18th Century Qing Dynasty and Joseon as Seen by Park Ji-won

Worrying Ahead for the World Order, Enjoying It Later: Young Men of the Sarangbang Embrace Beijing

Jeong Ji-won Ewha Womans University

Category: EAI Sarangbang Excursions
Published: August 1, 2019

Yurichang · Jeong Ji-won · Ewha Womans University

Introduction

As I participated in the Sarangbang program, I delved into the historical sites of various countries and glimpsed the contemporary realities of those times. Among them, by choosing Yurichang, I was able to enter the era of 18th-century Qing China and Joseon. In particular, I learned about the life of Park Ji-won, known as a proponent of Northern Learning and a Silhak scholar in Joseon. Witnessing the poignant exchange of letters, poems, and paintings between Park Ji-won, an official of Joseon still bearing the pain of the Byeongja Horan (Manchu Invasion of 1636), and a painter named Na Bing from Qing China whom he met through Yurichang, I studied the meaning of Yurichang for Park Ji-won and the significance of the series of times he spent at Yurichang within the context of Sino-Joseon relations. Especially since he was one of the few Joseon officials who was very open to Qing culture and knowledge, and sought to reform Joseon based on his experiences in Qing, I decided to trace his experiences in Qing China.

53 Similar to the Sarangbang members who traveled to China for the Sarangbang field trip, I decided to trace the life of Park Ji-won, who also traveled to Qing China.

Portrait of Park Ji-won painted by Na Bing of Qing China (Source: Inmul Hanguksa)

The reasons why Park Ji-won could develop an open perspective based on his experiences in Qing China can be broadly divided into two categories. The first stems from his status as a seoeol (son of a concubine or slave), and the second from the people he associated with and interacted with. Primarily, because he was of seoeol birth, he realized the limitations of his social status relatively early.

54 Broadly speaking, this led to a strong critique of the fundamental order of the contemporary aristocracy and Joseon society itself. Furthermore, despite being a seoeol, he had the opportunity to enter officialdom through King Jeongjo's selection, and based on this, he served as a Gyujanggak inspector three times and experienced four missions to Qing (Yeonhaeng). Through missions to places like Yurichang, he was able to directly experience Qing China and, by comparing it with Joseon, he could sharply point out the flaws and developmental directions of Joseon society within a larger order.

Furthermore, Park Ji-won belonged to the so-called 'Baektap Sipha' centered around Yeonam Park Ji-won, sharing concerns and maintaining close relationships with figures like Yi Deok-mu and Yu Deuk-gong. He also actively engaged with people he met in Qing China. In particular, his relationship with Yi Deok-mu among the 'Baektap Sipha' appears significant, as they were both of seoeol status, worked together at Gyujanggak, and traveled to Qing multiple times together, spending considerable time together. Additionally, given the numerous records of his interactions with the Qing painter Na Bing, both during his lifetime and after his death, his exchanges with Na Bing undoubtedly occupied a significant part of his life. Whether Joseon or Qing national, Park Ji-won, by interacting with them, was able to retain an image of the actual Qing, rather than a Qing perceived through hostility. Especially through missions to places like Yurichang and his relationships with those around him during those journeys, he was able to maintain the capacity for broad and critical thinking throughout his life.

Park Ji-won's Status: Seoeol

Park Ji-won's seoeol status was a hindrance to his social advancement, but paradoxically, it also allowed him to possess greater autonomy from the prevailing social system of the time. Compared to others, he keenly felt the fundamental systemic problems of Joseon society from an early age and thus sharply criticized the aristocracy and the state examination system, which was the process for selecting and appointing them to government positions. His collection, 'Jeongyugakjip,' directly reveals the reality of social discrimination that Park Ji-won sought to expose.

“Even with ambition, poverty makes achievement difficult,

When capable, they refuse to act out of arrogance.

Heaven spares not those with complete talent,

Limitation is ultimately like the plum blossom.”

This reveals not only discrimination based on the seoeol status itself but also a lament and sense of futility regarding the pervasive discrimination in society. Moreover, Park Ji-won consistently criticized Joseon's social system for failing to cultivate proper talent. He even described his own experience of passing the state examination with a third-place ranking without prior study as "a lingering shame that I was fortunate enough to be selected for a high rank, only to be ridiculed by others."

56 This turned the experience of achieving good results in the state examination into an act that invited 'ridicule' and was 'shameful' to others.

He even went so far as to explicitly state in 'Bukhakui,' which he presented to the king, that the most urgent measure needed for Joseon was the elimination of Confucian scholars. He emphasized that while promoting agriculture was crucial, the current situation where over 100,000 Confucian scholars were solely focused on the state examinations was incorrect. In explaining this, Park Ji-won criticized the discriminatory structure between the strong and the weak.

“Although they are all commoners, between those who are employed and those who employ,

a dynamic of the strong and the weak is formed. Once this

dynamic is established, agriculture is increasingly neglected, and the state examinations are increasingly

emphasized.”

Furthermore, during his attendance at the Byeongo year court assembly, he sharply recorded his fundamental questions about the social system, stating that the state's laws were not properly enforced for the aristocracy, leading to their own ruin, and that the selection of talent was being undermined by the state examination system, also causing ruin. He took a broad view of the scope of influence of the state-created systems and identified discrimination within Joseon society through a structural approach. His writings reveal a sharp critique in prose and a more lamenting tone in poetry, evaluating the irrational and discriminatory systems of the time.

57 In this sense, Park Ji-won likely felt that his social position was like a glass ceiling hindering his abilities. Moreover, that ceiling was a glass window through which the top was visible, especially since he, despite being a seoeol, had experienced officialdom and, through his missions to Qing, had encountered a world he perceived as larger.

Although he clearly faced status limitations as a seoeol, Park Ji-won, along with Yi Deok-mu and Yu Deuk-gong, was appointed as one of the first Gyujanggak inspectors in 1779 after King Jeongjo promulgated the Seoeol Heotong Jeolmok (Ordinance on the Abolition of Seoeol Restrictions). He subsequently served as an inspector two more times, in 1789 and 1794. Concurrently, starting with his first mission to Qing in 1778, he experienced a total of four missions to Qing until his last one in 1801. Through repeated official duties and experiences of missions to Qing, he must have felt the problems of the social structure and discrimination even more vividly, and by experiencing a wider world, he was able to develop what could be called an international political perspective. This bears a resemblance to the Sarangbang members' field trip to China in 2019. While this may be true for other destinations as well, the Yurichang field trip, in particular, might have been a journey retracing the path of Park Ji-won in the 18th century.

A street in Yurichang where Park Ji-won might have walked

Park Ji-won did not perceive Qing China as "utter barbarians." Instead, he argued that if Qing's order benefited the people, a sage should adopt its laws, even questioning if these were not laws made in China's "ancient land." Paradoxically, borrowing Mencius's words, he explained that while barbarians are barbarians and the culture of the Zhou Dynasty could not be tainted by them, he opened the possibility for selective adoption for the sake of the people as a 'sage.' He emphasized that in Joseon, the land of the 'Lesser China' following the path of the Zhou Dynasty, there were clearly valuable lessons to be learned from the laws of the barbarians, and accepting them was the correct choice for a sage.

59 He even sharply pointed out Joseon's perspective on Qing China and its international political situation as follows:

“Indeed, the Qing are currently Manchus. The Manchu Qing understood that it was beneficial to occupy China and even plundered it to possess it. However, our country only recognizes that the usurper is Manchu, but does not realize that the one who was usurped was China. Therefore, we have not even taken measures to protect ourselves from Qing, which is already clear evidence. ... I fear that not only will I be unable to drive out the barbarians who occupy China, but I will also be unable to change even the customs of the barbarians within our own country.”

occupied China, and even plundered it to possess it. However, our country only recognizes that the usurper is Manchu, but does not realize that the one who was usurped was China. Therefore, we have not even taken measures to protect ourselves from Qing, which is already clear evidence. ... I fear that not only will I be unable to drive out the barbarians who occupy China, but I will also be unable to change even the customs of the barbarians within our own country.”

understood that it was beneficial to occupy China and even plundered it to possess it. However, our country only recognizes that the usurper is Manchu, but does not realize that the one who was usurped was China. Therefore, we have not even taken measures to protect ourselves from Qing, which is already clear evidence. ... I fear that not only will I be unable to drive out the barbarians who occupy China, but I will also be unable to change even the customs of the barbarians within our own country.”

He accepted that Qing had replaced Ming and taken over the world, and while still harboring the pain of the Byeongja Horan, he accurately grasped the international political positions of Qing and Joseon. He emphasized that Joseon's course of action, which failed to understand international dynamics, would inevitably lead to greater poverty for its people and neglect of development.

He also frequently used the phrase "yearning for Zhonghua (China)" in his poetry. For example, reflecting on his life, he wrote, "No one has traveled as much as I have; from childhood, I yearned for Zhonghua, and seeing it with my own eyes brought me joy. I felt I could even climb the Five Great Mountains, so I left home as if discarding worn-out shoes."

60 It is evident that his experiences during his missions to Qing were deeply ingrained in this way of thinking, and the same was true for Yi Deok-mu, who accompanied him. When he asked Yi Deok-mu why he yearned for Zhonghua, Park Ji-won recorded Yi Deok-mu's response as follows:

“I have read the books of Zhonghua, and I have visited that land before.

The land is vast, and the books are numerous, like a sea of unfathomable depth

and a spirit of unknowable change. Abundance is called richness, and self-realization is called joy.

In the past, when I read the books of the ancients, I thought all their writings

originated from our country. But now I know that the rites and music, poetry and prose, are all abundant and joyful because they come from Zhonghua. How could I not yearn for it?

Now, as I humbly read books and contemplate the heavens, I realize that becoming like the ancients naturally has its reasons. Therefore, not only do I understand the writings of the ancients who did not know the worthiness of yearning for China,

but I also understand those who did not know the remoteness of a thousand years ago and ten thousand li.”

It is said that one cannot.

The Qing Dynasty as viewed by Yi Deokmu and Joseon's position were not significantly different from those of Park Je-ga. Both men explained that their 'admirations' stemmed from their experiences in Yeon-haeng, where they directly saw, heard, and felt.

61 They recognized the Qing Dynasty as it truly was and adopted a relentless critical stance toward Joseon's anachronistic direction, which moved in the opposite path.

A 21st-century window full of books, reminiscent of an 18th-century window

Park Je-ga's Friends, Yi Deokmu and Na Bing

Despite the limitations of social status and enduring direct discrimination as they rose through official ranks, possessing a critical mindset, and through the experience of Yeon-haeng, not being confined to Joseon,

62 even if they could possess an international perspective, these series of processes would have been impossible if they were alone. It would not have been easy to develop such an open mindset, but even if they had, it might have been difficult to sustain a positive perception of the Qing Dynasty because it did not align with the major political currents of Joseon at the time. Park Je-ga had friends nearby, both close and far, with whom he could share his thoughts and concerns, and it appears they supported each other. We will focus on Yi Deokmu among those who shared similar aspirations centered around Yeonam Park Ji-won in Joseon, and on Na Bing among those who interacted with the Qing Dynasty.

The overall tone of Park Je-ga's poetry collection is one of deep lament and affection. It is filled with dissatisfaction with the society in which he lived and a tender gaze upon his own life, along with a yearning for a better life and society. Yi Deokmu was one of the people with whom he frequently shared such thoughts and feelings. As they rose in officialdom together and traveled to Yeon-haeng together, Park Je-ga left many writings related to Yi Deokmu, often expressing his affectionate feelings for him in his poems.

There are many passages that show he shared the hardships and joys of life, as well as his contemplation of society and life, with his friends, including Yi Deokmu. For example, 'I climbed Mt. Seungga with Hong Dae-yong, Park Ji-won, and Yi Deokmu. Yi Deokmu left earlier, so we agreed to meet at Botongjeong on the way. After playing in Gye, passing through Bukhan Mountain, I met Yi Deokmu again at Seosangsu's

63 and stayed overnight, composing travel poems.' In this passage, we can confirm Park Je-ga's deep affection for this special bond through lines like, 'Following sincerity, casting aside all constraints, I clapped my hands with a hearty laugh. Who will keep this night from spoiling? I wish to write it down and send it to my friends,' or from 'Meeting Park Ji-won at Baekmun,' 'Green leaves cast a crescent moon's light to the west, and the remaining warmth of thin clouds makes it even more desolate. How could I have known that I would meet three or four people and listen to the sound of autumn insects all night long?' It is evident that they did not merely enjoy themselves with music and revelry, but also exchanged their thoughts and feelings by taking turns writing and reciting poetry.

Notably, his correspondence with Yi Deokmu reveals that they shared not only academic matters but also their overall feelings about their lives. Particularly after Yi Deokmu's death in 1793, around which time Park Je-ga's wife also passed away, Park Je-ga's sorrow and longing reached their peak, as can be seen in a poem where he drinks wine with a heavy heart while passing by Yi Deokmu's grave. Furthermore, reading Yi Deokmu's letters and Park Je-ga's responses to them highlights the strong presence of Yi Deokmu as a friend to Park Je-ga.

'Cheongjanggwan, who was like a flying bird in life, vanished in an instant.

The blue sky is distant. Who will chase the void and remember his form?

The fluttering fallen feathers cannot tell. Suddenly letting go of my hand,

I fell off the cliff, and the tangerine peels and cicadas all disappeared together.

Even if clouds pass by now, I cannot speak, so I ask the old clouds

64 what do you think? It is possible to cast gold and weave silk,

managing the universe with two mosquitoes. The sound of 'Twenty-one Thousand Songs' is cold, unable to produce sound by attaching instruments. The red willows by the water

are tender, and the red fish with fine scales swim against the current in the blue water. The spring day is drawing to a close by the Tumen River,

it is not like that place where we floated cups on the curved water.

It is not like that place where we floated cups on the curved water.

Yi Deokmu was a constant companion for Park Je-ga, with whom he communicated, shared emotions, and exchanged academic and political insights, whether at the Kyujanggak, during moments of leisure, on their Yeon-haeng journey, or even after Yi Deokmu's death when Park Je-ga was left alone.

The streets of Yulchang where Park Je-ga and Yi Deokmu might have walked together

65 Park Je-ga, who made four trips to Yeon-haeng, has many records, particularly from his second trip in 1790 to celebrate the 80th birthday of the Qing Emperor Qianlong. It was also during this time that his active exchange with the Qing painter Na Bing began. He and Na Bing exchanged poetry frequently, and records show that Na Bing gifted Park Je-ga portraits, fans, and other items. Their friendship continued through correspondence even after Park Je-ga returned to Joseon. While it was a personal friendship, the fact that he maintained direct and continuous contact with a Qing national demonstrates that he was consistently forging a different path from other Joseon people. This likely strengthened Park Je-ga's views on the Qing Dynasty, leading him to adopt a more critical stance towards those who failed to grasp this trend.

The streets of Yulchang where Park Je-ga and Na Bing might have walked together

66 The Jeongyugakjip reveals a significant number of poems related to Na Bing. It is noteworthy that Na Bing also lost his parents due to Qing soldiers, and Park Je-ga, coming from a country that had experienced the Manchu invasions, formed a unique friendship with him. Park Je-ga left many poems praising Na Bing's artistic talent and expressing his longing for him.

“Casually went out to view paintings,

Met a good friend at the temple.

Everyone there was a refined scholar with jade-like bones.

Each petal was like fine jade.

Creating a shared sorrow,

The short separation grieved my heart.

The land of Jiading is a place of refined pleasures,

My dear friend resides in Zhongxing.”

“When the Daoist paints bamboo,

He evokes it through color,

But when you paint bamboo,

Its divine essence lies not in its outward appearance.”

Park Je-ga's sincere interactions with Qing nationals continued not only on joyous occasions like Na Bing's birthday but also during sad times.

67 He even left writings and sent letters related to Na Bing's wife, Lady Bang, when she passed away. 'The immortal connection, copied from <Dangyun>, is not fleeting, and even in poetry, your virtue shines brightly. Your literary talent surpasses that of your ancestors, and your family's lineage lies within the same clan. Though trivial, all align with principles, and your noble character was indeed your nature. The poetry gathering in the afterlife must be lonely; who will remember Na Heng again?' he wrote, commenting on his wife. He also sent a letter expressing shared grief over Na Bing's bereavement.

Like Yi Deokmu, Park Je-ga emphasized that to accurately understand the Qing Dynasty, it was crucial not only to visit Qing and experience and accept new things but also to engage in practical exchange with the Qing. Specifically, he pointed out the need for an attitude of acceptance, including communication and interaction with Qing people. In this context, Park Je-ga's continuous exchange with Qing nationals like Na Bing served as a way for him to interpret the world and position himself within that larger world. Because he shared this path with his Joseon friends, he could criticize with a stronger tone and persistently uphold his convictions.

68 Bibliography Kim Dae-jung, 2013, "Two Perspectives on the Internal and External." <Hanguksa Yeongu> 162,

165-209.

Park Je-ga, Jeong Min, et al. 2010. 《Jeongyugakjip: The Complete Works of Park Je-ga, Pioneer of the Bukhak School

Volume 1-5》. Dolbaegye.

Park Je-ga, Ahn Dae-hoe. 2003. 《Bukhakui – Park Je-ga's Theory of Reform and Openness, the Thinker Who Dreamed of Joseon's Modernity》. Dolbaegye.

Park Hyun-gyu, 2013. "The Artistic Connection Between Joseon's Park Je-ga, Yu Deuk-gong, and the Qing Painter Na Bing." <Hanguk

Hak Nonjip> 50, 69-96.

Son Seong-wook, 2012. "The Development of Literary Exchange Between Joseon and Qing in the 19th Century." <History Journal>

216, 277-307.

Won Jae-yeon, 2009. "The Spaces of Activity within Beijing during Yeon-haeng Missions from the 17th to 19th Centuries." <Dongbuk

Won Jae-yeon, 2009. “A Study on the Beijing Activity Spaces of the Yeonhaengsa (Korean Envoys) in the 17th-19th Centuries.” Northeast Asia

A History Journal> 26, 205-262.

Lee Cheol-seung, 2022, "The Critical Spirit and Anti-Neo-Confucian Tendencies in Park Je-ga's Philosophical Thought." <Beomhan Philosophy> 25, 109-124.

Cho Seong-san, 2014. "The Logic and Ancient

Academia.” <History Education> 130, 83-117.

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23, 1-32.

*This text is an AI translation of an original written in Korean. Some translations or nuances may be inaccurate.

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