Chusa's Mission to Beijing: A Brief Encounter, a Lasting Impression

A Window Pane · Park Min-ju · Seoul National University

Perspectives on Chusa's Mission to Beijing

Chusa Kim Jeong-hui (秋史 金正喜; 1786–1856), renowned as a calligrapher, was a versatile figure who was also a scholar and painter. Excelling in literature and calligraphy from a young age and developing into a literary scholar, Chusa passed the *samasi* (state preliminary examination) at the age of 24 in 1809, becoming a *saengwon* (successful candidate). At this time, his biological father, Kim No-gyeom, was appointed *tongjibu-sa* (Minister of the Joint Chiefs of Staff) and was to travel to Beijing. Chusa was able to accompany his father as a *jaje-gwan* (son of an official accompanying a diplomatic mission). The *jaje-gwan* system allowed the sons of diplomats, among others, to personally accompany missions, providing them with opportunities to experience foreign cultures. It was a position that offered relatively free access to the local culture and customs (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 37–38).

82 This system provided opportunities to gain exposure to foreign cultures and customs, offering a relatively free position to interact with the local culture and its artifacts (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 37–38).

Discussions regarding Chusa's mission to Beijing present two main viewpoints. One perspective posits that Chusa engaged with Qing culture from an equal and autonomous standpoint, while the other suggests he was captivated and overwhelmed by Qing culture. The former emphasizes that the individuals Chusa met marveled at his scholarship. Chusa engaged in debates with Qing scholars without any deference (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 16), thereby contributing to elevating Joseon's status. Furthermore, he continuously strove to internalize the knowledge acquired abroad and re-disseminated his achievements within the Qing academic community, playing a significant international role (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 68). However, one might question whether the young Chusa, rather than firmly holding his own opinions and engaging with Qing culture on an equal footing, was not significantly captivated and overwhelmed.

83 This perspective highlights that Chusa continuously worked to internalize the knowledge he gained abroad and re-disseminated his achievements within the Qing academic community, playing a significant international role (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 68). However, one might question whether the young Chusa, rather than firmly holding his own opinions and engaging with Qing culture on an equal footing, was not significantly captivated and overwhelmed.

Meanwhile, Lee Dong-ju critically observes that Chusa's mission to Beijing and his interactions with Qing literati are sometimes embellished into a myth showcasing Chusa's exceptional genius. He argues that it is essential to acknowledge the extent to which Chusa was overwhelmed by Qing scholarship during his time in Beijing. Lee states, “What is more significant about Wan-dang's entry into Yan (Beijing) is that, concerning ancient paintings and calligraphy, the young Chusa, deeply moved by the camaraderie of the elder scholars who were also high officials in the suzerain state, became captivated by the epigraphy and calligraphy studies of the Ong family (Weng Fanggang and his son) and the literary tastes of the Dongpo style.” (Lee Dong-ju 1996a, 314–353). From this viewpoint, Chusa's mission to Beijing marked the beginning of his full immersion in Qing scholarship and culture, initiating his comprehensive assimilation of Qing culture.

This article aims to reconstruct the scene of Chusa's encounters with Beijing intellectuals, which catalyzed his lifelong engagement with Chinese academic and cultural communities, and to examine what kind of figure Chusa was during his mission to Beijing. It will introduce the exchange between Korean and Chinese intellectuals prior to Chusa's mission

84 and introduce the mentors and friends with whom Chusa formed long-standing relationships.

Sino-Korean Intellectual Exchange and Chusa

Liulichang (琉璃厂) in Beijing, visited during this Sarangbang excursion, was a center of Sino-Korean academic exchange in the 18th century. The street, named after the glazed tile factories, stretched approximately one *li* (about 0.4 km or 0.25 miles) east to west and was located between the Zhengyangmen and Xuanwumen gates south of Beijing city. It became a cultural hub after Emperor Qianlong's decree in the 18th century to compile the *Siku Quanshu* (Complete Library in Four Sections) (Lee Hong-sik 2013, 21). Joseon envoys to Beijing visited this street annually to purchase various books and other goods. Liulichang was the forefront of Chinese cultural import and Sino-Korean intellectual exchange at the time. Furthermore, people who gathered from across the country to prepare for the state examinations contributed to the bustling book market (Jeong Min 2013).

The latest books from China and the West purchased at Liulichang bookstores, and the exchange among Sino-Korean intellectuals that took place here, brought about various changes in Joseon's scholarship, literature, art, and daily life. In the winter of 1765, Hong Dae-yong visited Liulichang. In the summer of 1778, Yu Deuk-gong and Park Je-ga visited, followed by Yi Deok-mu. In 1780, Park Ji-won visited, and in 1790, Yu Deuk-gong and Park Je-ga returned to Liulichang (Lee Hong-sik 2013). Within the flow of Sino-Korean intellectual exchange mediated by Liulichang, Chusa's encounters with Chinese intellectuals could also take place smoothly. Diligently collecting books and materials, Chusa would have seized opportunities to stroll through the bustling Liulichang street, engaging with Qing culture and interacting with people.

85 The exchange among Sino-Korean intellectuals, facilitated by Liulichang, enabled Chusa's encounters with Chinese intellectuals to occur smoothly. Diligently collecting books and materials, Chusa would have seized opportunities to stroll through the bustling Liulichang street, engaging with Qing culture and interacting with people.

Chusa was born in Yesan, Chungcheong Province, in 1786. After leaving his hometown, he dedicated himself to the study of Confucian classics and became deeply engrossed in calligraphy at his large residence in Hanyang. Around the age of 15, Chusa's exceptional talent was recognized by Park Je-ga (So-cheong), who became his mentor. Through this prominent scholar of the Northern Learning school (*Bukhakpa*), Chusa heard about the culture and academic activities in Beijing and developed a longing for them.

86 So-cheong, who had made three missions to China and possessed a deep understanding of Qing culture, shared news from the Beijing academic scene with the young prodigy Chusa, nurturing his aspirations and seeking to "resurrect a second self" (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 138).

Even before his mission to Beijing, Chusa harbored a longing to meet Chinese literati and possessed considerable knowledge of the trends in Qing scholarship and art. He expressed this sentiment: “A sudden, special thought arises, wishing to befriend scholars beyond the mundane world. If I could find someone who understands my heart, I would give my life. Beijing is home to many distinguished figures; I am filled with envy.” (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 68). Park Je-ga, pleased that his intelligent disciple aspired to Northern Learning, showed Chusa's poem to Cao Jiang, a young scholar he had met in Beijing. On October 28, 1809, Chusa departed for Beijing with his father, stayed for two months, and returned in March of the following year, completing a journey of over four months.

Dam-gye Weng Fanggang's Stone and Ink Study

Ong Bang-gang (翁方綱, 1733~1818), who used the pen name Damgye, was from Daeheung in Jikye and participated in the compilation of the Comprehensive Collection of Historical Texts as a member of the Royal Academy. He deeply admired Su Dongpo (Fujioka Chikashi 2009, 149-150). Dongju states that Ong Bang-gang had a theory closer to the Neo-Confucianism of the Song Dynasty rather than the historical studies that were prevalent during the Qing Dynasty, which resonated with Chusa (2006b, 288). Ong Bang-gang was a leading figure in epigraphy and the study of ancient texts, but he also possessed exceptional insights in Confucian studies and criticized the claims of Confucian scholars who only adhered to Han studies (Fujioka Chikashi 2009, 173).

Park Je-ga had also met Weng Fanggang at his Stone and Ink Study (*Seokmuk Seoru*) some time earlier and frequently exchanged correspondence after returning to Joseon (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 151–153). Chusa, having heard from his mentor about Weng Fanggang's profound scholarship, likely expressed his desire to meet Weng Fanggang and receive his tutelage upon arriving in Beijing, after expanding his network by meeting scholars like Cao Jiang. Guided by one of Dam-gye's disciples, Chusa visited Weng Fanggang, who was engrossed in the study of Confucian classics at his Stone and Ink Study. At the time of their meeting, the 25-year-old Chusa encountered Weng Fanggang, a towering figure in the academic world, in his 78th year (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 149–155).

Although elderly, Dam-gye displayed sharp eyes, skilled hands, and passion, leaving a deep impression on Chusa. "Sojjae (Weng Fanggang) wrote the four characters 'Cheonhatapyeong' (天下太平, Peace under Heaven) on a sesame seed on Lunar New Year's Day. At that time, Sojjae was seventy-eight years old. The characters were as small as a fly's head, and he did not even wear glasses, which is truly astonishing." (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 259–260). During his stay in Beijing, Chusa visited Dam-gye's residence multiple times. Weng Fanggang showed Chusa his collection of books and materials, providing guidance. Chusa had the opportunity to appreciate items from Weng Fanggang's collection, including rubbings of the *Song Taohua Dao Shi Gucheng Weng Shansi Sari Tap Myong* (Inscription on the Sarira Pagoda of Monk Weng of the Ancient City of Taohua Mountain, Song Dynasty), the *Dongpo Jinji Tianxi Wuyun Tie* (Calligraphy Album of Su Dongpo's Relics), the *Song Canzhu Dongpo Xiansheng Shi Zanben* (Draft of Poems by Master Su Dongpo, Song Dynasty), the *Su Dongpo Xiang* (Portrait of Su Dongpo), the *Tang Ge Ben Gongzi Miaotang Bei* (Inscription for the Ancestral Hall of Confucius, Tang Dynasty), and the *Tang Ge Ben Gongzi Miaotang Bei* (Rubbing of the *Tang Ge Ben Gongzi Miaotang Bei*) (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 155–176).

88 The eminent scholar Weng Fanggang was exceptionally kind and considerate to Chusa. Regarding his experience viewing a rubbing of the *Han Zhong Tai Shou Zhu Jun Kai Po Si Du Bei* (Stele Inscription by Prefect Zhu of Hanzhong), Chusa stated: "The strokes were as fine as golden threads, and the stone was eroded and moss-covered, making it even more obscure. Even with sharp eyes, it was difficult to discern the characters and strokes at first glance. Fortunately, Sojjae personally guided me, and I was able to grasp the general meaning." (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 63–65). Chusa was deeply moved by the detailed guidance provided by the esteemed scholar Weng Fanggang. He received intellectual stimulation by learning and mastering knowledge in Beijing that was difficult to acquire while studying in Joseon.

At the Stone and Ink Study, Weng Fanggang also demonstrated calligraphy and shared his insights on painting, engaging in discussions about art with Chusa. "Zhao Zi-gong (Zhao Mengjian)'s orchids, in every brushstroke, leaned to the left; the elder Sojjae (Weng Fanggang) praised this many times." (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 372). Chusa offered high praise for Weng Fanggang's scholarship and the vigor in his calligraphy, stating: "The elder Dam-gye's regular script ( *haeseo*) gained its maturity from Ou-yang Hsun, and its brushwork essence in cursive script (*yeso*) from the style of the Henan school (Zhu Shu-liang). The energy of 80,000 volumes of epigraphy and calligraphy flowed from beneath his arms, distinctly establishing him as a venerable figure in the tradition of the Dharma Protectors (a term used in Buddhism for a great master)." (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 317).

89 Weng Fanggang's scholarship and calligraphy were highly praised by Chusa. Weng Fanggang was so impressed by Chusa's academic curiosity, reverence, and mastery of calligraphy and ink painting that he exclaimed, "Has such a prodigy ever existed in the land east of the sea?" He inscribed the words 'Jing Shu Wen Zhang Hai Dong Di Yi' (經術文章海東第一, First in Classics and Literature in the Land East of the Sea) for Chusa (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 154). This assessment cannot be solely interpreted as admiration for Chusa's abilities; it also implies that Chusa was considered outstanding based on standards applied to non-Chinese individuals, and that there was an expectation that no one outside China possessed such learning. Weng Fanggang's words likely contained not only admiration for the young scholar's passion and knowledge but also encouragement and courtesy towards a visitor from afar, reflecting a Sinocentric perspective.

Among Qing scholars, Dam-gye, whom Chusa visited, was a figure who opposed the trend of rejecting Song Neo-Confucianism. Weng Fanggang explained the essence of Confucian classics based on his convictions and endeavored to guide Chusa by teaching him methods for studying these texts. Chusa stated, "Dam-gye's study of classics took as its righteous path the adherence to Zhu Xi," and composed a poem expressing his desire to inherit Weng Fanggang's spirit and academic tradition: "While considering Han and Song scholarship together, one must not reveal its sharp edge, but reach profound depths." (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 174).

During his stay in Beijing, Chusa frequently visited Dam-gye, becoming captivated by his scholarship and virtue. Upon his return, Chusa was gifted a rubbing of the *Song Taohua Dao Shi Gucheng Weng Shansi Sari Tap Myong* in the regular script of Ou-yang Hsun. He enthusiastically agreed with Weng Fanggang's view advocating the excellence of Ou-yang Hsun's regular script (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 158–159). Even after returning to Joseon, Chusa maintained correspondence with Weng Fanggang until his death in 1818. Just as Weng Fanggang, who favored Su Dongpo, named his study 'Bao Su Zhai' (寶蘇齋, Study Cherishing Su Dongpo), Chusa, after returning to Joseon, named his study 'Bao Dam Zhai' (寶潭齋, Study Cherishing Dam-gye Weng Fanggang) (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 154), expressing his respect for Weng Fanggang and the direction of his own scholarship. After returning to Joseon, Chusa continued to exchange letters with Weng Fanggang and other Chinese figures, feeling pride in his assimilation of advanced Chinese culture (Kim Jun-seok 2016, 321).

Among Qing scholars, Danjie, whom Chusa visited, was an individual who opposed the trend of rejecting Song Neo-Confucianism. Weng Fanggang...

Weng Fanggang, who favored Su Dongpo, named his study 'Bao Su Zhai' (寶蘇齋, Study Cherishing Su Dongpo). Similarly, Chusa, after returning to Joseon, named his study 'Bao Dam Zhai' (寶潭齋, Study Cherishing Dam-gye Weng Fanggang) (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 154), expressing his respect for Weng Fanggang and the direction of his own scholarship. After returning to Joseon, Chusa continued to exchange letters with Weng Fanggang and other Chinese figures, feeling pride in his assimilation of advanced Chinese culture (Kim Jun-seok 2016, 321).

During his stay in Beijing, Chusa frequently visited Dam-gye, becoming captivated by his scholarship and virtue. Upon his return, Chusa was gifted a rubbing of the *Song Taohua Dao Shi Gucheng Weng Shansi Sari Tap Myong* in the regular script of Ou-yang Hsun. He enthusiastically agreed with Weng Fanggang's view advocating the excellence of Ou-yang Hsun's regular script (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 158–159). Even after returning to Joseon, Chusa maintained correspondence with Weng Fanggang until his death in 1818. Just as Weng Fanggang, who favored Su Dongpo, named his study 'Bao Su Zhai' (寶蘇齋, Study Cherishing Su Dongpo), Chusa, after returning to Joseon, named his study 'Bao Dam Zhai' (寶潭齋, Study Cherishing Dam-gye Weng Fanggang) (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 154), expressing his respect for Weng Fanggang and the direction of his own scholarship. After returning to Joseon, Chusa continued to exchange letters with Weng Fanggang and other Chinese figures, feeling pride in his assimilation of advanced Chinese culture (Kim Jun-seok 2016, 321).

91

The Scent of Yun-dae Ruan Yuan and Shengxue Tea

Another master whom Chusa met in Beijing was Yuan Yuan (阮元, 1764~1849), who used the pen name Undae. Yuan Yuan, from Yizheng in Jiangsu Province, was regarded as an absolute contributor to the completion and promotion of Qing culture and was considered the foremost figure of his time. He compiled the Thirteen Classics Annotations, published the collection of essays Beijing Shijizhi, and compiled a commentary on Qing Dynasty Confucian studies titled Huangqing Jinghai (Yoo Hong-jun 2006, 58-59). After meeting Yuan Yuan, Chusa was so impressed that he received the name Wandang (阮堂), derived from Yuan's name.

Before Chusa's mission to Beijing, Yu Deuk-gong and Park Je-ga had visited Beijing and were received by Ruan Yuan, forging a deep academic connection. Twenty years later, Chusa, who had been taught by Park Je-ga, visited Ruan Yuan's residence, continuing this connection (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 182). Ruan Yuan was originally in Hangzhou, Jiangsu Province, but due to a temporary matter, he arrived in Beijing on September 23, 1809, and was staying at the residence of his wife's family, the Gong clan, in Yanshengong. The meeting between Chusa and Ruan Yuan during this brief period was a remarkable coincidence and a great fortune for Chusa.

Chusa visited this place in January 1810, and Yundai, then 47 years old,...

Ruan Yuan invited Chusa to his study and imparted his knowledge of scholarship, showing him rare rubbings such as the *Jin Yi Tai Shan Ge Shi Zhan Jian* (Fragmentary Rubbing of the Stele Inscription at Mount Tai by Jin Yi), rubbings of the *Song Taohan Han Xue Hua Shan Bei* (Stele Inscription at Mount Hua by Han Xue, Song Dynasty), the *Tang Ding Guan Zuo Shang Dong Bei* (Stele Inscription at Shangdong, Tang Dynasty), the *Qi Jing Meng Zi Gu Wen You* (Commentaries on the Seven Classics and Mencius), and other rare books not included in the *Siku Quanshu* (Yoo Hong-june 2006; Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009). Chusa was deeply engrossed in Ruan Yuan's methodology of epigraphy and meticulously copied many of Ruan Yuan's theories to take back with him. Although his stay in Beijing was not long, the experience of viewing valuable materials of academic significance and learning in Ruan Yuan's study provided a crucial foundation for Chusa's subsequent academic research after his return.

93 Among Ruan Yuan's collection, the *Qi Jing Meng Zi Gu Wen You* by Kanae Yamai and Butsukan, which was transmitted from Japan to Qing during the Qianlong era, was included in the *Siku Quanshu* and made significant contributions to Qing classical scholarship (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009). Chusa must have been overjoyed to see this renowned work with his own eyes in Beijing. For Chusa, a Joseon scholar, this was his first encounter with the *Qi Jing Meng Zi Gu Wen You*, and he recognized its value. Later, Chusa composed a poem recalling this memory, stating: "The Seven Classics and Mencius are as detailed as threads in their textual criticism. When I met Master Ruan (Ruan Yuan) in the past, I was utterly amazed by their precision. The Su Yuelou edition has been reprinted and is now circulated among the public." (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 187), revealing the profound impression it left on him.

Ruan Yuan argued that the path of the sages could be likened to a palace, and textual studies and philology to the paths leading to it, emphasizing the importance of not straying from the correct path. Ruan Yuan systematically explained his principles of academic research to Chusa and guided him with the importance of grounding his studies in the principle of seeking truth from facts (*shishi gushi*). Chusa listened attentively to Yun-dae's theories (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 198–199). Chusa authored the *Shi Shi Gu Shi Shuo* (On the Principle of Seeking Truth from Facts), stating: "The path of scholarship must not distinguish between the Han and Song academic traditions, nor is it necessary to compare the merits and demerits of Zheng Xuan, Wang Bi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, and Zhu Xi. Nor is it necessary to compete with the schools of Zhu Xi,

94 Lu Jiuyuan, Xue Xuan, and Wang Shouren. It is sufficient to cultivate a calm and tranquil mind, learn broadly, strive diligently in practice, and adhere to the single principle of 'seeking the correct principles from actual matters (shishi gushi)' as the foundation." (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 478–479). This demonstrates the influence of Ruan Yuan's thought on Chusa. Some scholars argue that Chusa's theories on epigraphy show significant similarities to those of Ruan Yuan and Weng Fanggang, suggesting that he did not develop an independent scholarship that surpassed them in this field (Kim Jun-seok 2016).

Ruan Yuan argued that the path of the sages should be compared to a palace, and characters and philological studies to the paths leading to it, emphasizing the importance of not straying from the correct path. He meticulously explained the principles of academic research to Chusa, guiding him to base his studies on the principle of seeking truth from facts (shishi qiushi). Chusa diligently listened to Yundai's theories (Fukuzawa Chikasai 2009, 198–199). Chusa authored the text "On Seeking Truth from Facts," stating, "The path of scholarship must not distinguish between the academic styles of the Han and Song dynasties, nor is it necessary to compare the merits and demerits of Zheng Xuan, Wang Bi, Cheng Hao, Cheng Yi, and Zhu Xi. It is also unnecessary to compete with the schools of Lu Jiuyuan, Xue Shan, and Wang Shouren. It is sufficient to cultivate a calm and tranquil mind, study broadly, diligently practice, and adhere to the principle of 'seeking truth from facts' (shishi qiushi)." (Kim Jeonghui 2014, 478–479). This demonstrates the influence of Ruan Yuan's thought. Due to the significant theoretical similarities between Chusa and Ruan Yuan and Weng Fanggang in epigraphy and paleography, some scholars argue that Chusa did not develop an independent academic field surpassing them in this area (Kim Junseok 2016).

94 There is also a view that Ruan Yuan, like Weng Fanggang, advocated a synthesis of Han and Song learning. Therefore, it can be said that Chusa selected and engaged with the aspects of Qing scholarship that resonated with Joseon, drawing knowledge from them. The time spent drinking tea and discussing scholarship while personally viewing rare rubbings of stelae displayed at Ruan Yuan's Taihua Shuangbi Pavilion must have been deeply etched in Chusa's memory, recalled alongside the subtle aroma of tea. After entering his thirties, Kim Jeonghui became more known by the name Wandang, which he received from Ruan Yuan, than by his original name Chusa (Yu Hongjun 2006). This change in name symbolically represents Kim Jeonghui's self-discovery through his encounters with Qing academic culture.

Ruan Yuan, similar to Weng Fanggang, held a position advocating for the synthesis of Han and Song learning. Thus, it can be said that Chusa chose to engage with and learn from the aspects of Qing scholarship that had connections to Joseon. The time spent drinking tea and discussing scholarship while personally viewing rare rubbings of stelae displayed at Ruan Yuan's Taihua Shuangbi Pavilion must have been deeply etched in Chusa's memory, recalled alongside the subtle aroma of tea. After entering his thirties, Kim Jeonghui became more known by the name Wandang, which he received from Ruan Yuan, than by his original name Chusa (Yu Hongjun 2006). This change in name symbolically represents Kim Jeonghui's self-discovery through his encounters with Qing academic culture.

Friendships Forged with Beijing Scholars and Artists

In addition to mentors like Weng Fanggang and Ruan Yuan, with whom he formed master-disciple relationships, Chusa also befriended many scholars and seniors, including Li Zheng-yuan, Xu Song, Cao Jiang, and Zhu Hexian. These individuals were outstanding scholars and artists of the next generation, following in the footsteps of their predecessors (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 61).

Among them, Cao Jiang was the first scholar and artist Chusa met in Beijing. Cao Jiang had interacted with Park Je-ga and Yu Deuk-gong during their third mission to Beijing in 1801. Cao Jiang hailed from a prominent family in Shanghai and had gained renown for his poetry and calligraphy. He interacted with Park Je-ga and Yu Deuk-gong during their mission in 1801. Upon hearing of Chusa's arrival in Beijing, Cao Jiang wrote a piece praising Chusa's aspiration to "seek friends widely across the world." Through Cao Jiang, Chusa met Xu Song. And through Xu Song, who frequently met with Weng Fanggang and Zhou Yeyun, Chusa was introduced to various Beijing scholars and artists, leading to his encounters with Weng Fanggang and Ruan Yuan (Yoo Hong-june 2006; Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009).

Another friend, Yaun Zhu Henian (朱鶴年; 1760–1834), was an accomplished painter who gifted many of his paintings to Chusa and continued to send them even after Chusa's return to Joseon. Chusa frequently visited Zhu Henian at his residence, Yushi Hall, in Fenfang Village. Zhu Henian hailed from the Jiangnan region of China.

96 gaining fame for his paintings. He was a disciple of Dam-gye and excelled in both calligraphy and painting. Chusa expressed his admiration for Zhu Hexian's paintings: "Zhu Yeyun's paintings capture the spirit of ten years spent in the mountains, filling the heart. Ya-yun's subtle brushwork is naturally achieved." (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 206). Zhu Hexian, known for his gentle nature and numerous good deeds, maintained long-standing friendships with many individuals, including Ruan Yuan (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 200), and likely introduced many of his acquaintances to Chusa. After parting ways with Chusa, Zhu Hexian promised to pour wine and celebrate Chusa's birthday every year, demonstrating the deep bond they formed in a short time and their desire for continued exchange across borders. Years after Zhu Hexian's passing, on his birthday, Chusa composed a poem recalling the memory of his dear friend: "Gazing at the painting at the ends of the earth, tears well up; the sorrow on the third day of the sixth lunar month intensifies. I recall the joyous times at Yidushi, and raise a cup of wine to the distant void, celebrating my birthday." (Fujitsuka Chikashi 2009, 208–209).

Zhu Hexian's painting, *Chusa Jeonbyeoldo* (Farewell Painting for Chusa), depicts a farewell banquet held by Chusa's friends in China as he prepared to depart Beijing. On February 1, 1810, scholars and artists in Beijing held a farewell banquet at the Fayuan Temple. Weng Fanggang's son, Weng Xiugong, attended in his father's stead, along with Ruan Yuan, Li Zheng-yuan, Cao Jiang, Zhu Hexian, and Li Yinsong. Zhu Hexian immediately sketched the scene of the farewell banquet and recorded the names of the attendees. In the painting, amidst elegant pavilions with ancient pines and rockeries, people are engaged in farewell conversations. In the center of the table, Chusa, dressed in military attire as a *jaje-gwan*, looks forward. The farewell poems composed at this banquet were compiled into a book and presented to Chusa (Yoo Hong-june 2006, 63).

97 Although his stay in Beijing was brief, Chusa was able to fulfill his long-held aspirations by visiting numerous eminent scholars and distinguished figures, inquiring about the meanings of classical texts, and enjoying deeply treasured books. Chusa was genuinely delighted by the warm reception extended to a young scholar from a foreign land. Chusa's farewell poem

Although his stay in Beijing was brief, Chusa was able to fulfill his long-held aspirations by visiting numerous eminent scholars and distinguished figures, inquiring about the meanings of classical texts, and enjoying deeply treasured books. Chusa was genuinely delighted by the warm reception extended to a young scholar from a foreign land. Chusa's farewell poem

98 He recites one by one the scholars he met in Beijing and expresses his gratitude. This poem begins with the words, “The place where I was born is a barbaric land, truly rustic, so I feel ashamed in my association with Chinese scholars” (Kim Jeong-hui 1986). I ponder how to interpret Chusa’s words, which directly demean Joseon. It seems that it was not merely a polite expression, but Chusa himself felt the shortcomings of Joseon. His stay in Beijing, where he could broaden his academic horizons, was a time when Chusa became more acutely aware of the academic and cultural limitations of Joseon at the time.

This poem, which summarizes the relationships Chusa formed in Beijing, expresses his regret at parting and his desire to break down the boundaries between the two countries and foster exchange through the grand rhetoric of boiling down the Amnok River water into wine and drying it. Along with the friendships forged with people in Beijing, one can also glimpse Chusa’s inner feelings of being attracted to the Qing cultural and academic community and wanting to become a part of it. Chusa left Beijing with great inspiration and a renewed drive for arts and scholarship, returning to Joseon in March 1810.

Looking Back on Chusa’s Path

99 Chusa considered Damgye and Undae as his lifelong mentors upon returning to Joseon. Although Chusa’s life thereafter was not smooth, leading to a long period of exile, he continued to cherish his encounters in Beijing and sought to maintain exchanges. Chusa summarizes the spirit of his life by borrowing the words of Ong Bang-gang and Wan Yuan (Kim Jeong-hui 2014, 407), and reveals his intention to pursue scholarship and art at an international level, differentiated from the mainstream of Joseon’s existing scholarship, rooted in a deep understanding of classical studies and the study of epigraphy and paleography.

The young Chusa, who visited Beijing with a longing for Qing culture, received teachings from great masters, and gained much insight into Joseon’s limitations, must have been deeply immersed in Qing culture. Although the period of encountering numerous books in Yulichang, seeing precious texts mentioned only in writings before his eyes, learning from Qing scholars what he could not learn while studying in Joseon, and conversing with friends who shared his interests lasted only a little over two months, it left a profound impact that changed his life. Beijing, which he saw and felt with his own eyes, remained in Chusa’s memory for a long time with deep emotion and excitement, constantly recalled. Although Chusa’s body left China, his mind can be said to have lived in Beijing.

100 Upon returning to Joseon, Chusa continued to mention his experiences in Beijing, sometimes earning animosity by pointing out the shortcomings of others. Chusa was critical of Joseon’s academic and cultural standards, particularly in calligraphy, and even sharply criticized the calligraphy of Wonsaeng Yi Gwang-sa and Seokbong Han Ho, who were considered masters, stating that they had “extremely vulgar” aspects despite their elaborate efforts (Kim Jun-seok 2016, 328-329). Chusa believed that Joseon’s cultural standards were outdated and that one could only truly grasp them by encountering and experiencing China’s advanced culture firsthand.

The refined literati taste that Chusa pursued after returning from Qing eventually became the mainstream of Joseon culture during his lifetime and after his death. Dong-ju laments that the trend of literati painting, initiated by Chusa’s ‘Wandang craze,’ disrupted the foundations of the genre painting and landscape painting that were prevalent in the Korean art world (Lee Dong-ju 1996a, 350-353). It is regrettable that Chusa’s bias towards Qing influenced Joseon society as a whole, leading to the loss of opportunities for indigenous culture to grow. However, through his period of exile, Chusa developed the unique Chusa style, and his journey to Qing was a period of intense absorption of the foundational materials and spirit. While it is regrettable that Chusa, a towering figure in Joseon scholarship and art, offered a lukewarm assessment of Joseon, it is also true that by being fully immersed in and diligently studying Qing culture, he was able to internalize its essence, reach a high level of achievement, and paradoxically open up an original world.

101

Together with the people in the sarangbang, we drank tea in a tranquil tea garden and walked along the Yulichang street that Chusa must have walked, contemplating the path we should take today. We imagined the possibility that Joseon, by internalizing and uniquely developing the scholarship and art adopted from Qing in Chusa’s era, could have achieved new accomplishments, and that Joseon’s indigenous culture, by embracing Qing culture, could have realized a refined and universal aesthetic. Chusa’s path prompts us to question whether Korea’s scholarship and culture can contribute to acquiring global universality and establishing standards. In the summer of 2017, although our survey trip was shorter than Chusa’s journey to Qing, we returned from Beijing with memories and lingering impressions in our hearts that were no less profound.

Bibliography Kim Jeong-hui. 1986. 《Wandangjip》. Translated by Shin Ho-yeol, Kim Jeong-gi, et al. Korea Knowledge

Translation Institute.

http://www.krpia.co.kr/knowledge/itkc/detail?artClass=MK&artId=k

c_mk_h011#none (Accessed: 2017.06.17.)

. 2014. 《Chusajip》. Translated by Choi Wan-su. Seoul: Hyeonamsa. Kim Jun-seok. 2016. “A Study on the 18th-19th Century Sino-Korean Academic and Cultural Community through Chusa Kim Jeong-hui’s Journey to Qing and Academic Exchange.”

Edited by Ha Young-sun and Lee Heon-mi.

《International Politics of Sa-haeng: Analysis of Jo-cheon and Yeon-haeng Records from the 16th to 19th Centuries》. Seoul:

A-yeon Publishing.

Yoo Hong-jun. 2006. 《Kim Jeong-hui: A Simplified Biography of Wandang》. Seoul: Hakgojae. Lee Dong-ju. 1996a. 《Old Paintings of Korea》. Seoul: Hakgojae.

. 1996b. 《The Beauty of Korean Old Paintings》. Seoul: Sigongsa. Lee Hong-sik. 2013. “Beijing Yulichang and the Transformation of Joseon Culture.” Edited by Jeong Min, et al. 《Beijing

Yulichang: A Cultural Hub in East Asia in the 18th-19th Centuries》. Seoul: Minsokwon. Jeong Min. 2013. “Beijing Yulichang Bookstore District in the 18th-19th Centuries as Seen Through Yeon-haeng Records.”

Edited by Jeong Min, et al. 《Beijing

Yulichang: A Cultural Hub in East Asia in the 18th-19th Centuries》. Seoul: Minsokwon.

Fujitsuka Chikashi. 2009. 《A Study of Chusa Kim Jeong-hui: Research on the Exchange of Qing Culture

Korean Full Translation》. Translated by Yoon Cheol-gyu, et al. Gwacheon: Gwacheon Cultural Center.

103