Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West

Kyushu Ceramic Park · Kim Ho-in · Hankuk University of Foreign Studies

Introduction

The second itinerary of the second day of Sarangbang's 9th expedition was the Arita pottery village, a place that every member of the 9th cohort had once questioned why it was included. In the 17th century, the Dutch East India Company (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie, VOC) acted as a broker, disseminating ceramics produced in this village to the world. Dejima, visited the previous day, served as the channel for this trade. Japan was able to significantly adopt the advanced cultures of China and Joseon through the Imjin War (1592-1599), a painful historical event for us. Ceramic production technology was a prime example of this. Subsequently, although Japan was excluded from the traditional Sinocentric East Asian political order, it was incorporated into the periphery of the East Asian ceramic culture sphere in cultural terms. Arita and Imari in Kyushu have served as centers of Japanese ceramic culture from the early stages. Ceramics produced in Arita were distributed internally within Japan and to the world through Imari. After enjoying lunch served in ceramics that carried on the tradition of Arita, we headed to the Kyushu Ceramic Park. Located at the end of a charming path with a unique Japanese sensibility, the Kyushu Ceramic Park offered a precious opportunity to examine the trajectories of Japanese ceramics since the Imjin War.

Photo 1. A gallery in Arita selling ceramics that carry on its tradition

Despite ceramics being valuable materials that could indicate cutting-edge science and technology, a measure of power, they have realistically been confined to the realm of humanities research. However, as the West encountered East Asia, ceramics can serve as a useful clue in understanding the power dynamics that were formed in the process. The Confucian world order prior to modernization differed from the European nation-state-centric order. The ceramic industry, which flourished within that order, was not solely driven by a single actor, the state, in its trade. Various actors, such as potters and merchants, formed relationships with each other, not just the state. The VOC, which entered from the Western cultural sphere, also played a significant role as an intermediary. This ceramic industry formed part of the East Asian, and furthermore, the global network. The political networks in the East Asian region during the 17th and 18th centuries underwent rapid changes. This was the process by which the East Asian order began to intersect with the Western order. Consequently, the ceramic industry also experienced a period of upheaval. Therefore, we prepared this expedition with a focus on how global trade networks influenced and were influenced by the ceramic industry and power relations, from a complex international political perspective. However, due to the nature of ceramics as goods, their developmental process is not well-documented in literature. Thus, during the preparation, we had no choice but to concentrate more on the aspects of global processes and structures rather than on actors and networks. Afterward, we finally encountered the quietly displayed ceramics at the Kyushu Ceramic Park and examined the stories they held.

What Does Ceramics Have to Do with International Politics?

While there are various ways to classify ceramics, in a narrow sense, it is customary to limit the term to earthenware (dogi) and porcelain (jagi). Earthenware is made from colored clay (pottery clay), is porous, and not translucent. Porcelain is made from white clay (porcelain clay), fired at high temperatures of 1,350–1,550°C, and is transparent and non-porous (Mizusugi Takatoshi 2001, 20–26). In our expedition, we focused particularly on porcelain among earthenware and porcelain. This is because, from an international political perspective, porcelain holds significance as a monopolized supply good, a technology-intensive good, cultural capital, and a means of soft power.

In East-West trade, the porcelain trade occupied a unique position. European merchants craved spices grown in India, Sri Lanka, and the various islands of Southeast Asia, as well as silk produced in China, the Middle East, and Central Asia. However, unlike these goods, porcelain was almost exclusively supplied by China until the early 18th century (Finlay 1998, 143). In particular, the West could not produce porcelain until porcelain production began in Meissen in 1709. To Westerners, the technique of porcelain production was a mysterious skill possessed only by East Asia.

This exclusive supply of porcelain stemmed from technological superiority. Ceramics are not goods whose technology can be replicated through reverse engineering or reverse osmosis. This is because they are not assembled products, and their physical and chemical properties undergo complete transformation through the firing process (Kim Yu-jeong 2017, 65). Therefore, their dissemination is difficult without the accumulation of human capital. Except for forced mobilization, such as the migration of Joseon potters to Japan during the Imjin War, the dissemination process occurred over a long period.

The social scarcity of ceramics provided an opportunity for them to establish themselves globally as cultural capital. The definition of cultural capital can be understood as the ability or resources to set standards for cultural value, apply them, and derive benefits. Bourdieu (P. Bourdieu) posited that the degree of cultural capital possessed by individuals constructs and explains symbolic boundaries among them and reproduces them, thereby distinguishing people into different and hierarchical groups (Bourdieu, 1984). Spices, which served as a catalyst for European nations to venture into Asian waters, are also considered a prime example of cultural capital. However, as the supply of spices became abundant after the 16th century, they gradually fell out of favor with the elite and began to be replaced by new social signifiers. Expensive tableware, represented by ceramics, began to fulfill the cultural role that spices had played. During the Ming Dynasty in China, a single blue-and-white bowl was worth 66 sacks of rice; in Japan, a superb tea bowl could be exchanged for a house; and in the West, Augustus II of Saxony gave up 600 of his cavalrymen to the King of Prussia in exchange for 100 pieces of East Asian porcelain (Jeong Su-il 2009, 388–389). While porcelain trade is fundamentally a phenomenon of goods in motion, it carries a different context from ordinary trade goods in that it implies a cultural diffusion where a preference for high-end ceramics, not daily necessities, spreads globally. Discussions related to this cultural capital should view capital not as reducible to economic concepts but as an expression of power relations, as pointed out by Bourdieu (Han Jun 2009, 72). 3. Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West_Kyushu Ceramic Park

Photo 2. The soft power of ceramics that captivates the young men of Sarangbang 9th cohort

The three characteristics examined so far enable ceramics to function as a means of projecting soft power on an international level. Nye (J. Nye) defined soft power as making others want what you want through attraction rather than coercion (Nye 2004, 5–11). Soft power encompasses a spectrum of elements, including agenda-setting and attraction; ceramics are considered a cultural element that evokes attraction among these. The concept of soft power is significant in that it draws the attention of international relations scholars to power arising from the 'relational context' constructed by actors, beyond the power derived from an actor's attributes or resources, with an emphasis on 'intangible variables.' In other words, the soft power described by Nye is not a power measured by one's own capabilities or resources, whose effects are considered fixed, but a type of power whose effects are fluid depending on the other party (Kim Sang-bae 2009, 4–5). We will examine this aspect in more detail later.

The Path of Ceramics: Expansion of Global Political Space

While the utilization of maritime space within individual regions has a long history in human civilization, the spatial expansion from 'land' to 'sea' on a global scale is reasonably considered to have begun after the 16th century. For countries like Japan, integration into the global trade system was more complete and comprehensive during the period when maritime trade routes, rather than continental ones, developed (Lim 2011, 44). The dissemination of Japanese ceramics, which is the focus of this expedition, is similar. This period also marks the process of establishing the modern international order, which is a fundamental premise of contemporary international relations. Furthermore, as modern nation-states had not yet fully formed, it shares certain aspects with today's postmodern international order, where various layers of actors coexist, more so than in the 19th and 20th centuries.

Modelski (G. Modelski) argued that the global political system was established around 1500. The global system he proposed is characterized by long-distance trade mechanisms and channels that encompass not only maritime but also aerial and outer space, rather than being confined to territorial concepts. This system is shaped by World Leadership, where leadership is equated with the market monopoly power to maintain order within the layers of global interdependence. Therefore, the core of global power lies in how to functionally control networks. Modelski asserted that world system changes occur in cycles of 100–120 years, identifying Portugal as the leading nation in the 16th century, the Netherlands in the 17th century, Britain in the 18th–19th centuries, and the United States in the 20th century (Modelski 1978). The period when Arita ceramics were incorporated into the global trade market and disseminated worldwide corresponds to the 17th–18th centuries, highlighting the positional power held by the Netherlands, which led the global political system at that time.

It is noteworthy that the entity responsible for maritime trade in Asia during the 17th century was not the Dutch government. The VOC, established in 1602, was granted a charter by the Dutch government. The charter, consisting of 46 articles, stipulated that the company would have exclusive rights to trade beyond the Cape of Good Hope between the Netherlands and the East Indies for 21 years from the issuance of the charter. Furthermore, it granted the company the right to build fortresses, appoint governors, hire soldiers, and conclude treaties with local rulers in the name of the Dutch Parliament without needing government approval for each action. It was essentially a quasi-state. At that time, states and governments did not possess concentrated political and military authority as they do today (Haneda Masashi 2012, 78–80). The power of the Netherlands as a global leader in the 17th century was largely projected through the proxy actor, the VOC.

The East Asian Sphere from a Dutch Perspective

As mentioned earlier, porcelain was exclusively produced in East Asia. The VOC's entry into East Asian waters differed significantly from its approach in Southeast Asia, where it initially threatened local powers with military force. At least in China and Japan, the VOC engaged in trade under the guise of a polite and honest merchant. This behavior was markedly different from the high-handed attitude the Dutch displayed in other parts of Asia; it was truly an unbelievable display of deference. Around the same time, the VOC attempted to monopolize the spice trade in Southeast Asia through violence (Haneda Masashi 2012, 128–130). The difference between the two regions is astonishing.

It is difficult to explain this exceptional phenomenon solely by the fact that East Asian countries possessed stronger hard power than those in the Indian Ocean region. Persia, which had comparable hard power to East Asia, serves as a prime counterexample. In 1644, the VOC dispatched seven warships carrying 507 sailors and 452 soldiers to the Persian Gulf in an attempt to enforce its demands through military might during negotiations with the Safavid Empire (Haneda Masashi 2012, 184–185). Furthermore, the Southeast Asian regions, which were initially subdued by the VOC's military force, did not maintain their military superiority indefinitely. In the case of Java, Western military technology was adopted and applied early on, and this rapid adoption of military technology is indeed pointed out as a significant characteristic of Javanese history in the 17th–18th centuries. A Western document describes the final battle between the Dutch and the subjects of the Mataram Kingdom as follows:

The air was filled with black smoke, and the smoke from the palace fires added to it,

making visibility almost impossible. The Dutch soldiers had no time to reload their muskets and could not wield their swords.

Even if they heard the commander's orders, the soldiers refused and

fled in haste. They abandoned all their banners and weapons and

fled. As Tak himself mounted his horse to flee,

he was struck from behind with a sword and died. (Ricklefs 1990)

Of course, some argue that these phenomena were merely the VOC adopting the most suitable methods in each region to achieve its profit-making objectives through trade. However, as can be seen in Napoleon I's statement in 1803, "China is a sleeping giant. Let her sleep, because when she awakens, she will shake the world," Europeans prior to the 19th century held a high regard for China's power. Given that this was before the full-scale military conflict of the Opium Wars, it is reasonable to assume that the evaluation by the Western powers was strongly influenced by elements of soft power. This assessment appears to have been applied to the East Asian region as a whole. In the case of Japan, historical records indicate that the Dutch even attempted to learn cannon manufacturing techniques from them.

After loading the cannon with a projectile, everyone went inside the tent.

Then they ordered us to fire. The first projectile

fell into a muddy puddle about 17–18 feet deep in a nearby rice paddy. 3. Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West_Kyushu Ceramic Park

People thought this projectile was lost,

but it soon exploded with tremendous force, sending mud and

dust high into the air, astonishing all who watched.

The second projectile exploded inside the cannon, causing severe burns to the gunner's face,

and all of us sustained minor injuries. The wooden boards and

shielding were also shattered. When they rushed at us,

most of us were covered in blood, especially the gunner, Christian, who was

injured and was taken to the infirmary as quickly as possible. We

thought they would order us to stop the experiment because of this accident, but instead they told us to take courage.

They said that such accidents are common when conducting these experiments, and we should not give up but continue. (Boxer 1931)

Soft power's main resources include institutions, values, culture, and policies. However, it is a stretch to say that the Western powers at the time found attraction in the institutions, values, or policies of East Asia. Trade between East and West at that time was based on profit, not identity. This perspective is also valid from the standpoint of path-dependency in historical institutionalism. If these resources were elements that projected soft power, then the Chinese world order, rather than the Western nation-state model, should have become the foundation of the modern international order. It is more appropriate to consider that cultures unique to East Asia were disseminated, improving the image of countries within the region. The cultural phenomenon of Chinoiserie in the 17th–18th centuries clearly illustrates this.

The law was that we should not give up but continue. (Boxer 1931)

However, it is difficult to argue that the soft power manifested in goods like ceramics translated into concrete influence in the foreign policy of East Asian countries. Rather, the attraction of ceramics led to an increase in Dutch influence within Europe. To understand the cause of this phenomenon, it is necessary to apply the concept of network power. Although the soft power concept applied earlier emphasizes the 'relational context,' it remains confined to discussions of power reducible to the agency of actors. Therefore, it has limitations in its specific discussion of power mechanisms that operate beyond the explicit or implicit will of actors (Kim Sang-bae 2009, 147–148).

The VOC's Ceramic Trade Network Construction

Weaving the VOC's Ceramic Trade Network

The Netherlands, valuing the significance of the ceramic trade in the European market more highly than Portugal did in the 16th century, actively constructed trade networks. In 1619, the VOC board meeting in Amsterdam stated that selling exotic goods, 'including ceramics,' was the company's best business (Volker 1971). Following the successful auctions in the Netherlands, the VOC became confident in the marketability of ceramics. The perception of the Dutch, combined with the structure of the global trade network they built, played a crucial role in the worldwide dissemination of Japanese ceramics. 3. Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West_Kyushu Ceramic Park

Compared to the Portuguese overseas territorial empire, referred to as 'Estado,' the VOC built a different type of network power. In other words, although Portugal and the Netherlands were nodes functioning as hubs in the overall structure of the global trade network, they possessed positional power derived from different 'centralities.' Here, centrality does not mean being located at the geometric center of the network but rather playing a functionally central role.

Portugal established maritime trade routes across a vast area in Asia, but its method involved taking over parts of existing Asian commercial networks and then engaging in forced trade or collecting tolls through military force, a so-called redistribution method (Steensgaard 1974). Examining the reality of this method reveals that while the network expanded significantly, its stability decreased. Although the Estado spanned a wide region from Africa to Macao, the intermediate areas were hollowed out. According to Freeman's (L. C. Freeman) classification (Freeman 1979, 215–239), Portugal was a node exhibiting 'degree centrality.' Degree centrality is centrality exercised by increasing the number of links connected to other nodes in a network as much as possible. The condition for exerting influence over other nodes is established by maintaining connections in any form, ensuring no broken links. Nodes with high degree centrality exert influence by directly communicating with the largest number of nodes in the network (Kim Sang-bae 2014, 85). However, Portugal failed to capture the Gulf of Aden, thus failing to sever links with Mediterranean traders, and subsequently lost its advantage in direct communication with the emergence of new powers like the Netherlands. In contrast, the VOC established a qualitatively different new system in Asia called 'country trade,' which implies that political and military power was not directly used for surplus extraction but rather for building new exchange systems (Joo Kyung-cheol 2008, 61). This Dutch method corresponds to a node with 'betweenness centrality.' Betweenness centrality is a concept more specifically related to intermediary power than positional power in general. Betweenness centrality refers to the degree to which a node can be positioned between other nodes in a network. Nodes with high betweenness centrality play a role in connecting nodes that would be disconnected without passing through them. Betweenness centrality reflects the ability to control communication between nodes, and this ability leads to intermediary power derived from the process of bridging nodes and node groups. Furthermore, the type of power can be conceptualized in various ways depending on the nature of the interaction between peripheral nodes and the role played by the intermediary. The VOC acted as a transformer, providing compatibility for different types of information flows. The Dutch led to the rapid development of ceramic culture by ordering ceramics that reflected the scattered demands of Europe and Asia. A characteristic of the VOC's business was developing intra-Asian trade by linking numerous trading posts in Asian waters into a network. This system was designed to generate profit with every exchange, considering regional demands, and by the mid-17th century, intra-Asian trade alone was sufficient to operate the company, separate from Europe-Asia trade. The core of the positional power exercised by the Netherlands stemmed from supporting the smooth operation of the system by providing compatibility for different formats and simultaneously controlling this process (Kim Sang-bae 2014). This power relationship was similarly formed in the global porcelain trade. The VOC exclusively supplied ceramics, which functioned as cultural capital within various European countries, thereby transforming East Asian soft power into Dutch economic influence.

Photo 3. Traces of Portuguese presence on Japanese ceramics 3. Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West_Kyushu Ceramic Park

The Encounter between Japanese Ceramics and the VOC, Reshaped by the Ming-Qing Transition

When the Japanese ceramic trade network was initially connected to the VOC through Hirado and Dejima, Japan was in a position of net importer. A letter from Van Neyenroode, a merchant at the Hirado factory in 1631, indicates that he received permission to sell ceramics brought by Chinese junks in Nagasaki (Volker 1971, 118). However, during the Imjin War, which broke out in 1592, Japanese ceramic industry began to develop self-sufficiency through abducted potters. Nevertheless, the cobalt oxide necessary for ceramic production relied on imports from China. VOC records from the Dejima factory show that 500 catties were imported in 1651, and in 1658, only cobalt oxide was imported, totaling 1,340 catties, without importing Chinese ceramics. In that same year, VOC merchant ships began exporting Japanese ceramics from Dejima (Volker 1971, 125–128). After the expulsion of Portuguese merchants in 1641 and the relocation of the Dutch factory from Hirado to Dejima, Dejima effectively became the sole official export channel for Japanese ceramics.

The reason why Imari ceramics, which had remained on the periphery of the East Asian ceramic culture sphere, achieved global prominence was largely due to the impact of the Ming-Qing transition. Although the Qing overthrew the Ming, remnants of the Ming formed resistance forces throughout mainland China. The most prominent among these was Zheng Chenggong (Koxinga) on the southern coast of China and Taiwan. To weaken these forces, the Qing imposed a maritime ban. Furthermore, the Zheng Chenggong regime, citing the VOC envoy's visit to the Qing Emperor to resume trade, closed ports and even occupied the VOC's factory in Taiwan, which served as its base for trade with China. This made trade with China impossible, leading the VOC to order Japanese ceramics with Dejima as its base. Consequently, from 1653 to 1682, Japanese export ceramics served as a substitute for Chinese Jingdezhen ceramics. 3. Encountering the Charm of East Asia that Captivated the West_Kyushu Ceramic Park

Photograph 4. Japanese Ceramics at the Kyushu Ceramic Museum

A letter sent from Batavia to Dejima on May 27, 1959, orders 35,000 pieces of ceramics. Two more letters requesting similar quantities of orders were discovered from the same year. From the 1660s onwards, Japanese exports began to surpass Chinese exports. After 1680, and until the lifting of China's maritime ban, Japanese ceramics established themselves as a major commodity in the global ceramic trade network (Volker 1971).

However, the Japanese ceramic industry, spurred by a sudden increase in demand, developed rapidly but faced limitations such as supply instability and high prices. It is presumed that, unlike Jingdezhen, Arita and Imari had a relatively short history of mass production, especially for large ceramic pieces. Furthermore, transportation costs from Imari to Dejima within Japan were substantial. Since these were not direct orders, intermediary costs were also reflected in the price increases. Therefore, it was a natural progression for the VOC to turn back to the Chinese porcelain market after 1683 when Jingdezhen in China was rebuilt and mass production became possible. Nevertheless, the private trade seems to have continued. According to Japanese historical records from 1709, 82,275 ceramic pieces were exported, but VOC records only mention approximately 9,820 pieces. In 1712, Japanese historical records indicate 179,246 pieces, while VOC records state that not a single piece was imported (Jorg 1982).

The Spread and Co-evolution of Japanese Ceramics in World Politics

Although first produced only at the end of the 16th century, Japanese ceramics in the 17th century formed a competitive relationship with Chinese ceramics in Europe, driven by factors such as the incorporation of various color variations based on Chinese styles (Finlay 1998, 159). Imari ceramics are broadly divided into three types: Ko-Imari style, Kakiemon style, and Iro-Nabeshima style. Among these, the Iro-Nabeshima style was not commercially available for domestic use, so the export ceramics were of the former two types. The Ko-Imari style is an early style strongly influenced by Chinese blue-and-white porcelain. The Kakiemon style, considered to have a more distinct Japanese character, featured skillful use of white space, often depicting floral motifs such as plum blossoms, and sometimes figural designs. It was a polychrome ware characterized by red, light blue, green, and occasional gold accents. While the Kakiemon style was originally produced for the domestic market, it also suited European tastes and gained significant popularity for export.

Interestingly, early European ceramics took the Kakiemon style as their model (Schiffer 2007, 271). As Jingdezhen regained its strength and resumed exports to Europe, the popularity of blue-and-white porcelain waned, and polychrome ceramics were welcomed. While early Chinoiserie in Europe evoked a fascination with China through white backgrounds with only blue patterns, the prevailing Baroque and Rococo styles, particularly in French culture, demanded more ornate designs. Consequently, when European porcelain began to be produced in Meissen after 1710, it initially featured Chinese-style red ceramics or white porcelain Kannon statues, but soon after, it started to replicate Japanese Imari ceramics, especially those in the Kakiemon style. The Japanese Kakiemon design subsequently became fashionable not only in Meissen but across Europe (Misugi Takatoshi 2001, 108-171). Jingdezhen, with the Western world as one of its major markets, also responded swiftly to these changes. In the process of re-entering the global ceramic trade network, 'Chinese Imari,' a direct imitation of Japanese ceramics, became temporarily popular. This interaction between the West, China, and Japan led to a co-evolution in the development of ceramic culture.

Japanese ceramics also spread rapidly to Southeast Asia, a crucial junction between the Western and East Asian spheres. The VOC played the role of an intermediary in this trade. The volume of Japanese ceramics circulating within Asia far exceeded that distributed in Europe.

The Decline of the VOC and the Changing Nature of Japanese Ceramics

The VOC dominated the global trade network in the 17th century and exerted global leadership. However, from the 1680s onwards, the VOC's position and power within the global trade network began to be severely shaken. The loss of its base in China trade with the seizure of its Taiwan outpost by Koxinga, and the Tokugawa Shogunate in Japan's adoption of trade volume restriction policies, weakened its standing. Furthermore, in the 18th century, it became impossible to export gold and silver from Persia due to political instability. The VOC's Asian trade began to incur losses, and it became necessary to remit precious metals from the home country (Haneda Masashi 2012, 275-277).

Moreover, the relative value of ceramics in Europe gradually diminished. In 1658 and 1660, the VOC board decided to dispose of low-priority items, including ceramics, through public auction. In 1682, it was even decided to remove ceramics that could not fetch a proper price from auctions (Volker 1971, 118). Over time, both the demand and profit from the ceramic trade began to decline. Consequently, Japanese ceramics, which no longer provided significant economic benefits, were officially discontinued from export in 1757. Thereafter, the nature of Japanese ceramics shifted primarily to domestic consumption.

Epilogue: Ceramics as Soft Power in the 21st Century

Considering the trends of previous eras, it is evident that the function of ceramics as a means of projecting soft power in the 17th-18th centuries gradually weakened with the expansion of the global ceramic trade network. This outcome stemmed from a decrease in social scarcity. However, following several World's Fairs in the 19th century, Japanese ceramics showcased an allure that captivated Europeans, forming a new demand trend known as 'Japonisme.' Ceramics re-emerged as a medium of soft power. At that time, Japan's active efforts to integrate into the global network allowed it to utilize this as a source of power. After the Meiji Restoration, Japan proactively adopted Western standards of civilization, thus no longer depending on the power of other nations within the modern international order. The unique ceramics, born from the interactions within the network as an actor, once again fascinated Europeans. This phenomenon is difficult to explain solely through a network analysis focused on structure. The agency of actors becomes significant when they effectively utilize the resources embedded within the network structure (Kim Sang-bae 2014, 75-77). Therefore, a comprehensive view requires linking the global ceramic trade network as a structure with the trade networks of individual actors. Unfortunately, current historical records regarding the development of domestic Japanese ceramic networks are believed to have been intentionally destroyed by the Choshu and Satsuma domains, which led the Meiji Restoration.

Japan's precedent holds significant implications for contemporary Korean ceramic culture. Thus far, discussions on Korean ceramic culture have been confined to the narrow scope of it being a legacy of the past. However, the soft power inherent in culture can function as a national resource of power. Early on, British potter Bernard Leach commented, "The path that contemporary pottery should take has already been shown by the Buncheong ware of the Joseon Dynasty, and we must aim for that." Today, South Korea's middle-power diplomacy, which emphasizes becoming an 'attractive nation,' is heavily biased towards popular culture, including the 'Hallyu' wave. However, there is a severe lack of attempts to utilize ceramic culture, which remains a representative of high culture, as part of public diplomacy. Although we may overlook the ceramics of the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties, their value is already fully recognized by global experts. The 17th-18th century VOC and Japanese ceramic culture encountered in Kyushu offer a method for the Republic of Korea in the 21st century to utilize soft power resources.

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