joseon delegation.

Although the object of tributary relations shifted from the Ming to the Qing, the etiquette governing the relationship between the two countries remained the same (Kwon Seon-hong 2014, 159-160).

Above all, the contemporary Joseon people's ideology of loyalty to the Ming (對明義理), which regarded Chinese civilization as universal, remained steadfast.

Amidst this, Yeonam perceived that elements incomprehensible solely through the tributary-investiture relationship were operating within the complex world order.

His work, A Record of Jehol (Yeolha Ilgi), records: "The emperor appeased the Tibetans by hosting the Dharma Master (Panchen Lama), thereby dispersing their power. This was the Qing's strategy for controlling neighboring states."

introduced other regions. Foreign envoys visiting Beijing and

people from the regions they conquered were all gathered to create a unified world

and wanted to show the complex world order at a glance.

1. Huang Qing Zhigong Tu: The Qing Dynasty's Last Complex World Order_National Museum of China

This was the intention.

However, the reluctant and awkward meeting with the Panchen Lama and

the demand for the ritual of the three kneelings and nine kowtows felt like a humiliation to the Joseon delegation. Although the object of tributary relations shifted from the Ming to the Qing, the established etiquette governing the relationship between the two countries remained the same (Kwon Seon-hong 2014, 159-160). Above all, the ideology of Joseon people at the time, which regarded Chinese civilization as universal,

remained firm. Amidst this, Yeonam felt that elements that could not be understood solely through the tributary- Investiture relationship etiquette were operating within the complex world order. The Yeolha Ilgi (Records of Yeolha) states, "The Emperor

hosted the Dharma Master (Panchen Lama) to please the Tibetans and

dispersed their power. This was the strategy by which the Qing controlled the surrounding nations (Kwon Seon-hong 2014, 159-160).

The ideology of Joseon people at the time, which regarded Chinese civilization as universal,

remained firm. Amidst this, Yeonam felt that elements that could not be understood solely through the tributary- Investiture relationship etiquette were operating within the complex world order.

The Yeolha Ilgi (Records of Yeolha) states, "The Emperor

hosted the Dharma Master (Panchen Lama) to please the Tibetans and

dispersed their power. This was the strategy by which the Qing controlled the surrounding nations.

This was the strategy by which the Qing controlled the surrounding nations.

The West Outside the World Order

A unique presence in the Huang Qing Zhigong Tu (Illustrations of Tributary Peoples of the Qing Dynasty) is 'the West'. Volume 1

not only includes countries that had tributary relations with Chinese dynasties but also newly

included Western regions in Chinese geographical knowledge, giving them significant coverage.

The 18th century was a period of increasing contact not only with the peripheral regions of the empire but also with the outside world, such as Europe.

The production of world maps by Western missionaries and the broadening of understanding of the West also influenced the creation of the Zhigong Tu. However, simple awareness of the West's existence and its acceptance were separate issues.

Without China's own motivation to understand the West, the West could not cause any cracks in China's traditional worldview centered on China.

All Western countries were labeled as 'Yi Ren' (barbarians). From the empire's perspective, the West was a barbarian presence, inferior to Chinese civilization.

From the empire's perspective, the West was a barbarian presence, inferior to Chinese civilization.

However, it also reveals a sense of caution towards the West. Clearly, they were 'Yi Ren' (different people) unlike the traditional 'Yi' and 'Di'.

Clearly, they were 'Yi Ren' (different people) unlike the traditional 'Yi' and 'Di'.

The West was a powerful entity possessing its own civilization, distinct from Chinese civilization.

The latest scientific instruments and weapons among the gifts from the Western envoys, such as telescopes, captured the Qianlong Emperor's attention (Guadalupe 2004).

The Huang Qing Zhigong Tu mentions their conquest and annexation, large ships, and cannons,

and emphasizes content related to military actions, such as the Portuguese being tyrannical and skilled in weaponry, or the Dutch invading Taiwan.

In this way, the West was a powerful entity in the empire's territory, seeking profits from maritime trade and independently controlling its own vassal states.

1. Hwang Cheongjik Gongdo: The Last Composite World Order of Qing_National Museum of China

<Illustrated Record of Tributaries: The Qing Dynasty> of Great Britain (United Kingdom)

Hàlán (Netherlands), also known as Hóngmóbó, was located

near Bùlángjī (Portugal). During the Wanli era of the Ming Dynasty, they sailed large ships

and anchored at Xiāngshān Àomén (Macau), requesting official trade, but this was not realized.

Subsequently, they entered Fujian, occupied Penghu, and invaded Taiwan.

It was not until the 10th year of the Shunzhi reign of the Qing Dynasty (1653) that they finally paid tribute through Guangdong.

In the early Kangxi period, they assisted the Qing army in pacifying Taiwan, earning merit, and tribute was paid continuously thereafter.

Later, the tribute route was changed to pass through Fujian. Hàlán's territory included

Jiālāpā (Jakarta, Indonesia), which was a major city in Nanyang (the Southeast Asian region).

Another vassal state of Hàlán was Xī (Sweden), and another was

It is a city. As a vassal of (Haran), and also with Sweden,

Yīnggílì (United Kingdom).

In reality, the way Western countries interacted with the Qing Empire was through 'tōngshì' (通市)

or 'hùshì' (互市), which was 'trade,' not 'tribute.' Trade was not based on equal relations between states;

it was merely a benevolent bestowal from the emperor, akin to tribute (Kim Sang-jo 2004, 363-364). Foreign

merchants were restricted to trading only with the officially recognized merchants, known as the 'Thirteen Hongs' in Guangzhou and Macau.

Direct contact with Qing authorities was prohibited. Only the import of Western goods for cultural purposes

and limited economic exchange for the expansion of trade were permitted (Fairbank 1969). Thus, the Qianlong Emperor

maintained a Sinocentric worldview by perceiving the West solely within the context of tribute.

The <Illustrated Record of Tributaries: The Qing Dynasty> recorded that Italy and Portugal in the Atlantic came to pay tribute, and erroneously reflected

the false information that Great Britain and Sweden were vassal states of the Netherlands, without verification.

Ultimately, the Illustrated Record ignored the rise of the West.

1. Illustrated Record of Tributaries: The Qing Dynasty's Composite World Order_National Museum of China

Portugal recorded that they came to pay tribute, and without factual verification

<Figure 10> James Gillray 1792

The reception of the diplomatique & his suite, at the court of Pekin

The British Museum

The expansion of Western powers, sensed in the <Illustrated Record of Tributaries: The Qing Dynasty>, gradually revealed its true form about thirty years after the record's creation.

The true objective of the European powers, who had already advanced into East Asia following the waves of the Age of Discovery, was to secure markets for trade.

However, the Qing Dynasty was not at all favorable to foreign trade and showed no interest in Western goods. The British government and the East India Company hoped to resolve this issue through the Macartney mission.

George III personally delivered a lengthy letter. He praised China's prosperity and emphasized the fraternity of great civilized nations engaging in friendly exchange on the basis of sovereign equality.

To establish relations of sovereign equality and achieve international trade agreements, the following were proposed: First, the relaxation of regulations on trade between the two countries.

Second, the establishment of a permanent British embassy in Beijing. Third, the request for a safe residential area for British merchants.

Fourth, a reduction in customs duties in Guangzhou.

From the Qing Dynasty's perspective, there was only one Son of Heaven in the world, and all envoys who came to pay homage to the Son of Heaven were emissaries bringing tribute (Choi So-ja 2002, 108).

Foreign countries could only establish official diplomatic relations with China through tribute.

Under these circumstances, conflicts over the diplomatic protocols demanded by the Qing Dynasty were already foreshadowed (Peyrefitte 1993; Hevia 1995).

Interestingly, this event cannot be found in Chinese historical records.

Perhaps they could not bear to highlight the fact that a tribute envoy disobeyed the Son of Heaven.

The two letters sent by the Qianlong Emperor to George III represent the Qing Dynasty's imperial

shows fundamental differences in sovereignty and its relationship with Britain.

1. The Imperial Portraits of Tribute Bearers: The Qing's Last Composite "All-Under-Heaven" Order_National Museum of China

The presence of the West in <The Imperial Portraits of Tribute Bearers> and what they discussed

Sovereign equality was an anomaly incompatible with the "all-under-heaven" order. He

Britain is located in a distant wilderness, separated by many seas, and governs all

of the four oceans. He did not know about the policies and methods of the Celestial

Empire and expressed his displeasure.

How can an envoy who offers tribute be called a钦差 (qīnchāi, imperial commissioner)?

This is an act by their historiographer to elevate the envoy by imitating the official

titles of the Celestial Empire. It is undoubtedly

a foolish act that can be forgiven, but for our government

officials to call this special envoy a钦差 due to ignorance and insensitivity to the importance of language

is a completely unacceptable risk. Therefore, Zheng Rui must inform them that the British envoy and his

deputy must both be designated as tribute envoys (贡使, gòngshǐ) according to established diplomatic practice

(Wang 2020, 325).

The poorly translated letters did not satisfy Qianlong's desire for humble submission and

reverent awe. Naturally, Britain's

demands were also rejected on the grounds that they violated the "all-under-heaven" principle of peacefully governing distant barbarians.

China, possessing all things under heaven in abundance, criticized European goods as

useless and refused diplomatic relations with Western countries that did not accept the Sinocentric worldview.

The only goal I have is to maintain perfect governance

and fulfill the duties of the state. I have no interest in strange or

expensive items [...] The prestige of our dynasty has permeated

all the nations under heaven, and the kings of all nations have offered precious tribute by land and sea.

As the Grand Secretary can see, we possess everything. I do not value strange or

novel items, and the manufactures of your country

are of no use.

Therefore, Qianlong declared that trade would be limited to Macao.

If Britain's demands were met, similar requests would inevitably pour in from many other trading partners of China in the West.

Given this situation, it was impossible to change the established procedures and regulations, which had been in place for over a century, to accommodate Britain's individual demands.

Furthermore, the tea, silk, and porcelain produced by the Qing Empire were absolutely essential goods for European countries.

Therefore, trade was perceived as a benevolent act and a gesture of care extended by the Son of Heaven to those from afar.

Our dynasty, which presides over the myriad races of the world, bestows the same grace

upon all peoples. Your

Britain is not the only country trading in Guangzhou. My capital is the center around which all regions of the world revolve.

Its laws are solemn, and its administration is extremely strict.

It is noteworthy that after the McCartney mission departed, Qianlong

prepared for potential military threats that might arise from rejecting Britain's demands. He sent a letter to the coastal authorities

instructing them to strengthen defenses and avoid providing the British with any pretext for military action (Harrison 2017, 684-685).

The expansion of Western powers, as glimpsed in <The Imperial Portraits of Tribute Bearers>, became Qianlong's concern in the not-too-distant future.

Moreover, they were heathens. China did not permit the worship of Catholicism

1. The Imperial Portraits of Tribute Bearers: The Qing's Last Composite "All-Under-Heaven" Order_National Museum of China

in that the Emperor was not the primary object of worship. Qianlong allowed Jesuit missionaries and painters to work in the imperial palace,

but they were merely a means to demonstrate their internationality. The Emperor's grace was merely a gesture to publicize how

generous he was to foreigners. Qianlong's reply also reflects his wariness regarding religious matters. The Qing's traditional

practices did not allow for such deviations.

What is noteworthy here is that after the McCartney delegation departed, the Qianlong Emperor

prepared for the potential military threat that could arise from rejecting Britain's demands.

He sent a letter to the coastal authorities, instructing them to strengthen their defense posture

and to avoid providing the British with any pretext for military action (Harrison 2017, 684-685).

The expansion of Western powers, hinted at in the "Portraits of the Qing Dynasty Officials,"

became the Qianlong Emperor's concern in the near future.

Moreover, they were heathens. China did not permit the practice of Catholicism because the Emperor

was not the primary object of worship. Although the Qianlong Emperor allowed Jesuit missionaries and painters to work in the imperial palace,

they were merely a means to demonstrate his cosmopolitanism.

The Emperor's benevolence was a gesture to publicize how generous he was to foreigners.

The Qianlong Emperor's reply also reflects his wariness regarding religious matters.

The Qing's traditional

The influx of religions that do not follow customs and laws made him and his

ancestors worry that it would weaken what they had gloriously achieved.

Your homeland's worship of God is the same as that of other European countries.

Since the beginning of history, emperors and

sages have given China a moral system and taught norms,

which my numerous subjects have religiously observed since ancient times.

There was no craving for heretical doctrines.

Even the European missionaries in my capital are prohibited from associating with Chinese people.

They are confined within the boundaries of their designated residences and

cannot spread their religion.

The distinction between Chinese and barbarians is very strict.

The ambassador's request to be given complete freedom to spread religion to barbarians is entirely

unreasonable.

Moving on: The Future of China's New International Relations

It is said that Emperor Qianlong cherished the chiming clock gifted by Britain in 1770 the most among his numerous collections.

A man in European attire is diligently writing 'Eight Directions of Civilization, Nine Regions Come to Pay Homage' (八方向化, 九土來王) in calligraphy.

This means "The people of the nine regions, inspired by the benevolent rule of the emperor, come to the emperor."

These eight characters were the dream Emperor Qianlong wished to achieve throughout his life (Lee Eun-sang 2021, 5-6).

'The Paintings of the Imperial Qing Officials' (皇清職貢圖) encapsulates Emperor Qianlong's dream of viewing the world by depicting the material distribution of an objective world order.

Although the Manchu dynasty was Sinicized enough to skillfully handle traditional Chinese resources, it was not bound or limited by them.

Instead, it employed a combination of appeasement, enticement, submission, and conquest.

1. Paintings of the Imperial Qing Officials: The Qing Dynasty's Ultimate Composite World Order_National Museum of China

To rule over diverse peoples and a vast territory, the emperor transformed into a multifaceted figure on the stage of the composite world order, wearing different faces and speaking various languages.

The expansion of the empire also involved institutional mechanisms that allowed for flexible interaction between the center and the periphery, going beyond mere territorial conquest.

In the Mongol-Tibetan world achieved through military conquest, the Qing Dynasty secured its legitimacy as the master of the world order through religious expansion via appeasement.

Tibetan Buddhism served as a connecting point for the Qing Dynasty to integrate Inner Asia.

In particular, Lhasa was the capital of the Mongol-Tibetan world, a place where both conquest and appeasement were enacted.

Furthermore, Emperor Qianlong centralized Tibetan Buddhism as a political institution to check the Mongol-Tibetan world and further strengthen the emperor's authority.

The reason the Qing Dynasty recognized Joseon as a civilized country, unlike other neighboring countries, was its judgment that Joseon most faithfully followed the tributary system and assimilated into China.

Meanwhile, King Jeongjo pursued a pragmatic diplomacy with the Qing, and an unprecedentedly friendly relationship was maintained.

However, political reasons lay hidden behind these positive views of each other.

Joseon was treated as a tributary within the traditional world order, but at times it was merely an easy 'other' mobilized for the emperor's political purposes.

We must not forget that Joseon, too, did not so much fall under the charm of the Qing Dynasty as it knelt before the Qing's military might, and often acted like a disobedient spoiled child.

Meanwhile, for the Qing Dynasty, the West, even with its new standard of civilization for national wealth and power, was still an alien land.

Overall, they did not feel the need or possess the attitude to accept other civilizations.

They established their own standards and viewed the West through a distorted perception based on their own criteria.

This mindset manifested as passive indifference towards the West.

Of course, Emperor Qianlong, more than any emperor in history, was aware of Western

advancements.

However, he did not consider them superior to China's own civilization.

He believed that China's civilization was the most advanced and that other civilizations were inferior.

This ethnocentric view prevented him from fully appreciating or adopting Western innovations.

He saw Western technology as merely a tool to enhance China's existing strengths, rather than as a catalyst for fundamental change.

The Qing Dynasty's interaction with the West was thus characterized by a mixture of curiosity, caution, and a firm belief in the superiority of Chinese culture.

This approach ultimately limited the Qing Dynasty's ability to adapt to the rapidly changing global landscape and contributed to its eventual decline.

The Qianlong Emperor's reign, while marked by territorial expansion and cultural achievements, also revealed the limitations of China's traditional worldview in the face of emerging global powers.

His policies towards the West, though seemingly pragmatic, were ultimately rooted in a deep-seated sense of cultural exceptionalism that hindered genuine engagement and adaptation.

The legacy of this period is a complex one, highlighting both the strengths and weaknesses of the Qing Dynasty's approach to foreign relations and its place in the evolving world order.

The Qing's self-perception as the center of civilization, while fostering internal cohesion, also created a barrier to understanding and interacting with the outside world on equal terms.

This ultimately proved to be a significant disadvantage as the world moved towards a new era of international relations based on different principles.

The Qing Dynasty's inability to fully grasp the implications of Western advancements and its reluctance to adapt its policies accordingly had profound consequences for its future.

The empire's rigid adherence to its traditional framework, while preserving its cultural identity, also made it vulnerable to external pressures and internal challenges.

The Qianlong Emperor's reign, therefore, serves as a critical case study in the complexities of imperial governance and the challenges of navigating a world in transition.

His policies, though intended to maintain Qing dominance, inadvertently laid the groundwork for future difficulties.

The Qing's interaction with the West was a delicate balancing act, attempting to maintain its cultural integrity while selectively adopting foreign technologies.

This approach, however, proved insufficient to counter the growing power of Western nations.

The Qing's worldview, deeply rooted in Confucianism and the concept of the Middle Kingdom, struggled to accommodate the emerging realities of global power dynamics.

The emperor's confidence in China's inherent superiority blinded him to the need for more fundamental reforms.

This ultimately contributed to the Qing Dynasty's inability to modernize effectively and its eventual subjugation by foreign powers.

The Qianlong Emperor's reign, therefore, represents a pivotal moment in Chinese history, marking the peak of imperial power but also foreshadowing the challenges that lay ahead.

He utilized technology and culture as instrumental tools, but did not seek to understand the West itself.

The reason for the prominence of the West in the "Illustrated Records of the Qianlong Emperor's Grand Tour" was also

a device to highlight the empire as the foremost in the world.

However, the Qianlong Emperor's gaze toward the West was by no means comfortable.

Already, throughout the "Illustrated Records of the Qianlong Emperor's Grand Tour," a sense of wariness toward the West and

a fear of potential invasion could be vaguely perceived.

1. Illustrated Records of the Qianlong Emperor's Grand Tour: The Last Composite Sinocentric World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

The conflict with the British delegation was a signal flare announcing the clash between the two empires (Liu 2006).

The West was not a presence that demonstrated the Qing Empire's strength, but rather a power that the empire needed to be wary of, distinctly different from the "barbarians" of the past.

Therefore, in the competition to subjugate the other within their respective visions of world order, the belief in equality among sovereign states

held by Britain and the hierarchical tributary system of China were irreconcilable.

Despite possessing an imperial perspective that encompassed the vast expanse from the Jungars in the west to Tibet in the north and Joseon in the east,

why did the Qianlong Emperor's reign end up being the 'last' composite world order of the Qing Dynasty?

The reason lies in his misjudgment, which failed to accurately read the waves of change, and his arrogance, which prevented him from keeping pace with the times.

The Qianlong Emperor's composite world order was also an order arbitrarily constructed on the stage of a world order that had continued for thousands of years.

The Qing Dynasty's foreign perception had reached the threshold of a composite order, but it remained stagnant within the framework of a world order so powerful that it would absorb any new entity.

He meticulously concealed his inner thoughts, which were wary of the dangers posed by the West's growing wealth and military power, and attempted to domesticate it as another member of the world order.

The 'other' viewed unilaterally from the emperor's throne could not serve as a mirror reflecting, in a layered manner, the perception of self and other amidst the complex vortex of history.

Ultimately, the world the Qianlong Emperor envisioned could not comprehend the changing world and became increasingly detached from harsh reality.

Although he was interested in incorporating various protagonists into the world order, he encountered the limitations of his era in contemplating how to embrace them.

Merely 41 years after the death of the Qianlong Emperor, who presided over the golden age of Chinese history, the Opium War occurred.

The painful clash with the modern international order taught China the lesson that the ideal of sovereign equality was not realized.

China, which had emphasized peaceful rise, now unreservedly proclaims the "great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation" and the "beautiful socialist society construction by 2050."

President Xi Jinping will accelerate efforts to establish a new regional order in the Asia-Pacific region and secure legitimacy.

To this end, China is recalling the memory of the "tribute from myriad nations," which seemed to have vanished with past glories.

Furthermore, it has been stated that no nation should harbor futile dreams that harm China's interests, referencing the humiliation after the Opium War.

In this context, China's "new type of international relations" bears a striking resemblance to the Qianlong Emperor's composite world order.

The Qianlong Emperor "conquered" the Dzungar Khanate and employed a "coercive appeasement" strategy toward Tibet, simultaneously launching a charm offensive and successfully maintaining a typical tributary relationship with Korea.

Conversely, encounters with Western powers, who were establishing new civilizational standards and weaving the fabric of the modern international order, ended in failure.

Today, in the context of a new type of major power relations, China avoids direct military confrontation with the United States, adhering to "no conflict, no confrontation," "mutual respect," and "win-win cooperation," and focuses on economic relations involving competition and cooperation.

The new type of neighborhood diplomacy, based on the values of friendship (亲), sincerity (诚), mutual benefit (惠), and inclusiveness (容), easily addresses the three core interests.

The dreaming world order could not comprehend the changing world and was inevitably drifting further away from harsh reality. Although there was an interest in incorporating various protagonists into the world order, they faced historical limitations in contemplating how to embrace them.

Various protagonists were inevitably drifting further away from harsh reality.

Although there was an interest in incorporating various protagonists into the world order, they faced historical limitations in contemplating how to embrace them.

They faced historical limitations in contemplating how to embrace them.

Just 41 years after the death of Emperor Qianlong, who presided over the golden age of Chinese history, the Opium War broke out. The painful clash with the modern international order taught China that the ideal of sovereign equality was not realized. China, which had emphasized peaceful rise, is now unreservedly proclaiming the 'great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation' and the 2050 goal of 'building a beautiful socialist society.'

The painful clash with the modern international order taught China that the ideal of sovereign equality was not realized.

China, which had emphasized peaceful rise, is now unreservedly proclaiming the 'great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation' and the 2050 goal of 'building a beautiful socialist society.'

President Xi Jinping will accelerate the establishment of a new regional order in the Asia-Pacific region to secure legitimacy. To this end, China is summoning memories of the tributary system, which seemed to have vanished with past glories. Furthermore, it has been stated that no country should harbor vain dreams of harming China's interests, referencing the humiliation suffered after the Opium War.

To this end, China is summoning memories of the tributary system, which seemed to have vanished with past glories. Furthermore, it has been stated that no country should harbor vain dreams of harming China's interests, referencing the humiliation suffered after the Opium War.

China is summoning memories of the tributary system, which seemed to have vanished with past glories.

Furthermore, it has been stated that no country should harbor vain dreams of harming China's interests, referencing the humiliation suffered after the Opium War.

It has been stated that no country should harbor vain dreams of harming China's interests, referencing the humiliation suffered after the Opium War.

In this context, China's 'new type of international relations' bears a strong resemblance to Emperor Qianlong's comprehensive world order. Emperor Qianlong 'conquered' the Dzungar Khanate and adopted a policy of 'appeasement' towards Tibet, simultaneously launching a charm offensive and successfully maintaining a typical tributary relationship with Korea.

Emperor Qianlong 'conquered' the Dzungar Khanate and adopted a policy of 'appeasement' towards Tibet, simultaneously launching a charm offensive and successfully maintaining a typical tributary relationship with Korea.

1. Imperial Qing Tribute Scroll: The Last Comprehensive World Order of the Qing Dynasty_National Museum of China

At the same time, it successfully maintained a typical tributary relationship with Korea.

On the other hand, the encounter with Western powers, which were establishing new civilizational standards and shaping the modern

international order, ended in failure.

Today, China, under the framework of a New Model Great Power Relations, seeks to avoid direct military confrontation with the United States by adhering to principles such as "no conflict, no confrontation (不冲突, 不对抗)", "mutual respect (相互尊重)", and "cooperation for mutual win-win (合作共赢)".

"No conflict, no confrontation (不冲突, 不对抗)", "mutual respect (相互尊重)", and "cooperation for mutual win-win (合作共赢)".

It focuses on competitive and cooperative economic relations.

The new peripheral diplomacy, based on the values of intimacy (親), sincerity (誠), benefit (惠), and tolerance (容), easily pursues its three core interests.

It easily pursues its three core interests based on the values of intimacy (親), sincerity (誠), benefit (惠), and tolerance (容).

It shows a will that cannot be yielded. This kind of power

Along with international politics, China, with its 'Belt and Road Initiative,'

emphasizing international politics of significance such as 'Community of Shared Future for Mankind,' China's

It is also strengthening its charm offensive to peacefully persuade its rise.

This.

However, due to the limitations of 21st-century composite power, China and the United States

It seems that considerable time will be needed to jointly lead the world order.

For China to play a central role in building a new Asia-Pacific order,

It must first overcome the dilemma of harmonizing growth and welfare, establishing a 21st-century political system,

and promoting regionalization and globalization.

Indeed, can Xi Jinping proactively read the waves of change and powerfully

increase its charm to surpass the composite world order of Emperor Qianlong?

I am curious.

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*This text is an AI translation of an original written in Korean. Some translations or nuances may be inaccurate.

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