Empress Dowager Cixi: The Face of the Qing Dynasty

Summer Palace · Heo Soo-jin · Seoul National University

Introduction

After enjoying a pleasant time in the maze of the Yuanmingyuan, we arrived at the Summer Palace, where a breeze carrying the ripples of the lake blew pleasantly, making Beijing's notorious heat seem to subside slightly. It was a moment when the Empress Dowager's desire to spend the summer in the Summer Palace, even by pushing for strenuous repairs, felt palpable. The long corridor stretching along Kunming Lake is covered to allow for strolls even on rainy days. Unlike the Western-style Yuanmingyuan, the ceiling is adorned with paintings depicting classical Chinese tales, myths, and landscapes from across the country. We walked along the corridor and found a spot to settle down and engage in intellectual discussions about love. Any love, if one strives to reach even a little into the other's heart, is bound to be deeply emotional.

4 However, I intend to calmly recount the record of a love affair that ended in failure through these pages.

Empress Dowager Cixi officially entered the political arena by beginning her regency for her son, the Tongzhi Emperor, who ascended the throne after the death of her husband, the Xianfeng Emperor. However, the Tongzhi Emperor also died prematurely at the age of twenty. Although it would have been the proper procedure for the Empress Consort Ci'an, the Tongzhi Emperor's wife, to become Empress Dowager and adopt his successor as her own son, Empress Dowager Cixi was able to continue her regency by adopting her nephew, Zaizhen (later the Guangxu Emperor), as her son. This is often portrayed as a desire for power, but on the other hand, it has also led to positive evaluations, as Cixi's continued rule did not face significant opposition due to her excellent political performance or "acting skills" during the Tongzhi Emperor's reign (Chang 2013: 114).

In 1889, the Guangxu Emperor, having reached adulthood, held his wedding ceremony. Empress Dowager Cixi, having stepped down from her regency, temporarily resided in Zhongnanhai, west of the Forbidden City, until the completion of the Summer Palace's renovation. She then spent her retirement in the Summer Palace, which played a crucial role in forming a negative image of her due to accusations of embezzling naval funds. However, Chang argues that the reported renovation costs of the Summer Palace were exaggerated and that the actual scale was similar to the cost of the Guangxu Emperor's wedding (Chang 2013: 160).

5

After a brief retirement, Empress Dowager Cixi returned to the political stage for her third regency on September 21, 1898, by halting the Hundred Days' Reform initiated by Kang Youwei. Consequently, Empress Dowager Cixi reigned as the de facto ruler of the Qing dynasty for nearly half a century, from 1861 to 1908. As it was extremely rare for an empress to lead an empire, Empress Dowager Cixi is undoubtedly a fascinating figure from a gender studies perspective. While comparative studies with Queen Victoria and discussions on Cixi's femininity and uniqueness have been actively pursued (Liu 2004; Pang 2005), I was more inclined to understand Cixi first as an individual and a politician, rather than solely within the framework of gender.

6

Locating Empress Dowager Cixi's Political Position

Empress Dowager Cixi, with her thousand faces captured in numerous portraits and photographs, was profoundly confusing due to the existence of entirely opposing images depending on the viewer. If it were a truly loving relationship, hearts could be conveyed just by looking at each other's faces, but I, clumsy in intellectual love, had to go through many stepping stones to read those hearts. The figure herself was complex, but the perspectives and interpretations of Empress Dowager Cixi also fluctuated over time.

The negative image of Empress Dowager Cixi stems from the tradition of portraying her as an obstacle to China's modernization for prosperity. This was significantly influenced by Western writings in the early 20th century, which bore the characteristics of Orientalism, including the works of Backhouse and Bland, whose content was revealed to be largely fabricated by Oxford Professor Trevor-Roper, as well as the active media campaigns by radical reformers like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, who primarily operated overseas after failing to assassinate Empress Dowager Cixi (Trevor-Roper 1977; Bland and Backhouse 1914; Chung 1976: 109; Seagrave 1992: 263-72).

In contrast, we can examine the records of Empress Dowager Cixi's close associates who argued that the criticisms leveled against her at the time were unjust (Der Ling 1931; Conger 1909; Carl 1907; Headland 1909). Seagrave supplemented research on Empress Dowager Cixi through materials such as the relatively minor records mentioned above and Backhouse's unpublished diaries (Seagrave 1993: 13), and revisionist studies also offered new perspectives on Cixi's image (Chang 2013: 339; Chung 1979). Jung and others even considered Empress Dowager Cixi a key figure in China's modernization, arguing that the criticisms against her, who led Qing to transition from a medieval to a modern state through institutional reforms like the modernization of the Qing army, were excessive (Chang 2013: 339; Chung 1979).

7 Studies also re-examined Cixi's image. Jung and others even considered Empress Dowager Cixi a key figure in China's modernization, arguing that the criticisms against her, who led Qing to transition from a medieval to a modern state through institutional reforms like the modernization of the Qing army, were excessive (Chang 2013: 339; Chung 1979).

Empress Dowager Cixi was able to use naval funds for the renovation of the Summer Palace under the pretext of maintaining the troops stationed there. In the traditional historical narratives of the Chinese Communist Party, Empress Dowager Cixi, as a ruler of the feudal system, was considered no different from the peasants who revolted. For example, in 1976, an exhibition of her personal belongings was held at the National Museum of China, titled "The Sins of Cixi." This exhibition focused on Cixi's wrongdoings, such as flattering foreign imperialists.

8 While the previous communist narrative evaluated the late Qing period with a focus on "progress," the political changes within the Chinese Communist Party since the 1980s brought new trends to historical writing, leading to a re-evaluation of Chinese history as a whole. Within the trend emphasizing the understanding of Chinese tradition, Empress Dowager Cixi was also portrayed as someone who did her best to preserve a nation in crisis (Li and Zurndorfer 2012: 14).

As Chang argues, it is true that the Qing dynasty underwent significant institutional turmoil when faced with changing orders. In March 1861, the Zongli Yamen (Office for Foreign Affairs) was established, and in the 1870s, the first diplomatic missions were sent abroad. Through these actions, the Qing dynasty is considered to have adopted the modern Western diplomatic system (Zhou 2007: 447). Of course, it was also a period when the Qing keenly felt through various military conflicts, including the Sino-Japanese War, that they could no longer treat Western countries as tributary states.

Within the traditional Sino-centric world order, when China was strong, diplomatic envoys served to widely promote the prestige of the Son of Heaven, but conversely, when its power was weak, they had to plead for peace. Therefore, sending diplomatic envoys as demanded by Western countries, given the extremely weakened national strength after the Sino-Japanese War, was a deeply humiliating act. Among the ministers, the prevailing discourse was that envoys should not be sent until the country regained its strength and became relatively stronger. Even Li Hongzhang, who was pro-Western, believed that sending diplomatic envoys without naval support was unwise (Hsü 1960: 206). However, on July 29, 1873, diplomatic envoys from Britain, France, Russia, the United States, the Netherlands, and Japan were received by the Emperor, and ultimately, the Qing adopted Western diplomatic protocols.

9 However, the prevailing discourse was that envoys should not be sent until the country regained its strength and became relatively stronger. Even Li Hongzhang, who was pro-Western, believed that sending diplomatic envoys without naval support was unwise (Hsü 1960: 206). However, on July 29, 1873, diplomatic envoys from Britain, France, Russia, the United States, the Netherlands, and Japan were received by the Emperor, and ultimately, the Qing adopted Western diplomatic protocols.

Chang argued that Empress Dowager Cixi's active adoption of Western systems could offset the traditional negative image of her hindering China's development by advocating outdated values. However, the dichotomy of conservative versus reformist based on institutional perspectives implicitly assumes a teleological premise that institutional change and adoption equate to modernization, which in turn leads to integration into the international order. If we consider the need to unify conservatism and reformism within the context of the clash between the Western modern international order and the Sinocentric world order, a discussion limited to the institutional level is merely a half-picture, lacking the perspective of Qing's international politics deeply rooted in the world order.

Then, how did the Qing Empire, based on the world order, engage in the process of subjectively contemplating the future of "my nation" amidst the experience of diffusion from European-originated international politics? Within the history of Chinese thought, discussions on what kind of China to build were heated, broadly categorized into conservatives, moderate reformers, and radical reformers.

10 First, the conservatives believed that the reformists would subvert the existing order and destroy Chinese culture. Figures like Wang Xianqian and Ye Dehui argued that while Western political systems are based on power, China's is based on humanity and righteousness, stemming from the Confucian tradition advocating for benevolent governance based on the Way of the King (Yeophantong 2013: 336). It is also interesting that for conservatives, concepts like national strength and prosperity, which we now take for granted as national interests, were perceived as Western notions. They believed that Chinese teachings were far superior to those of the West, and although the West might be strong and prosperous, it could not achieve harmony and unity (De Bary and Lufrano 2000). However, conservatives, including the classicist Wang Xianqian, were significantly less involved in politics, thus their influence in practice was insufficient.

As one example, during the reform movement, Emperor Guangxu clashed with the conservative official Gangyi over the reform of the imperial examination system. Gangyi opposed the abolition of the Eight-legged essay (Baguwen) and the implementation of policy essays (Shacè lùn), requesting that Emperor Guangxu consult Empress Dowager Cixi. Empress Dowager Cixi sided with Emperor Guangxu, and a decree was eventually issued to implement the policy essays (On the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, an imperial edict was issued to abolish the Eight-legged essay. On the twenty-ninth of the previous month, Zhidong submitted a memorial, and the Emperor immediately ordered the Grand Secretariat to draft an edict. On this day, the capital was in an uproar, with rumors of the abolition of the Eight-legged essay spreading joy among the people for several days. It is said that upon receiving Zhidong's memorial, the Emperor immediately issued an edict. Gangyi requested that the matter be discussed by the Ministry. The Emperor said: "If I submit it to the Ministry of Rites for discussion, they will surely reject it." Gangyi then said: "This is a major matter that has been practiced for hundreds of years and cannot be abolished so easily. I ask Your Majesty to consider it carefully." The Emperor sternly said: "Are you trying to obstruct me?" Gangyi then dared not speak. As they were about to disperse,

11 Gangyi again said: "This is a major matter, and I wish Your Majesty would seek the Empress Dowager's懿旨 (imperial decree)." The Emperor then remained silent, and later said: "It is permissible to seek it." Thus, on the second day of the month, he visited the Summer Palace to request the Empress Dowager's懿旨, and on the fifth day, the decree was issued. (Chinese Historical Society 1959: 147-8).

In contrast, the moderate reformers were already highly conscious of the West in a hierarchical manner. The core of the moderate reformers' concern was "Why are they small yet strong, and we are large yet weak?" They sought ways to become equal to the West but did not question the world order itself. The problem lay within themselves, so "self-strengthening" could be solved by securing the means. For instance, Zhang Zhidong believed that the power of Western states originated from their governmental systems, and while acquiring appropriate knowledge was necessary to avoid Western encroachment, China's learning in moral conduct and the West's practical learning in world affairs had to be pursued together (Zhang 1900). Furthermore, Zhang Zhidong perceived the conflict between conservatives and progressives in China as follows:

The conservative faction is like a state of loss of appetite due to an inability to swallow.

The progressive faction is like a flock of sheep, unsure of which path to follow at a crossroads.

Conservatives do not understand what international intercourse is, and progressives do not know what is radical in Chinese affairs (Zhang 1900:

intercourse) is, and progressives do not know what is radical in Chinese affairs (Zhang 1900:

20).

20).

Finally, the radical reformers, represented by Kang Youwei, argued that the traditions of the Song and Ming dynasties offered no practical utility or benefit. Unlike the moderate reformers, they asserted that to achieve self-strengthening, it was inevitable to cast off the old system and initiate a modern one. Kang Youwei, in particular, stated that if complete change could be achieved, there would be an opportunity to become strong, but if only limited change occurred, the fate of decline could not be escaped. He sought legitimacy for reform by arguing that the Qing system, as a flawed legacy of the Han, Tang, Yuan, and Ming dynasties, was the result of bureaucratic intellectual games and corruption rather than the unique ideas of the ancestors. Kang Youwei also cited Peter the Great of Russia and the Meiji Restoration of Japan as examples for China to emulate (De Bary and Lufrano 2000).

12 presented their positions. Unlike the moderate reformists, they argued that to strengthen themselves, they had no choice but to cast off the old system and initiate a modern system. Kang Youwei, in particular, argued that if complete change could be achieved, there would be an opportunity to become stronger, but if only limited change were made, they could not escape the fate of decline. He sought legitimacy for reform by arguing that Qing institutions, as vestiges of the Han, Tang, Yuan, and Ming dynasties, were not the unique ideas of the ancestors but the result of intellectual games and corruption by officials. Kang Youwei also cited Peter I of Russia and the Meiji Restoration of Japan as examples worthy of China's emulation (De Bary and Lufrano 2000).

It is true that Empress Dowager Cixi had the closest relationship with factions represented by moderate reformers such as Zhang Zhidong and Ronglu. However, this does not mean that Cixi shared the views of the moderate reformers or their international political outlook. In other words, it is important to note that Cixi's international political outlook did not consistently align with the support of a particular group or a specific ideology. For example, during the Boxer Rebellion in 1900, when Empress Dowager Cixi declared war, Zhang Zhidong, along with other regional viceroys, agreed not to obey Cixi's order and to avoid full-scale military conflict with the West at the regional autonomy level. Conversely, it is also difficult to assume that Emperor Guangxu and the radical reformers were always in agreement; in September 1898, Emperor Guangxu issued an edict prohibiting Kang Youwei from organizing the Baoguo Hui (Society for the Protection of the Nation) (Chung 1979: 184). Kwong analyzes the actions of the Zhèdǎng faction, aimed at protecting Emperor Guangxu's political interests, not as encouragement from the Emperor, but rather as a series of actions by a few individuals seeking to weaken Empress Dowager Cixi's authority (Kwong 1984: 66-8).

13 Prohibition (Chung 1979: 184). Kwong analyzes the actions of the Zhèdǎng faction, aimed at protecting Emperor Guangxu's political interests, not as encouragement from the Emperor, but rather as a series of actions by a few individuals seeking to weaken Empress Dowager Cixi's authority (Kwong 1984: 66-8).

Indeed, the conversation between Emperor Guangxu and Empress Dowager Cixi recorded in Fei Xingjian's Biography of Empress Dowager Cixi is also interesting. In 1898, when Germany forced the Qing to sign the Treaty of Jiaozhou Bay, Emperor Guangxu tearfully said to Empress Dowager Cixi, "I do not want to be the king of a lost nation." To this, Empress Dowager Cixi replied, "Implement reforms and policies that can bring wealth and strength. I will not suppress them (When the Germans, under the pretext of a minor incident, seized Jiaozhou, no one in the court had a solution. The Emperor again tearfully told the Empress Dowager that he did not wish to be the ruler of a lost nation. The Empress Dowager replied: "If it can bring wealth and strength, do it yourself, and I will not interfere.")" (Chinese Historical Society, 1953: 464).

During the presentation, I was asked whether Empress Dowager Cixi could be categorized into one of the aforementioned groups, and furthermore, whether she had a clear international political vision. In my prepared report for the response, I had written "Empress Dowager Cixi, who contemplated the direction of governance amidst a changing order." I had mistakenly assumed that Empress Dowager Cixi, who led a nation, must have had a specific international political stance as the face of the Qing, engaging in a full-scale confrontation with the West.

However, the core of the conflict between the Hòudǎng (Empress Dowager's faction) and the Zhèdǎng faction lay in court power politics, and securing the support of Western powers for maintaining influence was more important than having a clear international political vision. Rather, the pursuit of national wealth and strength, which became the source of institutional change, did not become the central point of contention as both sides agreed on its necessity.

14 change did not become the central point of contention as both sides agreed on its necessity. After the presentation, I was given the homework of re-examining the conflict between the Zhèdǎng faction supporting Emperor Guangxu and the Hòudǎng faction supporting Empress Dowager Cixi within the Qing dynasty to find Empress Dowager Cixi's position.

Empress Dowager Cixi's Balancing Act: Sustaining Her Political Journey

As a politician, Empress Dowager Cixi can be positively evaluated for her ability to maintain the sustainability of monarchical rule through balance. Her political journey began in earnest with the Xinyou Coup (1861), where she successfully ousted the eight regents appointed by Emperor Xianfeng for future regency, through cooperation with Prince Gong, Zaifeng, and Empress Dowager Ci'an. Even during her regency, Empress Dowager Cixi constantly faced forces of opposition. Nevertheless, the reason she survived in the monarchical system was her exceptional political acumen in the complex game of "balancing weaknesses" (Hsü 1960: 204-5).

The Manchu identity of the Qing Empire was Empress Dowager Cixi's first Achilles' heel. Rhoads, focusing on the conflict between Manchus and Han Chinese, analyzes that Empress Dowager Cixi exacerbated the perception of the Manchu ruling class as an obstacle to China's reform and reconstruction. To maintain the Qing dynasty's power, Empress Dowager Cixi had to avoid alienating the Manchus by abandoning their privileges while simultaneously reducing the visible differences between Manchus and Han Chinese in a situation where Manchu and Han were not yet fully integrated in the late Qing period. This required a delicate

15 balancing act (Rhoads 2015). After the Hundred Days' Reform, which ended in 1898, rumors spread that Empress Dowager Cixi was targeting Han Chinese for revenge and treating Manchus as insiders and Han Chinese as outsiders, a notion she vehemently denied (Rhoads 2015: 71).

Second, Empress Dowager Cixi had to check and balance the power of high-ranking officials such as Li Hongzhang. This was a weakness stemming from changes in China's political system. Historically, during the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864), the Qing dynasty granted autonomy to regional armies and allowed discretion over economic and military resources to suppress the rebellion. The development of political, economic, and military policies based on regional power provided a foundation for figures like Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang, who were Han Chinese officials, to increase their influence (Crossley 2014). Li Hongzhang, in particular, commanded the Huai Army and the Beiyang Fleet and had connections with foreign advisors. Hsü analyzes that while Empress Dowager Cixi respected Li Hongzhang's abilities, she also feared his power (Hsü 1960: 204-5).

Third, the anti-foreign image served as the most significant weakness for Empress Dowager Cixi. Even in her confrontation with Emperor Guangxu, who was supported by Western powers, Cixi was not as adept at managing this balancing game as in the previous two cases. The primary reason for her anti-foreign image was her support for the Boxer Rebellion. Briefly examining the historical context of the Boxer Rebellion,

16 The establishment of railways, churches, and schools by Western missionaries led to conflicts with traditional organizations, sparking peasant resentment against the "material invasion" by foreign powers. Local officials, wishing to avoid major trouble in conflicts between Christians and non-Christians, generally resolved these disputes in favor of the former (Chang 2013: 260). Since the Boxer movement was formed through traditional organizations, it was impossible to identify and dismantle its leadership, and local officials did not impose significant restrictions on the spread of the Boxers' influence. Consequently, foreign legations and missionary groups protested actively, and Empress Dowager Cixi dismissed pro-Boxer officials and sent Yuan Shikai and the Beiyang Army to Shandong to suppress the rebellion as a gesture. Furthermore, in February 1900, an imperial edict was issued prohibiting Boxer activities in the provinces of Zhili and Shandong.

On June 20 of the same year, the German diplomat Clemens von Ketteler was attacked and killed on the street. Paradoxically, however, it was not the Western powers but Empress Dowager Cixi who declared war the next day. Empress Dowager Cixi and her close associates believed that the Boxers were effective in curbing the spread of foreign influence and Christianity in China and simultaneously attempted to redirect anti-Qing sentiment into support for the Qing against foreign powers.

Empress Dowager Cixi considered this action her only mistake. According to the records of Der Ling, who served as her English interpreter due to her extensive experience living abroad, Empress Dowager Cixi was very reluctant to mention the Boxer Rebellion within the palace after returning to Beijing from Xi'an. However, as foreigners frequently visited the palace, she often asked Der Ling about the discussions concerning the Boxer Rebellion. In her records, Empress Dowager Cixi is quoted as saying, "...I have been quite successful so far, but I did not realize that the Boxer Rebellion would have such a serious impact on China. This is the only mistake I have made in my life. I should have issued an edict to suppress the Boxers, but Zaiyi and Duke Lan claimed that Heaven had sent the Boxers to eliminate the harmful foreign powers..." (Der Ling 1911: 357).

17 The Boxers gained legal status when Empress Dowager Cixi declared war. However, many regional officials, including Zhang Zhidong, who had previously supported Empress Dowager Cixi, implored her to stop the attack, and in Nanjing, plans were even discussed for a new government (Chang 2013: 278). On August 11, judging that the fall of Beijing to foreign powers was a matter of time, Empress Dowager Cixi, like in 1860 when she had to make an unexpected retreat to the Summer Palace to escape the French and British armies at the end of the Second Opium War, had to flee the Forbidden City again in 1900, this time to Xi'an. Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai drafted an agreement with the eight powers in Beijing during the absence of Empress Dowager Cixi and Emperor Guangxu, and negotiations continued until September of the following year. The Boxer Protocol obligated the Qing to compensate Russia, Germany, France, Great Britain, Japan, and the United States with 450 million ounces of silver over 39 years.

The Boxers gained legal status when Empress Dowager Cixi declared war. However, many regional officials, including Zhang Zhidong, who had previously supported Cixi, implored her to stop the attacks, and in Nanjing, plans were even discussed for a new government (Chang 2013: 278). Judging that the fall of Beijing to foreign powers was a matter of time on August 11, Cixi, much like in 1860 when she had to make an unexpected return to Rehe to escape the French and British forces towards the end of the Second Opium War, had to flee the Forbidden City for Xi'an again in 1900. Li Hongzhang and Yuan Shikai drafted agreements with the Eight-Nation Alliance in Beijing during the absence of Cixi and Emperor Guangxu, and negotiations continued until September of the following year. Through the Boxer Protocol, the Qing pledged to compensate Russia, Germany, France, Britain, Japan, and the United States with 450 million ounces of silver over 39 years.

18 becomes. After the signing of the protocol, Empress Dowager Cixi returned to Beijing. How could she continue to pursue a balancing act? I traced the traces of her efforts through the portraits and photographs she left behind.

The face of Empress Dowager Cixi, bearing traces of efforts to restore balance.

Last May, Professor Ha Young-sun, who had been on a business trip to Washington, mentioned that a portrait of Empress Dowager Cixi was displayed at the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery of the Smithsonian Museum, as part of the exhibition "Empresses of the Forbidden City." Hearing this news reminded me of the first public unveiling of Empress Dowager Cixi's portrait 114 years ago at the St. Louis Exposition in Washington. Although I could not attend in person, I became curious about how Empress Dowager Cixi is perceived by Americans today and sought more information. The exhibition's description states that it challenges the traditional view of women as passive and the notion that women are incapable of politics, by showcasing women who defied these norms. Empress Dowager Cixi actively engaged with foreigners to improve her image after the Boxer Rebellion, during which she was associated with the killing of foreigners and Christian missionaries. As part of this effort, her photographs and portraits were exhibited. While some viewed this as a symbol of her vanity or the extravagance of the Qing Dynasty, photographs and portraits

1909 themselves contributed to the creation of a persona, the "Dragon Lady," which embodied the enduring symbolism of a declining dynasty and a negative image. As previously discussed, Empress Dowager Cixi possessed an exceptional ability to maintain balance. While her bold assertions sometimes led to failure, as seen in the outcome of the Boxer Rebellion, her capacity for balance was the driving force that sustained the dynasty's political stability for nearly half a century. Carl, who spent about a year at the Summer Palace and the Forbidden City painting Empress Dowager Cixi's portrait, described a day in the Forbidden City as follows: "...The sky was filled with gold, and the towers, in contrast to the luminous background, cast dark silhouettes. A beautiful stillness permeated everything (Carl 1909: 99)." However, the Forbidden City was not merely a tranquil, windless space. In an era where foreign powers were encroaching like waves, both militarily and in terms of civilizational standards, Empress Dowager Cixi, depicted with a thousand faces, used her balancing act to maintain the dynasty as a singular, unified entity representing China.

The photographs and portraits used as diplomatic tools were part of a calculation that her benevolent image could positively influence her international reputation (Dong 2017, Peng 2014: Fang 2006). Indeed, Empress Dowager Cixi's portrait was presented to President Roosevelt in 1905, conveying her gratitude for American goodwill towards China and her wishes for the welfare and prosperity of the American people. President Roosevelt responded regarding the unification of friendship and goodwill between the two nations,

20 stating that Empress Dowager Cixi's portrait would be hung in the National Museum as a monumental record, which became the precursor to this year's exhibition in Washington.

Chang interprets this as Empress Dowager Cixi recognizing the need for international cooperation and projecting her willingness to foster friendly relations with the West through her portraits (Chang 2013: 310). In fact, Conger proposed exhibiting the portrait at the St. Louis Exposition to improve Western perceptions of Empress Dowager Cixi (Conger 1909). The Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Qing Dynasty established the Sheng Yong Bureau specifically to handle Empress Dowager Cixi's photographs and related matters (Wang 2012: 128). These changes had a ripple effect on Empress Dowager Cixi's international prestige and image. Wang analyzes that she realized her damaged prestige could only be restored by adhering to international norms and thus recognized the utility of photographs and portraits (Wang 2012: 138).

21

(Source: Edited by author)

22 Furthermore, Wang argues that as the head of the Great Qing, Empress Dowager Cixi took the first step in rebuilding her prestige in international diplomacy and politics by using portraits to create a consistent image of herself. By making minor adjustments in attire, posture, and accessories while avoiding repetition, she was able to project a consistent image. For instance, the size of the photographs varied depending on the perceived importance of the recipient. A photograph holding a handkerchief was considered to convey higher authority than one holding a fan. Photographs in official attire were presented to heads of state, while those holding fans were given only to diplomats. Photographs taken in the Hall of Benevolent Reception were intended to simulate an official audience, which can be understood as an act of conveying her authority or legitimacy as a head of state (Wang 2012: 142).

Although I failed to ascertain Empress Dowager Cixi's true face, by overlaying her various portraits, I could discern a face resembling that in photographs. This was not because the facial features in the paintings and photographs were similar, but rather because, as I learned more about her, I gained a clue: her balancing act, reflected in her eyes.

23

Conclusion

On the last day of my Beijing tour, after entering the Forbidden City through the "Three Visits to the Thatched Cottage" route, I discovered an interesting fact in the souvenir shop. The books about Empress Dowager Cixi were limited to studies on embroidery and a translation of Backhouse's book, "Ci Xi Wai Ji." Considering her multifaceted persona as the face of the Qing Dynasty, this was a remarkably modest legacy.

Professor.

24 East Asian nations, albeit at different times, faced situations where they were inundated by waves from the Western sphere, much like Empress Dowager Cixi. The ontological concerns of international relations will persist with particular tenacity in the architectural history of the Asia-Pacific order, where traditional and modern international orders coexist. Perhaps the enlightenment, termed modernity today, and the contemplation of tradition are tasks that not only Empress Dowager Cixi but also we, as scholars of international relations in Korea, must undertake.

While studying in the "Sarambang" (study group) in Euljiro, we diligently explored various parts of East Asia. As I conclude this travelogue, I recall the moment Professor Ha Young-sun showed me the "Along the River During the Qingming Festival" scroll displayed at a corner of Beijing Capital International Airport. The painting was so long that its end was rolled up. The spring and summer of 2019 were a grateful period during which I followed the teacher, like the painting, along a seemingly endless path.

25 Bibliography Bland, J.O.P. and Backhouse, E. China Under the Empress Dowager.

Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin Comany, 1914.

Carl, Katharine. With the Empress Dowager of China (New York: The Century Co, 1907)

Chang, Jung. 2013. Empress Dowager Cixi: The Concubine Who

Launched Modern China. New York: Alfred A. KNOPF. Chung, Sue Fawn. “The Much Maligned Empress Dowager: A

Revisionist Study of the Empress Dowager Tz‟u-hsi(1835-1908).”

Modern Asian Studies 13-2 (April 1979).

Chung, Sue Fawn. “The image of the empress dowager Tz‟u Hsi,” in

Cohen, Paul A. and Schrecker, John E(eds). Reform in

Nineteenth-Century China. Cambridge, Massachusetts and

London, England: Harvard University Press, 1976.

Crossley, Pamela. “In the Hornets‟ Nest.” London Review of Books. 36-

8 (April 2014).

Conger, Sarah Pike. Letters from China. With Particular reference to the empress dowager and the women of China. Chicago: A.C.McClurg&Co,

1909.

26 De Bary, Wm. Theodore and Lufrano, Richard. 2000. Sources of

Chinese Tradition. Volume II. New York: Columbia

University Press.

Der Ling, Two Years in the forbidden city. New York: DODD, Mead

and Company, 1931.

Dong, Lihui. “The Way to be Modern: Empress Dowager Cixi‟s

Portraits of the late Qing Dynasty.” PhD Dissertation. University

of Pittsburgh (2017).

Headland, Isaac Taylor. Court Life in China: The Capital, its officials

and people. New York: Fleming H. Revell Company, 1909. Fang, Shiou-yun. “Images, Ideas and Reality: Empress Dowager Cixi‟s

Self-Image and Western Understandings of Cixi.” PdD

Dissertation. University of Glasgow (2006).

Hsu, Immanuel C.Y. China‟s entrance into the family of Nations: The

Diplomatic Phase, 1858-1880. Cambridge, Massachusetts:

Harvard University Press, 1960.

Kwong, Luke S.K. A Mosaic of the Hundred Days: Personalities,

Politics, and Ideas of 1898. Cambridge (Massachusetts) and

London: Harvard University Press, 1984.

Li, Yuhang and Zurndorfer, Harriet T. “Rethinking Empress Dowager

Cixi throught the Production of Art.” Nan Nü 14 (2012).

27 Liu, Lydia. The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern

World Making. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, England:

Harvard University Press, 2004.

Pang, Laikan. “Photography, Performance, and the making of Female

images in Modern China.” Journal of Women‟s History 17-4

(2005).

Peng, Ying-chen. “Staging Sovereignty: Empress Dowager Cixi (1835-

1908) and Late Qing Court Art Production.” PhD Dissertation.

University of California Los Angeles (2014).

Rhoads, Edward J. M. Manchus and Han: Ethnic relations and political

power in late Qing and Early Republican China, 1861-1928.

Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2015.

Seagrave, Sterling. 1992. Dragon Lady: The Life and Legend of the Last

Empress of China. New York: ALFRED A. KNOPF.

Trevor-Roper, Hugh. Hermit of Peking: The Hidden Life of Sir Edmund

Backhouse. New York: Alfred A.Knopf, 1977.

Wang, Cheng-hua. ““Going Public”: Portraits of the Empress

Dowager Cixi, Circa 1904.“ Nan Nü 14 (2012). Yeophantong, Pichamon. “Governing the World: China‟s evolving

conceptions of responsibility.” The Chinese Journal of

International Politics 6 (October 2013).

28 Zhang, Zhidong. China‟s Only Hope: An Appeal. New York: Fleming

H. Revell Company, 1900.

Zhou, Fangyin. “The Role of Ideational and Material Factors in the

Qing Dynasty Diplomatic Transformation.” Chinese Journal of

International Politics 1 (2007).

https://www.freersackler.si.edu/exhibition/power-play-chinas-empress-

dowager/(Date of access: 2019.07.15).

http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/life/2011-04/28/content_12415115.htm

(Date of access: 2019.07.15).

29