The Encounter between the 17th-Century East India Company (VOC) and the East: The International Politics of the Porcelain Trade Arita Porcelain Museum/Palace

Jeong Dayeon · Korea University

Introduction

Porcelain is a commodity that encapsulates the characteristics of a period in politics, economics, culture, and technology. We can appreciate the diversity in the ways porcelain was used by different social strata, its designs, and its trade methods during that era. Previous research on porcelain has primarily analyzed it from archaeological and aesthetic perspectives, or from the viewpoints of ceramic engineering and the history of ceramics. In terms of trade, it has been partially analyzed from the perspectives of various disciplines. From an international political economy standpoint, studies on the changes in the East Asian order and the diffusion of technological culture have focused on how porcelain as a commodity was exchanged from a trade history perspective, and how it was distributed globally.

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There are many studies that focus on its global distribution.

This paper aims to examine the encounters mediated by porcelain between the 17th-century East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VOC) and the East, specifically Jingdezhen (景德鎮) in China and Nagasaki (長崎県) and Imari (伊万里) in Japan. The 17th century was a dynamic period for both East and West, marked by events such as the religious wars in Europe and the dynastic transition from the Ming to the Qing in the East. Among these, the porcelain trade specifically illustrates how the East and West, while navigating their respective dynamics, engaged in mutual encounters. It depicts the trade patterns between the East as a supplier and the West as a consumer in early industrial activities, and how porcelain technology, reflecting the highest technological standards of the time, spread from the East to the West. Of particular interest is how the East India Company approached Japan when China, which had held a monopolistic position in the Western porcelain trade, lost its status due to the political turmoil of the Ming-Qing transition, and how Japan seized this opportunity.

However, this study will examine representative trends rather than a comprehensive overview of the porcelain trade. The analysis is based on data from T. Volker, a prominent scholar of the East India Company's porcelain trade, and the East India Company's Dagh registers, as these sources only represent a portion of the trade volume at the time. Significant porcelain trade also occurred in Manila, Malacca, and Siam, and was actively conducted by private Chinese merchants. Nevertheless, examining the encounters through the porcelain trade between the East India Company and the East is meaningful for several reasons. First, it allows us to explore the early stages of globalization. Following the 17th and 18th centuries, when the porcelain trade began in earnest, a global porcelain trade market emerged. A worldwide market encompassing the Americas along long-distance sea routes was created. Second, porcelain provides insights into the political and economic environment of the time. Porcelain is not merely an artistic commodity but a complex product where political, economic, cultural, and technological factors intersect. Third, it allows us to examine the early modern trade patterns in the East that began in the 17th century. In the early 17th century, Japan closed its borders and strictly limited foreign exchange due to its isolationist policy. However, by keeping Nagasaki open, Japan retained an avenue for global trade. In particular, the porcelain trade with the East India Company exhibits distinctly modern trade characteristics. Compared to the porcelain trade between China and the West before the 17th century, this can be seen as the establishment of an active consumer-producer relationship.

Porcelain Trade between China and the West

European demand for Chinese porcelain began in the 16th century and became pronounced in the 17th century, when the Dutch encountered Asia. Jingdezhen, a center of Chinese ceramics, had been the hub of global porcelain production and export for centuries. Porcelain production in Jingdezhen began as early as the Han Dynasty, producing 'blue and white porcelain meiping' during the Song Dynasty, and 'blue and white' during the Yuan, Ming, and Qing dynasties. In particular, blue and white, a high-quality ceramic, was a type of elite ware used in the imperial court and was widely exported to various overseas countries, including Europe and the Islamic world, becoming the origin of the word 'China'.

Figure 1. Blue and White Porcelain Meiping

During the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), the production of high-quality porcelain increased significantly. The Ming Dynasty became the center for supplying imperial tableware and produced to meet the demands of the burgeoning export market. Jingdezhen temporarily halted porcelain exports and imports during the Ming-Qing transition. However, during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1912), Jingdezhen's porcelain industry experienced a revival, referred to as the 'imperial kilns.' Jingdezhen's status can be understood from the words of François Xavier d'Entrecolles, a French Jesuit who learned about Chinese ceramics technology, who stated, 'Jingdezhen has the honor of supplying the world with (porcelain) alone.' Furthermore, around the 17th century, Jingdezhen was estimated to have thousands of kilns and 50,000 to 60,000 potters. The potters formed dense communities based on family and master-apprentice relationships, producing porcelain.

Prior to the 17th century, China held a monopolistic position in the porcelain trade as the sole supplier. However, in the 17th century, internal political turmoil in China led to the suspension of exports from Jingdezhen, a major ceramic production center, and the closure of official kilns. Concurrently, the emergence of Europe as a new consumer market disrupted the existing supply and demand structure of the porcelain trade. For European consumers, the disruption of Chinese porcelain production acted as an incentive to actively seek alternatives, leading to the emergence of Japan as a new production site and a diversification of the supply and demand structure.

Background of Japanese Porcelain Technology and the VOC's Entry Process

Before the 17th century, Japan had traditional kilns for producing earthenware, but lacked the kaolin and technology to produce high-quality white porcelain. However, after the Imjin War, many Joseon potters migrated to Japan and made significant contributions. Notably, the Joseon potter Yi Sam-pyeong became a monumental figure in the Japanese ceramics industry. In 1616, Yi Sam-pyeong discovered a kaolin mine in Izumiyama, Arita, and established a high-temperature kiln for firing ceramics. This enabled Japan to produce white porcelain, creating the conditions to meet the demand from the East India Company. 4. The Encounter between the 17th-Century East India Company (VOC) and the East: The International Politics of the Porcelain Trade Arita Porcelain Museum/Palace

The year 1658 was particularly significant for the Japanese porcelain trade. The temporary closure of Jingdezhen provided new opportunities for Arita potters in Kyushu, Japan, a major production center for Japanese ceramics. First, the horizontal trade relationship between Japan and the East India Company is noteworthy. An interesting aspect can be observed in the gifts presented by the East India Company to the Japanese Shogun; porcelain was among the gifts received by the Shogun. At that time, Chinese porcelain was an important item of foreign trade, and in Japan, porcelain ranked third among the eight major trade items (Van Dam). This indicates that although the Japanese porcelain industry was in its early stages, the East India Company, seeking an alternative to trade with China, approached Japan cautiously and sought to maintain a horizontal relationship.

From the 1640s, the quantity of Chinese porcelain traded in Japan began to decline. This trend gradually intensified, and 1651 became a landmark year in the history of Japanese porcelain trade, as it marked the cessation of Chinese porcelain supply and the commencement of Japanese porcelain supply to the West. Subsequently, from 1658-1659 onwards, Japanese porcelain began to be exported in large quantities to Asian and European markets through the East India Company. Notably, the large-scale export of Japanese porcelain to Xiamen (廈門), China, in 1659 is a significant event, as Xiamen was a key region for Chinese porcelain exports. The Dejima records (registers) reveal the modern aspects of trade between the East India Company and Japan. The records state, 'The contract was concluded at a somewhat lower price as it was the first transaction with the Dutch East India Company's capital, Batavia.' Furthermore, beyond simple porcelain trade, Japan and the East India Company engaged in specific orders for price adjustments and design modifications, and adopted a process of revision and acceptance. The bill of lading from Dejima in 1655, which arrived in Dutch Formosa, indicates a diversification in the types of Japanese ceramics. For instance, small porcelain phials were exported from Japan to the East India Company, signifying the commencement of a new type of porcelain trade, different from the traditional forms and uses of porcelain.

Figure 2. 17th-century Arita porcelain with 'VOC' inscribed in the center

Despite the active trade between Japan and the East India Company, the period should be considered as the VOC's entry into Japan. China's role in the porcelain trade between East and West still persisted. For example, on 37 Chinese junks that arrived at Nagasaki port in 1655, although no porcelain was exported from or imported to Japan, 615 units of porcelain paint were imported into Japan. Moreover, Japan was not the sole supplier of porcelain. In 1656, Japan paradoxically requested the Netherlands to 'sell Dutch earthenware, which is fired in a square shape, 6 inches high, 4.5 inches wide, and with a handle.'

Trade Process between Japan and the East India Company: 1662-1682

In 1651, ten years after Japanese porcelain began to be exported to the West, the Japanese porcelain trade entered a new phase starting in 1661. Unlike the previous export of medium to low-grade porcelain from Nagasaki port to the West, Japan began to sell high-quality imperial porcelain to the East India Company. To borrow the words of the French Jesuit François Xavier d'Entrecolles, Japan now enjoyed the glory of exclusively supplying high-quality porcelain, a role previously held by China. Furthermore, from 1668 onwards, Japan completely halted the domestic import of foreign porcelain. This complete import ban included not only porcelain but also materials and paints for porcelain production.

Japan's monopolistic position concluded around the 1680s when Jingdezhen normalized its production. Nevertheless, the influence of Japanese porcelain can be seen in the popularity of the Chinese Imari style in Europe in the late 17th and early 18th centuries. Chinese Imari is a style where Chinese ceramics imitated Japanese ceramics due to European demand.

Figure 3. Chinese Imari style porcelain

Japanese porcelain played a significant role in subsequent European porcelain production. Meissen in Germany, a pioneer in European porcelain production, was the first in Europe to successfully produce hard-paste porcelain. This was made possible through the persistent investment and interest of Augustus II, who was deeply fascinated by Japanese porcelain, particularly the Kakiemon (柿右衛門) style. 4. The Encounter between the 17th-Century East India Company (VOC) and the East: The International Politics of the Porcelain Trade Arita Porcelain Museum/Palace

Figure 4. Kakiemon-style plate with colored tiger and plum blossom motif

Conclusion

The changes in the porcelain trade market in the 17th century marked a crucial point in the overall history of ceramics. Due to internal turmoil in China, the primary supplier, porcelain supply became unstable, and the structural vacuum created by the full emergence of the East India Company as a new consumer in the porcelain market was significant. Japan was able to establish itself as a new supplier in a short period by capitalizing on this structural vacuum. However, compared to China, which had official kilns managed at a national level along with numerous private kilns, Japan's ceramic production centers were focused on high-quality porcelain, and it had limitations in producing large quantities. As the East India Company often complained, this was a point that Japanese potters and merchants of that era could not reach. Nevertheless, Japanese Imari porcelain, despite Japan being a latecomer in porcelain production, succeeded in popularizing new products and styles. The colored red ceramics and the Chinese Imari style are representative examples. Japan was able to seize opportunities in the porcelain market by leveraging the structural vacuum during China's internal political turmoil, stable connections with the global trade network of the East India Company, and a selective isolationist policy.

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