The Realization and Frustration of the Northern Expedition Policy

Forbidden City · Jang Do-kyung · Yonsei University

Introduction

For the 12th Sarangbang cohort, the Forbidden City was literally a forbidden city. The visit to the Forbidden City, scheduled for the second day of the trip, was unilaterally shortened due to an unannounced event. To make matters worse, when we arrived at the entrance of the Forbidden City, the electronic tickets booked in Korea caused problems, preventing our entry. Leaving our disappointment behind, we had no choice but to postpone the visit to the Forbidden City to the last day of the trip. On the third day of the trip, as it was the only remaining chance to see the Forbidden City during our visit, everyone prepared diligently from dawn and headed to the Forbidden City at opening time. Although the staff member the previous day assured us that the electronic tickets would no longer be an issue, our purchased tickets could not be verified repeatedly. We were able to enter only after purchasing tickets on-site.

83 We barely set foot in the Forbidden City.

In fact, while the English name of the Forbidden City, 'Forbidden City,' emphasizes the meaning of 'forbidden,' to understand the full meaning of the Forbidden City, one must also understand the meaning of the first character, 'Zi' (紫), in its Chinese name. Zi (紫) means 'purple.' Ancient Chinese believed that the Heavenly Palace, where the Celestial Emperor resided, was called the Purple Palace (紫宮). The Chinese character 'Zi' (紫) here refers to the star in the northern part of the Big Dipper called 'Ziwei Yuan' (紫微垣), where they believed the Celestial Emperor lived. However, the Emperor, who ruled over humanity, called himself the 'Son of Heaven' (天子), who received the mandate from heaven. Consequently, he implicitly aligned his residence with the destiny of the Ziwei Star (紫微星). Therefore, after meticulously surveying and determining all aspects of the palace's orientation and location, it came to be called the 'Purple Palace' (紫宮). As his residence was heavily guarded, ordinary people could not approach the Imperial Palace. Thus, the character 'Jin' (禁), meaning 'to prohibit,' was added, and it came to be called 'Zi Jin Cheng' (紫禁城), the Forbidden City. Considering the aforementioned meaning, the Forbidden City is a name that aligns perfectly with the world order.

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There was one king in Joseon who challenged this world order: King Hyojong. History does not allow for hypotheticals, but perhaps the reason we sometimes imagine them is due to regret. If there is a period in Joseon's history that we might imagine, it would be the transition period between the Ming and Qing dynasties. After the two invasions, Joseon's internal and external affairs were in turmoil. The land was devastated by the aftermath of the war, the foundation of the social hierarchy was shaken, and royal authority declined. Meanwhile, the Ming Dynasty, the center of civilization, was being shaken by rising ethnic groups.

Amidst this vortex of chaos were two princes of Joseon. Although they endured eight years of humiliating hostage life together as princes of a nation, the paths they pursued were vastly different. While Crown Prince Sohyun sought to acknowledge and learn from the Qing, which had emerged as the hegemon of the Central Plains after witnessing the Ming-Qing transition, Grand Prince Bongrim harbored resentment towards the Qing

85 and prepared for the day of the northern expedition. Their choices were at opposite extremes, and this choice was like the starting point that would define the course of late Joseon.

Since the choices of the two princes were like a crossroads for Joseon's future path, it seems we feel a great sense of longing for the path not taken. From a modern perspective, as Crown Prince Sohyun's diplomatic acumen is re-examined, we speculate about what Joseon's fate might have been if Crown Prince Sohyun had not died and ascended the throne. Conversely, there are also speculations about whether the northern expedition, which Hyojong harbored, would have been realized as a practical policy if he had not died at the young age of 41 and had continued to reign. Hitherto, Hyojong's northern expedition theory has received positive evaluations from a nationalist perspective. However, in reality, the ideology and justification of the northern expedition theory hindered the political, economic, and social development of Joseon for a long time. It took a full 150 years for Joseon society to be liberated from the yoke of the northern expedition and for the ideology of Northern Learning (北學) to flourish. Therefore, clarifying the meaning of the northern expedition is significant as a starting point for understanding late Joseon.

However, a review of previous research on the Northern Expedition reveals that there is no consensus even on whether the Northern Expedition existed as a policy, and more importantly, research on the Northern Expedition has tended to be interpreted from a modern or nationalist perspective rather than from the perspective of the time. This study aims to prove that the Northern Expedition was an actual policy by reconstructing the Akdaeseolhwa, which serves as the basis for the Northern Expedition. To this end, first, it explains why the question of verifying the authenticity of the Northern Expedition is important, and then examines the Northern Expedition from the perspective of the time.

86 Understanding the northern expedition in its contemporary context is crucial because only by comprehending it within its contemporary context can we accurately grasp the authenticity of matters related to the northern expedition and elucidate its subsequent significance. Upon his enthronement, Hyojong proclaimed the northern expedition and consistently pursued it throughout his reign. The underlying ideology of 'Revere Ming, Oppose Qing' (崇明反淸) made Hyojong's accession a significant turning point in Joseon's history.

After Hyojong's death, Joseon-centric Sinocentrism from a cultural perspective was established. The worship of Emperor Shenzong and Emperor Yizong at the Mandongmyo shrine was not simply because they were Ming emperors. It symbolically demonstrated that the orthodox lineage of Chinese culture was passed down through Joseon's Hyojong, who clarified the Spring and Autumn Annals of history by pursuing the northern expedition. The Mandongmyo shrine embodies the consciousness of establishing a lineage of Chinese culture based on the cultural act of 'practicing righteousness' (義理), rather than bloodline or regional factors. Therefore, based on the northern expedition, we can understand the process by which Neo-Confucianism, which sustained late Joseon society, became conceptualized and speculative.

After the death of Hyojong, Joseon's Sino-centrism from a cultural perspective was genealogized. The worship of the emperors of the Ming Dynasty, Shinzong and Yizong, at Mandongmyo was not simply because they were Ming emperors. It symbolically demonstrated that the orthodox lineage of Chinese culture was continued by Joseon's Hyojong, who upheld the principles of Spring and Autumn by pursuing the Northern Expedition. Mandongmyo embodies the consciousness of genealogizing China based on the cultural act of 'practicing righteousness' rather than bloodline or regional factors. Therefore, based on the Northern Expedition, we can understand the process by which Neo-Confucianism, which sustained Joseon society in the late period, became conceptualized and theorized.

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The Controversy Over the Authenticity of the Northern Expedition Policy

The controversy over the authenticity of the Northern Expedition policy began when the "Akdaeseolhwa" was made public. The Gihae Private Meeting, a record of a private meeting between Hyojong and Song Si-yeol before Hyojong's death, primarily focuses on the Northern Expedition. However, this content was not released until the first year of King Sukjong's reign (1675), 16 years after the Gihae Private Meeting. The authenticity of the Northern Expedition was doubted because, at the time of its release in the early Sukjong period, Song Si-yeol was in a precarious situation, facing accusations of denying Hyojong's legitimacy, and his close associates proposed making "Akdaeseolhwa" public to help him escape danger.

Moreover, the content of the Gidae Dokdae as presented in the 'Akdaeseolhwa' clearly reveals the difference in perspective between Hyojong and Song Si-yeol regarding the northern expedition policy. Song Si-yeol evaluated Hyojong's northern expedition policy as one that could ruin the nation, stating that even if Zhuge Liang were to return, it would be difficult to implement. Based on Song Si-yeol's assessment, the northern expedition policy was considered highly unrealistic even at the time, leading to speculation that it might have been used as a means to strengthen royal authority. Indeed, examining the content of the Gidae Dokdae reveals a clear divergence in how Hyojong and Song Si-yeol viewed the northern expedition. First, let's examine Hyojong's perspective on the northern expedition:

“What I want to discuss today is the great affair of our time. Those barbarians are bound

to perish. The Khans of the past had many prosperous brothers, but now their numbers are

88 dwindling. The Khans of the past had many talented individuals, but now they are all incompetent, and while the Khans of the past exclusively revered martial arts and warfare, they are now increasingly emulating the ways of China. (omitted)

Therefore, the plan is to train 100,000 elite artillery soldiers, love and encourage them like one's own children, and then, when the opportunity arises, to strike directly at the passes. Would there not be those in the Central Plains who would respond? It is likely that marching directly into the passes will not be overly difficult. They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted)

Furthermore, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

Therefore, the plan is to train 100,000 elite artillery soldiers, love and encourage them like one's own children, and then, when the opportunity arises, to strike directly at the passes. Would there not be those in the Central Plains who would respond? It is likely that marching directly into the passes will not be overly difficult. They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted)

Furthermore, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

Therefore, the plan is to train 100,000 elite artillery soldiers, love and encourage them like one's own children, and then, when the opportunity arises, to strike directly at the passes. Would there not be those in the Central Plains who would respond? It is likely that marching directly into the passes will not be overly difficult. They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted)

Furthermore, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted)

Therefore, the plan is to train 100,000 elite artillery soldiers, love and encourage them like one's own children, and then, when the opportunity arises, to strike directly at the passes. Would there not be those in the Central Plains who would respond? It is likely that marching directly into the passes will not be overly difficult. They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted)

Furthermore, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

Also, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.

“It will not be difficult to enter the passes. They do not focus on military preparedness, and in the thousand-li stretch of Liaodong and Shenyang, there are no archers or horsemen. Thus, we can enter as if into an uninhabited land. (omitted) Furthermore, tens of thousands of our country's captured prisoners are held there. How could there not be those who would respond from within? Today, my concern is not about the difficulty of success, but rather about the lack of decisive action.”

- From the

“Your Majesty's intentions are as such, which is a great fortune not only for our country but for all generations to come.

However, even Zhuge Liang said, 'Affairs of the world are difficult to manage.' What if, by some chance, there is a setback and the nation perishes?

89 What would you do?”

Will you proceed?

- In the preceding section, Song Siyeol expresses a highly skeptical stance on the northern expedition. However, examining the first half of the

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Hyojong's Complex: Kang Bin and Kim Hong-uk

To understand Kang Bin and Kim Hong-uk, one must understand the complex Hyojong harbored. Throughout his reign, Hyojong could not escape two issues: one was the problem of legitimacy, and the other was the relationship with the literati. These two are closely interconnected, and the fundamental reason is that Hyojong was not originally supposed to be king. Hyojong was the second son of King Injo, and the deceased Crown Prince Sohyun had three grandsons. Then, how could Grand Prince Bongrim become king?

91 First, there is the superficial reason that the relationship between Crown Prince Sohyun and King Injo was not good. Records indicate that Crown Prince Sohyun's actions did not align with King Injo's wishes; he neglected the cultivation of Confucian scholarship and indulged in other miscellaneous studies, and he spent a large amount of resources to interact with important figures in Qing, thus offending King Injo. However, the Annals of King Injo reveal records of King Injo's fear and anxiety due to Qing's pressure and Crown Prince Sohyun's reliance on Qing's influence. After the Manchu invasion, Qing skillfully used the 'Crown Prince Sohyun card' to control Injo, even declaring that if anything happened to Injo, the hostage Crown Prince Sohyun would be enthroned. Qing revealed its intention to check Injo by utilizing Crown Prince Sohyun, which inevitably put Injo in a politically constrained position. In July 1639, before the attack on Jinzhou (錦州) in Ming, Qing demanded that Joseon provide troops and warships. However, Joseon showed hesitation, and Qing then threatened Injo by hinting at a 'change of throne.' This 'change of throne' theory from Qing significantly pressured Injo mentally, becoming the background for him viewing his son, Crown Prince Sohyun, as a political rival.

Amidst this situation, Crown Prince Sohyun returned to Joseon and died shortly thereafter in April 1645 (the 22nd year of Injo's reign). In May of the same year, Grand Prince Bongrim (Hyojong) returned. In June of the same year, Injo summoned his officials under the pretext of appointing a Crown Prince, and here he expressed his intention to make Grand Prince Bongrim the Crown Prince. However, officials such as Second State Councilor Hong Seo-bong, Chief Royal Secretary Shim Yeol, Minister of the Royal Secretariat Lee Gyeong-yeo, Second State Councilor Kim Yuk, and Minister of Personnel Lee Gyeong, argued that the legitimate heir, Grand Prince Won, the eldest grandson of Crown Prince Sohyun, should inherit the throne, and that Grand Prince Won was intelligent in his studies and had committed no wrongdoing. Despite their opposition, the King pushed forward with his intention, stating the need for a mature monarch, and thus Grand Prince Bongrim was eventually appointed Crown Prince.

Amidst this situation, Crown Prince Sohyun returned to Joseon and passed away in April 1645 (22nd year of King Injo's reign). Grand Prince Bongrim (later Hyojong) returned in May of the same year. In June of the same year, King Injo summoned his ministers to discuss the appointment of a Crown Prince, at which point he expressed his intention to appoint Grand Prince Bongrim as Crown Prince. The ministers, including Chief State Councilor Hong Seo-bong, Minister of Personnel Shim Yeol, Minister of Personnel Kim Yuk, and Minister of Personnel Yi Gyeong, supported this decision.

92 The records of the historiographers also reveal that the appointment of Grand Prince Bongrim as Crown Prince was carried out against the consensus of the court. Grand Prince Bongrim also requested that his appointment as Crown Prince be rescinded, citing the existence of Grand Prince Won. However, Injo did not grant his request, citing the precedent that 'when the elder brother dies, the younger brother succeeds' (兄亡弟及). Subsequently, to secure the position of Crown Prince, Injo had Kang Bin, the wife of the deceased Crown Prince Sohyun, executed through a false accusation, demoted to commoner status, and exiled, thereby stripping the royal succession rights of Crown Prince Sohyun's three sons. However, the issue related to Kang Bin, which seemed to have ended quietly, resurfaced on April 26, the third year of Hyojong's reign (1652), when Min Jeong-jung submitted a memorial regarding a natural disaster.

"Your humble servant has served Your Majesty closely for a long time but has offered no assistance.

For a long time, I have served you closely, yet I have been of no assistance.

Heaven has now sent a disaster as a warning, and we are experiencing a severe drought. Your Majesty's mind is filled with worry and fear, day and night, and you have issued a decree seeking a solution, showing utmost sincerity. (omitted) The two traitors have received the judgment of the law and have acted wickedly.

Your Majesty's mind has been troubled day and night with worry and fear, yet you have issued decrees and sought a resolution with utmost sincerity. (Omitted) The two traitors have faced the judgment of the law and have been found to be treacherous.

A single scheme is revealed, causing people to be even more bewildered, and all believe that the two traitors have deceived them.

It is said that the rebellion was instigated by them. (Omitted) If there were even the slightest suspicious clue,

there would surely be double the pity for the utmost filial affection. Please rigorously interrogate Sin-saeng

and have them resolve their grievances immediately. If there is clear evidence of rebellion,

please also decide the matter swiftly to completely remove the suspicions of the entire nation.

- Annals of King Hyojong, Year 3, April 26 -

Upon reading this memorial, Hyojong became enraged and, speaking directly with Min Jeong-jung, reacted thus: "According to the law, you would be hard-pressed to escape a grave offense, but I have already offered my counsel, and what you have presented stems from your determination to convey your thoughts. Therefore, I wished to speak with you directly." After a few exchanges, Hyojong intervened personally. As the atmosphere grew tense, Min Jeong-jung realized the gravity of the situation and withdrew. Following Min Jeong-jung's memorial, Hyojong, perhaps feeling uneasy, issued a stern warning in June of the same year, decreeing that anyone who spoke of the Lady Kangbin's case would be considered a traitor.

After this warning regarding Lady Kangbin's issue, the matter seemed to quiet down for a while. However, in 1654, Kim Hong-uk, the governor of Hwanghae Province, submitted a memorial under the guise of seeking royal counsel ('eungjisangso') to address Lady Kangbin's case for rehabilitation. Kim Hong-uk's argument was that the royal court was harmonious at the time, so why would Lady Kangbin plot such a rebellion? He further argued that if the curse had truly occurred, it would have involved the complicity of servants from Shenyang, and such a heinous act could not have remained secret. His memorial thus requested Lady Kangbin's rehabilitation.

94 Enraged by Kim Hong-uk's memorial, Hyojong ordered his arrest. As Kim Hong-uk was escorted to Hanyang, Hyojong initiated a personal interrogation. Kim Hong-uk explained that during Hyojong's reign, various natural disasters such as drought, frost, typhoons, and heavy snow had occurred. In response, a royal decree for seeking counsel ('gu-eon') had been issued, and he had submitted his memorial in response to this decree, intending to address the points that needed correction and to receive any opinions. He stated that the king was expected to listen attentively to memorials submitted in response to the 'gu-eon' decree, and therefore, all the officials opposed punishing Kim Hong-uk.

However, Hyojong showed no sign of yielding or compromise on this issue, even at the cost of his own prestige. After Kim Hong-uk's death, the issue of Lady Kangbin was no longer mentioned. Nevertheless, Hyojong acquired the image of a tyrannical king like Geojol, who disregarded the consensus of the scholar-officials. The intention of Hyojong to build a positive image through 'gu-eon' and 'eungjisangso' was in vain. Following the Kim Hong-uk incident, public opinion towards Hyojong rapidly deteriorated. After Kim Hong-uk's death, 'eungjisangso' drastically decreased, as few dared to risk their lives to admonish the king. Jo Gyeong, the Minister of Personnel, criticized this trend, submitting a memorial stating, 'From the Kim Hong-uk case onwards, the habit of the censors remaining silent was fostered, leading to a blockage of the channels of remonstrance and the promotion of sycophancy.' Such memorials poured in, and the policies Hyojong attempted to implement failed to gain the support of the majority of officials, including the scholars in seclusion, leading to a rapid decline in his authority.

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Hyojong and the Scholars in Seclusion

Upon his accession, Hyojong's first action was to bring the scholars in seclusion into the central political arena. Song Si-yeol was among them. In the Joseon Dynasty, scholars in seclusion ('sanrim') were individuals who, unlike those entering officialdom through past examinations or limited hereditary appointments, were summoned by the king from their reclusive lives due to their profound academic knowledge and reputation, and thus participated in central politics. This term refers to individuals who became officials through this unique method of appointment, distinct from the general bureaucratic recruitment process. So why did Hyojong summon the 'sanrim'? At that time, the influential figure in practical politics was Kim Ja-jeom, who had played a crucial role in supporting Hyojong's enthronement as crown prince and was a key figure who concurred with King Injo's purge of Lady Kangbin. From this perspective, it might seem reasonable for Hyojong to consider Kim Ja-jeom an ally rather than the 'sanrim,' who raised questions about his succession and the purge of Lady Kangbin. However, Hyojong likely judged that aligning with Kim Ja-jeom would mean severing ties with the entire scholar-official class, and therefore, he could not disregard the advancement of the 'sanrim'.

From the beginning of his reign, Hyojong actively appointed scholars in seclusion and carried out extensive personnel reforms against the powerful officials of King Injo's reign and the pro-Qing faction. It began with Kim Hong-uk's impeachment of the Grand Councilor Kim Ja-jeom. Kim Hong-uk accused Kim Ja-jeom of failing to repay the late king's favor, pursuing personal gain, and corrupting the court. Although many censors supported this accusation, Hyojong, stating that he could not impeach a senior minister of the previous king, dismissed Kim Hong-uk and Yi Seok. Consequently, a flood of memorials opposing their dismissal poured in from the Royal Secretariat and the censorial office. As both offices impeached Kim Ja-jeom for his crimes and demanded his dismissal, Hyojong reluctantly dismissed Kim Ja-jeom and exiled him. Following the successful impeachment of Kim Ja-jeom, many individuals, including the 'sanrim' faction and the censors, submitted impeachment memorials. Hyojong approved a significant number of these, as he himself recognized that Kim Ja-jeom's faction could be a blemish on his reign, making it difficult for him to strongly defend Kim Ja-jeom. It is interpreted that Hyojong did not strongly oppose the impeachment because it presented an opportunity to gain the trust of those who opposed his enthronement. Kim Ja-jeom subsequently died in November of Hyojong's second year, implicated in the witchcraft case involving Lady Jo, a concubine of King Injo. This case, in which Kim Ja-jeom and his faction were executed, signified the complete annihilation of the pro-Qing faction and also meant the elimination of obstacles to Hyojong's consolidation of royal power.

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Furthermore, at the beginning of Hyojong's second year, Dorgon, the regent who had actively interfered in Joseon's internal affairs and consistently pursued a hardline policy, died. Following this event, Qing envoys visited Joseon under various pretexts, and their interference significantly decreased. This marked a crucial turning point in Joseon's foreign policy. With the reduction of Qing interference and the elimination of the pro-Qing faction led by Kim Ja-jeom, the foundation for stable royal power was established. From this point onward, the conditions were met for Hyojong to pursue his intended large-scale military buildup and defense policies.

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Hyojong and the Northern Expedition

From December of Hyojong's second year (1651) to February of his third year (1652), Kim Ja-jeom, the leader of the pro-Qing faction and a powerful official hindering the consolidation of royal power, was executed, and Regent Dorgon died. Following these events, Qing's foreign policy shifted, and its interference significantly decreased. Hyojong's military policy began to be actively implemented from Hyojong's third year, when Kim Ja-jeom was ousted.

In fact, Hyojong had been implementing military policies from the beginning of his reign. In November of his accession year (1649), he ordered the strengthening of discipline among troops due to lax border defenses. In July of Hyojong's first year (1650), to enhance military strength in both the central and provincial regions, Yi Si-bang was appointed as the commander of the Su-eo Command, attempting to reform the military in Chungcheong Province. The reform involved exchanging troops from Chungcheong Province with those in the Gyeonggi region and incorporating the Juksan Battalion, under the command of the Chong-yung Command, into the Namhansanseong Fortress. Additionally, troops from Chungju and Cheongju were reassigned to their respective provinces, concentrating military strength at Namhansanseong Fortress. Detecting these movements, Qing dispatched an envoy in August of Hyojong's first year, sending an imperial decree with the following content:

"You have stated that you are repairing fortifications and gathering troops because of strained relations with Waeguk (Japan), and this is not the first time you have said so. From the time of your late king until now, it has happened countless times. (Omitted) Repairing fortifications, gathering troops, and organizing weapons are not related to Waeguk at all; they are solely intended to cause trouble for me. Therefore, repairing cities, assembling troops and horses, and organizing machinery in that intention is a cunning deception and violates etiquette. I shall simply prepare for it, so what more is there to say?

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- Annals of King Hyojong, Year 1, August 27 - The fact that Qing dispatched envoys seven times in Hyojong's first year and four times in the early part of Hyojong's second year indicates that they were aware to some extent of Hyojong's military policies. Hyojong had to be cautious of Qing until the death of Regent Dorgon. However, after the downfall of the pro-Qing faction and the death of Regent Dorgon, Hyojong vigorously pursued his military policies.

First, Hyojong pursued policies to reorganize and strengthen the central army. In June of Hyojong's third year, he discussed increasing the number of royal guards and the Eoyeong military with court officials. The plan was to increase the elite force from 4,000 during King Injo's reign to 6,000 under Yi Wan's command. In August of the same year, in response to the Qing cavalry, he discussed with Park Seo the conversion of all the Geumgun (Royal Guards) into cavalry and reorganized the Naesumcheong (Inner Guard Command) to be managed by the Left and Right Byeoljangs. In September, he ordered the formation of units with an equal number of archers and musketeers, reorganizing the military structure to focus on firearms. In April of Hyojong's sixth year (1656), despite financial concerns, he expanded the Geumgun from 629 to 1,000 soldiers by recruiting an additional 371.

Along with reorganizing the central army, Hyojong also pursued the reorganization and reform of the provincial armies. A representative policy is the revival of the Yeongjang system, mentioned earlier in relation to Park Seo. The Yeongjang was responsible for the command and training of provincial troops. Park Seo proposed its revival in Hyojong's fourth year, and in his fifth year, Won Du-pyo proposed dispatching Yeongjangs to the Samnam region to fully manage military affairs. Consequently, in addition to the Yeongjangs dispatched to the Samnam region, a system of concurrent Yeongjangs, where local officials also served as Yeongjangs, was implemented in other regions.

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The implementation of Gwanmujae, aimed at fostering talent and military training, is also noteworthy. Gwanmujae had been suspended after the Byeongja War (Qing invasion of Joseon), but Hyojong revived it, holding annual Gwanmujae exercises. Records show that in Hyojong's fifth year, military reviews were held at Noryang and Chundangdae, and in his seventh year, a military review was conducted at Gwangneung on the way back to the palace. Hyojong also focused on securing military finances. In Hyojong's sixth year, he established the Bureau for the Pursuit and Registration of Slaves (Nobi Chuswae Dogam) and dispatched inspectors to each province. Although the official registry listed 190,000 slaves, only 27,000 paid the head tax ('singong') levied on adult males. The proposal was to identify the remaining slaves to augment military funds. The Equal Distribution Law ('Daedongbeop') also significantly contributed to finances. It was implemented in Chungcheong Province in Hyojong's third year and in the coastal areas of Jeolla Province in his ninth year (1658), helping to secure a certain level of financial resources.

However, these military buildup policies faced opposition from court officials. Reasons included the inefficiency of various policies, but also the weak support base due to the cases of Lady Kangbin and Kim Hong-uk, compounded by severe natural disasters throughout Hyojong's reign. Numerous memorials cited the widespread resentment among the populace due to frequent corvée labor and military training, detailing numerous negative consequences.

"Although the royal procession to the tomb has been postponed, the military exercises are about to commence. The exhausted people of Gyeonggi are already suffering from the labor of repairing roads, and the starving residents along the river cannot bear the burden of corvée labor. How can the people not resent and slander? (Omitted) The king's mistakes are like solar and lunar eclipses; when mistakes are made and corrected, people will look up to him with admiration. Whether this person accompanies the royal procession is truly a trivial matter, but not hesitating to correct mistakes has significant implications. In my foolish heart, I almost hope for correction. I intended to send a message to my colleagues to request the cancellation of the road repairs, but my colleagues found it difficult to agree, and I have been treated with disrespect. Please dismiss me from my post."

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- Annals of King Hyojong, Year 5, March 3 -

Conclusion

In the early period of his reign, Hyojong appointed scholars in seclusion, and they, in turn, ousted the pro-Qing faction, laying the groundwork for the Northern Expedition policy. Following the death of Regent Dorgon, he began to implement policies vigorously and exercise royal authority. However, while resolving the issue of his sister-in-law, Lady Kangbin, which was linked to his legitimacy, he caused the downfall of Kim Hong-uk, thereby facing challenges to his legitimacy. In summary, Hyojong consistently pursued the Northern Expedition policy from the time of his accession, but encountered difficulties in realizing this policy due to the political realities surrounding his legitimacy. While the issue of legitimacy was temporarily resolved, the pursuit of the Northern Expedition was consequently hampered.

101 Bibliography

Lee, Kyung-chan. 1988. “The Northern Expedition Movement during King Hyojong's Reign in Joseon.” *Chonggye Sahak*, Institute of Korean Spiritual Culture, Chonggye Sahak Society.

Woo, Kyung-seop. 2018. “The Tale of the Accursed and Hyojong's Secret Letter.” *Hanguk Hak Yeon-gu*, Vol. 50, pp. 219-244.

National Institute of Korean History, Annals of the Joseon Dynasty Official Website.

http://sillok.history.go.kr/main/main.do

National Institute of Korean History, Korean History Database, Official Histories of China: Joseon Section.

http://db.history.go.kr/item/level.do?itemId=jo

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