Sugita Genpaku, the Master of Strategy in a Turbulent Era - Beyond Modern Narratives

Dejima · Kim Ye-eun · Korea University

Introduction

East Asia's modern era was truly a period of upheaval. Rapid contact with the West, modernization, imperialism, and war. In the present, where uncertainty about the future is more pronounced than ever due to artificial intelligence and big data, the shadows of the modern era still loom large over Korea, China, and Japan as they grapple with issues such as the comfort women, North Korea, and territorial disputes.

Therefore, questioning East Asia's modern era is crucial for us. Among these, examining the case of Japan, which embarked on the path of modernization most rapidly, is particularly important. This small artificial island, Dejima, is a fascinating place that cannot be overlooked when discussing Japan's modernization.

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Figure 1. Dejima viewed from the bridge

Europeans are believed to have first set foot in Japan in the mid-16th century. Missionaries, and particularly Portuguese merchants trading with China, initially operated from Hirado and later from Nagasaki. Dejima was an artificial island built in 1636 for these Portuguese merchants. Over several decades, suspicion and surveillance of foreigners intensified, eventually leading to the construction of a canal to create a peninsula connected by a single bridge, with strictly controlled access.

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On the other hand, today Dejima is known as the place where Dutch merchants resided. Between 1637 and 1638, a rebellion occurred in the Shimabara region, not far from here. The rebels were ronin disgruntled with tax policies and Catholic peasant farmers. As a result, in 1639, the Shogun Tokugawa Iemitsu expelled all Portuguese. In 1641, Dutch East India Company merchants residing in Hirado were forcibly relocated to Dejima, and strict controls began. Access to Dejima was prohibited for Japanese individuals except for essential personnel, and Dutch sailors were also not allowed to leave Dejima, except for the occasional audience with the Shogun in Edo once every two or four years. This unique relationship persisted until Japan and the Netherlands concluded a modern treaty of opening in 1855. Furthermore, until the US-Japan Treaty of Peace and Amity in 1854, Japan's only foreign exchanges were with China and the Dutch East India Company. This marked the beginning of the Sakoku (closed country) policy.

In 1904, it was reclaimed during harbor improvement works and its original appearance could no longer be seen. However, as part of a Nagasaki City project, restoration has been underway for 20 years. They reportedly excavated the reclaimed areas to recreate the fan shape.

Why is it such an important place that so much effort has been put into its restoration? To find the answer, it seems appropriate to discuss Rangaku (Dutch Learning), a unique footprint left by the Japan-Netherlands relationship, symbolized by Dejima, in modern Japanese history.

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Figure 2. The restored entrance to Dejima

Dutch Learning, the Study of Oranda

Engelbert Kaempfer, a German scholar who entered Japan through Nagasaki in 1690, stayed in Japan for two years and left behind records on various aspects of Japanese society, economy, and flora. His impressions of the various cities he passed through on his way to Edo to pay homage to the Shogun are also recorded. A brief excerpt from his account of Nagasaki is as follows:

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“This place, situated in the farthest corner of the prosperous Japanese empire, is far removed from the granaries of the region, and it is now practically impossible to import or obtain goods from foreigners. Consequently, this city is populated mostly by common citizens and day laborers who earn their living by manual work, rather than by merchants, innkeepers, shopkeepers, artisans, landlords, or the wealthy.”

Indeed, Nagasaki, with its rugged terrain and distance from major Japanese centers like Edo and Kyoto, experienced significant economic decline after the policy of seclusion. It could be considered a periphery of Edo Japan at the time. Dejima, in particular, was known for its cramped and poor conditions. However, during the 18th and 19th centuries, Dejima and Nagasaki transformed into centers of learning. This was due to the flourishing of Dutch Learning, the study of Dutch knowledge. Until it was replaced by Western Learning (Yogaku) in the 19th century, the development of Dutch Learning documented the unique path Japan took to learn from the West and to respond to threats from it. The beginning of this Dutch Learning can be attributed to the publication of Kaitai Shinsho (New Text on Anatomy) by Sugita Genpaku, Maeno Ryotaku, and Nakagawa Jun'an.

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The Beginning of Empirical Knowledge, Kaitai Shinsho

Maeno Ryotaku and Sugita Genpaku, both physicians and friends from the domains of Nakatsu and Obama respectively, were interested in the Netherlands and practiced 'Oranda-ryu' medicine, influenced by it. They each obtained a copy of 'Tabulae Anatomicae,' an anatomy book written by the German medical professor Johan Adam Kulmus. Subsequently, in 1771, Sugita was invited to observe a 'Fuwake' (dissection) of a executed criminal's body at the execution ground. Maeno and Sugita, who met through Sugita's urgent contact, discovered they both possessed the same book and were 'moved to tears, holding hands.' The actual dissected body revealed a structure entirely different from existing traditional Chinese medicine theories, and it astonishingly matched the book they had. Even the bones scattered at the execution ground, when picked up and examined, confirmed this. Sugita recounted in his memoirs that everyone present was filled with wonder.

On the way back from the execution ground, Sugita, Maeno, and Nakagawa sighed, lamenting, "It is a disgrace that we have been practicing this profession day after day without knowing the true structure of the body, which is the foundation of medicine." Sugita expressed a desire to translate at least 'Tabulae Anatomicae' to better understand the human body structure, even if only approximately, for medical practice. Maeno strongly agreed, offering his assistance since he had studied in Nagasaki and knew some Dutch.

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Figure 3. Presenting a thesis at Dejima

The three, with no Dutch language knowledge other than Maeno's, began translating 'Tabulae Anatomicae' at Maeno's house the very next day. It was perhaps natural that many days were spent struggling to decipher even a single sentence. For instance, when interpreting the sentence 'The nose is...', they inferred its meaning from a booklet Maeno obtained, which stated 'When branches are piled up, it is furuhatten-do' and 'When dust accumulates, it is furuhatten-do,' suggesting 'furuhatten-do' referred to a state of being clogged or blocked.

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Remarkably, three years later, in 1774, the fruits of this arduous endeavor were published under the title 'Kaitai Shinsho.' Unlike Maeno, who pursued a deep study of Dutch and aimed for a perfect translation, Sugita, who jokingly described himself as having a 'careless personality,' focused on publishing the book quickly. His goal was not to master Dutch but to convey the 'general fact that the structure of the human body is different from what is described in Chinese medical texts' and to contribute to the advancement of actual medical treatment and practice. Consequently, Maeno, with his stronger scholarly inclination, requested that his name be removed as an author of 'Kaitai Shinsho.'

When his repeated persuasion failed, Sugita included Ishikawa Genjo and Katsuragawa Hoshu, who belonged to higher social ranks among those who participated in the meetings, as authors. At the time, Sugita was deeply concerned, recalling that a book called 'Homohan,' which discussed matters related to the Netherlands six years prior, had been banned for including Western alphabets. Including the names of sons of high-ranking officials can be seen as an attempt to create a buffer against anticipated backlash.

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This is also evident in the fact that about a year before the publication of 'Kaitai Shinsho,' some anatomical illustrations were extracted and published in the form of an advertisement under the title 'Kaitai Yakuzu' (Abridged Anatomy Diagrams), and the book was presented to the Shogun before its official publication.

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Figure 4. The beginning of 'Empirical Knowledge'

Amidst Ideological Confusion

This brief story is truly remarkable. The tale of three individuals with little or no knowledge of Dutch achieving dialogue between civilizations through sheer passion for empiricism and practicality soon became a symbol of modern Japan. It demonstrated the Japanese people's proactive engagement with the West and their adoption of new ideas in response to changing international dynamics, not through coercion but through voluntary effort. Fukuzawa Yukichi's influence is significant in why modern Japan highly regards Sugita and Dutch Learning. He reportedly rediscovered and republished Sugita's lesser-known memoir, 'Rangaku Kotohajime' (The Beginnings of Dutch Learning), which he chanced upon at a flea market. In its preface, he wrote: "We felt as if we were witnessing the hardships of our predecessors with our own eyes, were astonished by their fortitude and courage, and shed tears of emotion moved by their sincerity."

This is because it shows the Japanese people embracing the new by adapting to it. Fukuzawa Yukichi has had a significant influence on Japan's high regard for Sugita and Dutch learning today. He reportedly rediscovered and republished Sugita's lesser-known memoir, *Ransetsu Shishi*, which he chanced upon at a flea market. In its preface, he wrote: “We felt as if we were witnessing our predecessors' suffering firsthand, were astonished by their resolve and courage, and were moved to tears of gratitude by their sincerity and dedication.”

However, considering the history of colonial Korea, which had to be sacrificed for this narrative of modernization, we must distance ourselves somewhat from Fukuzawa's fervent admiration. It is necessary to re-examine the soil from which the academic discipline and network of Dutch Learning emerged. To this end, we will attempt to understand Japanese society at the time through the voice of Sugita Genpaku, the originator of Dutch Learning.

Traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, who vehemently opposed the contents of 'Kaitai Shinsho' for completely negating traditional Chinese medicine, strongly criticized Sugita. In response, the year after the book's publication, he published 'Kōi Ji Gen' (Words of a Mad Doctor) in dialogue format. In it, he described himself as an "enemy of physicians." He argued that the sages of China (a different term for China at the time) distinguished between Hua (Chinese) and Yi (barbarians) to teach the people, not to respect China and despise barbarians, but because their own customs were weak. The gap between Sugita's perspective and the perception of him by traditional Chinese medicine practitioners, as revealed in this text, is highly intriguing.

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Figure 5. Presenting a thesis at Dejima 2

"Fundamentally, China is a land of sages and wise men. The former kings of the Xia, Shang, and Zhou dynasties established rites and music, illuminated culture, and spread their teachings throughout the world, causing the barbarians of the four directions to revere them. Regarding our medicine... its principles are already clear, and it has cured the diseases of the populace for thousands of years. Therefore, there is nothing lacking in the path of this medicine. Yet, that fellow Sugita, who is fond of strange things, doubts the writings of the sages and believes the writings of the Western barbarians, attempting to disrupt the precious laws that have been passed down among us. Is this not truly an enemy of our physicians? Although Joseon and Okinawa are geographically distant from China, their writings are in the same script as China's, and sometimes they even directly convey the words of ancient sages. However, what Sugita is learning comes from a country at the far northwest of the world, ninety thousand li away from China, a country whose language is incomprehensible. It is a country at the very end of the barbarian lands, where the teachings of the sages have never been heard, and whose customs are vastly different from ours. The quality of its medical practice is also predictable."

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Generally, the decadent scholars and quack doctors of this age do not understand the vastness of this world. Having heard tales from two or three countries in the East, they consider China to be the supreme nation among all, and after reading their limited texts, they vaguely claim that barbarians inherently lack rites and music in their customs. Rites and music inherently exist to distinguish between the noble and the base. In which country in the world is there no distinction between noble and base? In which country are there no rites and music? Confucius said, 'Even barbarians have rulers.'... If the medical attire of the Zhou dynasty, considered excellent, were to be practiced, for example, in Borneo or Sumatra below the equator, the people would not be able to endure the heat and would likely fall ill... One should not necessarily claim that what is Chinese is good, but rather that what is appropriate for each region's climate is good. The 'Dao' (Way) is something created by the sages of China.

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No. It is the Way that was originally endowed in Heaven and Earth. ... Moreover,

Japan's corrupt Confucian scholars and quack doctors, as stated in Chinese texts,

call China the Central Land (中土). Originally, the great earth is a single large circle,

and all nations reside upon it, so where each country is located is its center.

China, too, is merely a small country in a corner of the East Sea.

The criticisms Sugita faced, presumably from his interlocutors, reflect the position of Japanese Neo-Confucianism at the time, which considered Japan to be a Lesser China (小中華). This is remarkably similar to the stance of Joseon Confucian scholars. What is even more surprising is the extreme position Sugita took in response. As clearly revealed by the difference in terminology between 'China' (支那) and 'Zhonghua' (中華), his perception had completely departed from that of Zhonghua.

Neo-Confucianism was introduced to Japan early on, but Japanese society was under the dominant influence of Zen Buddhism. Neo-Confucianism only established its status as a ruling philosophy in the Edo period, specifically in the mid-to-late 16th century, when scholars gained access to the ruling elite of the shogunate. Of course, a state of tension with Buddhism persisted. Hayashi Razan (林羅山), who served the shogunate his entire life and heralded the era of Confucian scholars, also had to shave his head.

The Hayashi Razan (林羅山), who heralded the beginning, also had to shave his head. However, Neo-Confucianism as a ruling philosophy did not show a completely stable appearance in Japan. This is because not only did strong schools of thought such as Yangmingism and Old Chinese Studies emerge, but a new ideology called National Learning also appeared. This trend developed from the late 17th century through the 18th-19th centuries. As seen in Guangyizhiyan, Hanbang scholars were intellectuals who studied in Classical Chinese, i.e., Confucian scholars. However, they were also practitioners who continued to practice medicine and engage with empirical reality. This point is also revealed in Sugita's recognition that 'medicine values practicality.' It is noteworthy that a tremendous gap emerged between Sugita and other Rangaku doctors and Hanbang doctors in this field of medicine.

In the early 17th century, various medical activities were carried out by Portuguese and Spanish missionaries. At that time, people called the medical technology passed down from the period of national isolation as Namban medicine, and the medicine transmitted by the Dutch who came later as Oranda medicine. Sugita was also part of this trend. His teacher was a Portuguese doctor and missionary who converted his faith and changed his name during the period of national isolation. This medical practice was very popular among the public. In conjunction with the development of Confucianism, in the late 16th century, before suspicion and surveillance of Christianity intensified, there were even cases of daimyo converting to Catholicism, indicating that suspicion towards foreign powers was not severe. Hospitals were established in Edo and Kyoto, and a large number of patients received treatment. Even after national isolation, Western medicine remained robust. Sugita, Namban and

However, Namban medicine and Oranda medicine were 'practices' but not 'studies.' As Sugita writes, the interpreters who initially handled exchanges with the Netherlands merely memorized sounds in Katakana for communication, and both Oranda and Namban medicine fell under the domain of interpretation. This was because the shogunate, extremely wary of Christianity after the seclusion, prohibited the reading of foreign scripts within Japan. However, about a hundred years after establishing diplomatic relations with the Netherlands, the Yoshimune shogunate relaxed this prohibition on banned books, leading to the gradual influx of Dutch texts.

However, Namban medicine and Oranda medicine were 'studies' but not 'scholarship.' As Sugita wrote, the interpreters who were in charge of early exchanges with the Netherlands merely memorized sounds in Katakana and could only communicate at that level, and both Oranda and Southern medicine belonged to this realm of interpretation. This was because the Shogunate, which extremely guarded against Christianity after national isolation, prohibited the reading of foreign scripts within Japan. However, about a hundred years after establishing diplomatic relations with the Netherlands, the Yoshimune Shogunate relaxed this ban on forbidden books, and Dutch books gradually began to be imported.

Sugita seems to have considered these social changes as a natural progression. While interest in Western goods imported from the Netherlands grew, the situation where people could not read the script continued for a long time, but he states that the request from Nagasaki interpreters for the import of books was accepted, saying, "Everything in the world eventually comes in its own time." Nevertheless, as seen in the case of 《Hongmopan》 mentioned earlier, there was still a clear sense of caution regarding Western books. Sugita wrote about this relaxed social atmosphere as follows: "There were no particular experts in Western affairs, nor was there an atmosphere of aversion to Western affairs. Although possessing Dutch books was not permitted, the world gradually changed to a state where occasional possessors appeared." At a time when he harbored a desire to directly translate Dutch books,

He obtained 《Tafel Anatomia》 and, in the same year, coincidentally observed an autopsy. He wrote, "Should I call it strange? In any case, obtaining the anatomy book must mean that the time has come for Rangaku to spread." Considering that Maeno, who observed the autopsy with him, also had the same book, and that they resolved to translate it on their way back, Sugita's judgment that the time was ripe may not have been mere humility.

he considered it an extremely rare stroke of luck to be able to "directly verify which (between Chinese and Dutch theories) was true." Through empirical evidence, they began to compare 'Chinese things' and 'Western things' on an equal footing.

It was not that dissection itself was entirely new, but rather that the comparison of empirical findings with established theories, and the subsequent validation of Western knowledge, was a novel approach. This empirical validation allowed them to bridge the gap between theory and practice, which had been a persistent issue in traditional medicine.

Photo 6. Teacher Hayoungsun and children at Dejima

Genpaku, the Master Strategist of the Era

The more one follows Genpaku and 《Kaitai Shinsho》, the clearer it becomes that 18th-19th century Japan, where Genpaku lived, was a period of great intellectual turmoil. Before Neo-Confucianism, which had entered the core of the Shogunate's power in the 16th-17th centuries, had fully established itself throughout the country, competing schools of thought such as Yangmingism and Evidential Research gained strength, while Western Learning was introduced, and a new ideology called National Learning emerged. Against the backdrop of material prosperity and the development of large cities, Japan at that time was a stage where intellectual battles were fiercely fought.

Recalling Japanese society at the time of "Kaitai Shinsho's" publication, Sugita wrote that people were increasingly recognizing the technological advancements of the Netherlands, and doctors were visiting the Dutch factory superintendent in Edo more frequently. The Oranda medicine school, to which Sugita belonged, also showed signs of accelerating development. Maeno, the most proficient in Dutch among Sugita's collaborators on "Kaitai Shinsho," refused to be listed as an author, indicating Sugita's urgency to present even an imperfect translation to the world quickly. Perhaps behind this haste lay an ambition similar to that of modern scholars: to gain fame by presenting the latest theories in a rapidly changing world.

Even after the publication of "Kaitai Shinsho," not all competing theories disappeared. As mentioned earlier, Rangaku continued to compete with traditional Han learning scholars. However, around the turn of the 19th century, events began to significantly influence these theories and the intellectual contests they represented. Following Russia's demand for trade in 1792 when they arrived in Hokkaido, and the subsequent experience of the Phaeton's bombardment in 1808, which pursued a Dutch ship, Japan encountered aspects of changing international dynamics. The only way to obtain information about the West was through the Netherlands, with whom they had maintained continuous exchange.

Following Russia's continuous southward advance after its demands and the shelling by the Phaeton in 1808, which pursued a Dutch ship, Japan experienced one aspect of the changing international situation. The only way to obtain information about the West was through the Netherlands, with whom they had maintained exchange. After the 1792 incident of trade demands, the Shogunate ordered Rangaku scholars to translate documents related to Russia. Maeno Ryotaku was one of the scholars who received this order. Meanwhile, Sugita's private school was overflowing with students, and he gained fame as a popular physician, a trend unprecedented in Japanese history. His income sometimes reached nearly 600 ryō, which was more than ten times the income of Kyokutei Bakin, the most popular contemporary writer, during his prime, which was 40 ryō. He was even granted the honor of a direct audience with the Shogun. He left behind numerous writings not only on medicine but also on critiques of the situations in Japan and the world. For example, in 《Yashudoku》 (野隻獨話), written in 1807, he discussed the history of Russia and its threat, and likened Japan's declining Shogunate system to an old house, stating that there comes a time when old things must be discarded to build a new house.

Thus, it might be more accurate to view Sugita not as a medical scholar, but as a commentator on current affairs, or as a figure with the power to gather people, akin to a modern-day influencer. Sugita did not engage in further translation work; his substantive research activities, excluding works that dealt with the spirit of Rangaku such as "Questions and Answers on Dutch Medicine" (和蘭醫事問答) or "Night Talks on Form and Shadow" (形影夜話),

Maeno Ryōtaku, the leader and greatest contributor to the "Kaitai Shinsho" project, lived a lonely life without the great honor or fame that Genpaku achieved. Therefore, Sugita's success can be understood as a social phenomenon intertwined with the improvement of the public's educational level and the dissemination of popular literature. Of course, the changes in international politics, including Russia's southward advance, were a significant trigger for his success.

The success of Rangaku, initiated by Genpaku, is therefore not merely an academic success. To portray him as a Renaissance man uniquely inherent in the Japanese character would be nothing more than a teleological way of thinking, retroactively applying the dominant Western modern narrative to our present understanding. Maeno Ryōtaku, who constantly pursued his passion for learning, fitting the mold of a modern scholar, was instead left in the shadows of history.

Conclusion – Moving Beyond a Linear Modernity

The idea that all societies develop linearly leads to the rediscovery of historical events and figures to fit that narrative. This idea is also closely linked to the notion that knowledge itself develops linearly. As you encounter the fact that similar efforts and discoveries were made before Sugita and his colleagues' "Kaitai Shinsho",

you may have recalled Thomas Kuhn's concept of non-linear knowledge.

The now almost cliché statement by Carr, that history is a continuous dialogue between the present and the past, poses a question for us here. At this juncture, where we question everything about modernity in the name of postmodernity, how can we understand and portray the emergence and development of Rangaku, exemplified by Sugita Genpaku? If Genpaku's story has thus far been that of Japanese modernity, which has stained East Asia, what kind of history can we write from the dialogue with the past of Japanese Rangaku, in light of our current realities? Although I regret not being able to incorporate important aspects, such as a comparison with contemporary Joseon, due to limitations of time and capacity, this is the result of my brief contemplation on this question.

Photo 7. Dejima Exit References 1. Primary Sources a. Korean

Sugita Gempaku et al. (2014). *Kaitai Shinsho*. Translated by Kim Seong-su. (Paju: Hangilsa.) Lee Ye-an. (2016). "Sugita Gempaku (杉田玄白), the Mad Doctor's Words".

<Concepts and Communication>. Vol. 17. 223-243.

Lee Jong-gak. (2013). *Sugita Gempaku, Pioneer of Japanese Rangaku*. (Seoul:

Seohaemunjip.)

68 b. English

Kaempfer, Engelbert, Beatrice, M. Bodart-Bailey. (1999). Kaempfer’s

Japan: Tokugawa Culture Observed. (Honolulu: University of

Hawaii Press.)

Olga V. Klimova. (2016). "A Monologue about Foreign Ships by Sugita

Genpaku" Basic Research Program Working Papers. National

Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE) St-

Petersburg, Centre for Asian and African Studies.

2. Books

Masao, Maruyama. (1974). Studies in Intellectual History of Tokugawa

Japan. (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press.)

Jansen, Marius B. (2002). Making of Modern Japan. (Cambridge :

University of Harvard Press.)

3. Periodicals a. Korean

Kim Seong-su. 2018. "Characteristics of Early Japanese Anatomy:

69 Yeo In-seok, Hwang Sang-in. 1994. "Introduction and Establishment of Anatomy in Japan." <History of Medicine>

Vol. 3, No. 2. 218-229.

Lee Geun-sang. 2018. "Maeno Ryōtaku (前野良沢) and Ōtsuki

Gentaku's (大槻玄沢) Perception and Learning of Dutch: Focusing on the Manuscript "Waren Yakubun Ryakukō" (和蘭譯文略草稿) and the Printed Book "Rangaku Kaitei" (蘭學階梯)."

<Japanese Studies> Vol. 49. 43-60.

Lee, Geunsang. 2016. “Learning and Translation Through the Study of Dutch Learning.” <Japanese Studies> Vol. 42. 121-138.

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