The Corpse Politics of Mao Zedong (Mao Zedong Memorial Hall)

Drawing the New Century in Beijing, the Millennium Capital: The Youth of Sarangbang Embrace Beijing

Shin Boram University of Cambridge

Category: EAI Sarangbang Excursions
Published: April 20, 2016

Mao Zedong Memorial Hall · Shin Boram · University of Cambridge

Key Information!

◆ Location: No. 11 Qianmen East Street, Dongcheng District, Beijing ◆ Opening Hours: 08:00–13:00

(Additional opening hours from 2:00 PM to 4:00 PM on December 26th, Mao Zedong's birthday, and September 9th, his death anniversary) ◆ Closed: Mondays

◆ Admission: Free (Personal belongings storage fee: 2–10 RMB)

◆ How to get there: Subway Line 13

Introduction

It is thought that few places serve as faithfully as the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall in fulfilling the role of a landmark that allows one to truly grasp the significance of a city as a 'capital.' Located in the center of Tiananmen Square, an overwhelming expanse of 440,000 m², the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall is always bustling with visitors, excluding its closing days. Since its opening in 1977, approximately 1.6 billion visitors have come to this site. It is not only a destination for foreign visitors to China but also a place where middle and high school students from across China come for field trips, and where Chinese people visiting the capital from various regions make a pilgrimage. On December 26, 2013, President Xi Jinping and other key leaders of the Chinese Communist Party visited to pay respects on the 120th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth.

Mao Zedong badge. Purchased at Tiananmen Square for the low price of 15 RMB.

Before the Beijing field trip, the photos of the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall I found online showed long queues of tourists waiting to see China's 'Red Star' sleeping in a crystal coffin. Reading reviews that described waiting for over an hour, visiting the memorial hall for just a few minutes (while being hurried along by stern guards urging them to move faster), I found myself asking, 'Why?' Why do Chinese people still visit the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall? And what meaning does it hold as a symbolic place and a space for historical experience? I hope this field trip serves as an opportunity to understand the meaning of 'absolute reverence,' which may seem incomprehensible to us, and to retrace the process by which the Chinese Communist Party created a god and the process of power transitions.

September 9, 1976: China's Red Star Sets

At 00:15 on September 9, 1976, Chairman Mao Zedong passed away. Until the day before his death, the official media had concealed the fact of Mao Zedong's deteriorating health, and the Chinese people believed that the 'Red Star of China' would shine forever. On September 9th, throughout China, the announcement of an 'important broadcast' was repeatedly aired, creating an ominous atmosphere. At 4:00 PM, the news of Chairman Mao Zedong's death was broadcast across China, accompanied by funeral music. The Chinese Communist Party repeatedly emphasized unity among the people and demanded the inheritance of Mao Zedong's spirit. The Five-Starred Red Flag, which had flown high, was lowered, and a black mourning band was hung on Chairman Mao's portrait at Tiananmen Gate.

Mao Zedong's memorial service was held on September 18th, nine days after his death. Tiananmen Square was filled with a crowd of one million people. Even those who could not attend the ceremony observed a moment of silence at 3:00 PM, stopping all work unless it was time-sensitive. The funeral footage of Mao Zedong, easily found on YouTube, shows workers from various industries and ethnic groups that constitute China. They moved in groups, dressed in traditional attire symbolizing their ethnicity or uniforms symbolizing their occupations. The order was: Party cadres, soldiers, workers, ethnic minority representatives, and students. All wore black or red armbands and passed by Mao Zedong's body, covered by the Five-Starred Red Flag.

Cremation was common in China at the time. In 1944, the Chinese Communist Party began to reform funeral customs, abolishing ancestor worship and extravagant funeral practices, and by 1956, it started to encourage cremation. Mao Zedong himself revised the cremation laws, requiring all government officials to sign their consent to cremation. According to the revised law, all Party members and government officials who died before 1976 were cremated. Mao Zedong himself is said to have left a will stating, 'When I die, cremate me and scatter my ashes in the Yangtze River to feed the fish' (Sankei Shimbun Special Investigation Team 2001, 64). However, his will was not followed.

There is a view that Mao Zedong's post-mortem arrangements were influenced by the will of the Gang of Four (Jiang Qing, Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao, and Yao Wenyuan), who were the main drivers of the Cultural Revolution. The central broadcast announcing Chairman Mao's death on September 9th also contained the Gang of Four's message that Deng Xiaoping should not be spared criticism. The New York Times, which reported the news of his death, also viewed this point with suspicion. Indeed, the Gang of Four, just as during the Cultural Revolution, attempted to seize power by pressuring Hua Guofeng's faction through the cult of Mao Zedong's personality and mob violence. On October 4th, the Gang of Four published an article in the Party newspaper Guangming Daily, 'Let Us Forever Advance According to Chairman Mao's Principles,' emphasizing the inheritance of the Cultural Revolution line and hastily mobilized and armed nearly 100,000 militia members in Shanghai, their political base.

However, according to Wang Dongxing, a Politburo member and Director of the Central Office who led the arrest of the Gang of Four, the Central Committee had already decided to preserve Chairman Mao's body permanently and to build a memorial hall in Tiananmen Square. Li Zhisui, Mao Zedong's personal physician, also wrote similarly in his memoirs. According to Li Zhisui, a Party meeting was held to discuss how to announce the Chairman's death and the funeral procedures, and Wang Dongxing, who attended the meeting, conveyed these decisions. Li Zhisui found himself in a difficult situation, as China lacked embalming technology at the time. Even before the memorial service, Chairman Mao's body had begun to decompose. Due to the deterioration of relations with the Soviet Union in the 1960s, it was difficult to import preservation technology before the memorial day, September 18th. A research team was sent to Vietnam, where embalming techniques had been learned from the Soviet Union, but achieved little success. Finally, on the 17th, one day before the memorial service, Li Zhisui and his research team transported Mao Zedong's body, preserved in formalin, to the mourning hall set up in Tiananmen Square (Li Zhisui 1997, 47–54).

The exact reasons why the Chinese Politburo decided to permanently preserve Chairman Mao's body, and the process involved, have not been precisely clarified. Furthermore, it cannot be assumed that the Gang of Four, the main architects of Mao Zedong's deification and central figures during the Cultural Revolution, unilaterally decided on Mao Zedong's post-mortem arrangements. However, what is certain is that the symbolic value of the 'dead Mao Zedong' was immense. Hua Guofeng, who was considered Mao Zedong's successor along with Jiang Qing and her associates, also showed great interest in the funeral procedures and ordered the Geological Bureau to procure the finest quality jade from across the country for the coffin. On October 8th, Chairman Hua Guofeng announced the plan to construct the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. On the same day, his political rival, the Gang of Four, was publicly arrested for the first time. Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

Why did the Chinese Politburo decide to permanently preserve Chairman Mao's body?

However, what is certain is that the symbolic value of the 'dead Mao Zedong' was immense. Hua Guofeng, who was considered Mao Zedong's successor along with Jiang Qing and her associates, also showed great interest in the funeral procedures and ordered the Geological Bureau to procure the finest quality jade from across the country for the coffin. On October 8th, Chairman Hua Guofeng announced the plan to construct the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. On the same day, his political rival, the Gang of Four, was publicly arrested for the first time. Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

Hua Guofeng, who was considered Mao Zedong's successor along with Jiang Qing and her associates, also showed great interest in the funeral procedures and ordered the Geological Bureau to procure the finest quality jade from across the country for the coffin. On October 8th, Chairman Hua Guofeng announced the plan to construct the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. On the same day, his political rival, the Gang of Four, was publicly arrested for the first time. Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

On October 8th, Chairman Hua Guofeng announced the plan to construct the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. On the same day, his political rival, the Gang of Four, was publicly arrested for the first time. Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

On the same day, his political rival, the Gang of Four, was publicly arrested for the first time. Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

Ultimately, the god of Communist China can be seen as having been created for political purposes by living individuals.

A 'God' for the People, by the People

At 7:30 AM on Sunday, December 23rd, I headed to Tiananmen Square with Zhu Yuan to queue up in advance. The area around the vast square still felt chilly in the early morning. In the quiet square, I slowly walked around, contemplating the spatial composition and the flow of visitors as a way of 'reading history.' The political role of Tiananmen Square became even clearer.

The Mao Zedong Memorial Hall is not only a place of mourning but also an exhibition space. In addition to Mao Zedong, who lies in a crystal coffin, the memorial hall displays marble statues of the five former General Secretaries of the Chinese Communist Party: Zhou Enlai (1898–1976), Liu Shaoqi (1898–1969), Zhu De (1885–1976), Chen Yun (1905–1995), and the third Chairman, Deng Xiaoping (1904–1997), on the second floor. Lin Biao (1907–1971), a first-generation Chinese Communist Party leader like the five General Secretaries, who attempted to defect to the Soviet Union in 1971, was stripped of his eligibility for commemoration here. In other words, the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall serves to promote and disseminate the 'correct' historical ideology of modern China, symbolized by 'Mao Zedong.' Indeed, the Chinese Communist Party's official website describes the memorial hall as a 'national place of patriotic education' (People's Daily Online 2006).

Socialist countries, instead of eradicating religion, have put forth 'gods' to represent the state. Including Kim Il-sung (died 1994) and Kim Jong-il (died 2011) of North Korea, as well as Lenin (died 1925) of the Soviet Union, Ho Chi Minh (died 1969) of Vietnam, Neto (died 1979) of Angola, and Burnham (died 1985) of Guyana, socialist state leaders have been embalmed and placed in glass cases. This peculiar funeral custom that spread across socialist countries has its origins in the political confrontation between Stalin and Trotsky in 1923. When Lenin, who had suffered a stroke in 1923, was still alive, Stalin presented the following opinion regarding Lenin's post-mortem arrangements:

There is an argument that Lenin, being Russian, should be given a Russian-style funeral. [...] However, some comrades believe that modern science can preserve the body of the deceased for a considerable period through embalming. They argue that it can be preserved at least for the duration that the people need to realize that Lenin's spirit is no longer with us (Tumarkin 1997, 174).

Soviet Communist Party officials who supported embalming, like Stalin, focused more on Lenin's symbolic value than on the superiority of Soviet science. In contrast, Trotsky, Stalin's political adversary, held the opposite view. He argued that science is just science and has nothing to do with Lenin's funeral. Trotsky vehemently criticized the embalming of Lenin's body as an introduction of the saint worship practices of the Russian Orthodox Church, shouting that it was a funeral procedure contrary to the spirit of the Bolsheviks, which was based on atheism. Above all, Lenin himself had repeatedly expressed his wish to be buried quietly beside his mother and sister before his death. However, the funeral of a dictator not only affects the succession but also becomes a stage for confrontation. Stalin united the masses by presenting 'cutting-edge science' as a plausible facade to the familiar religious rituals of the Russians. Trotsky, defeated by Stalin, did not attend Lenin's funeral and was later assassinated in a hideout in South America. The Soviet newspaper Pravda, dated January 27, 1924, the day of Lenin's funeral, explained that the permanent preservation of the body was decided by 'the will of the people and the Party.' To this day, Lenin's 'public body' in Red Square, Moscow, has provided legitimacy not only to the Stalinist regime but also to the subsequent Russian leaders. Khrushchev, who criticized the personality cult of the Stalin era, was no exception.

The process by which Mao Zedong, a private individual, died and was replaced by a public 'symbolic body' is similar. As examined above, Mao Zedong's death caused a quiet but immense storm in China. On the night of October 6, 1976, Hua Guofeng, after secretly arresting the Gang of Four, announced the plan to establish the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall on October 8th. This marked the prelude to the post-Mao Zedong era. According to Deng Xiaoping's memoirs, the construction of the memorial hall was contrary to Chairman Mao's wishes. In fact, Mao Zedong had prohibited the use of Party leaders' names for places in 1949. Citing this, Deng Xiaoping prohibited the official celebration of Party leaders' birthdays, sending excessive gifts, naming streets or buildings after leaders, or associating their names with 'Marx' or 'Lenin,' including acts of personal praise or worship, in 1956. Two months after Khrushchev's 'secret speech' was made public, in April of the same year, Mao Zedong published an article in the People's Daily criticizing Stalin's personality cult, arguing that it distanced Stalin from the people and reality. Ironically, ten years later, in 1966, Mao Zedong embarked on a similar path of idolization as Stalin.

There is an argument that Lenin, being Russian, should be given a Russian-style funeral.

However, some comrades believe that modern science can preserve the body of the deceased for a considerable period through embalming. They argue that it can be preserved at least for the duration that the people need to realize that Lenin's spirit is no longer with us (Tumarkin 1997, 174).

They argue that it can be preserved at least for the duration that the people need to realize that Lenin's spirit is no longer with us (Tumarkin 1997, 174).

Stalin, like other Soviet Communist Party officials who supported embalming, focused more on Lenin's symbolic value than on the superiority of Soviet science. In contrast, Trotsky, Stalin's political adversary, held the opposite view. He argued that science is just science and has nothing to do with Lenin's funeral. Trotsky vehemently criticized the embalming of Lenin's body as an introduction of the saint worship practices of the Russian Orthodox Church, shouting that it was a funeral procedure contrary to the spirit of the Bolsheviks, which was based on atheism. Above all, Lenin himself had repeatedly expressed his wish to be buried quietly beside his mother and sister before his death. However, the funeral of a dictator not only affects the succession but also becomes a stage for confrontation. Stalin united the masses by presenting 'cutting-edge science' as a plausible facade to the familiar religious rituals of the Russians. Trotsky, defeated by Stalin, did not attend Lenin's funeral and was later assassinated in a hideout in South America. The Soviet newspaper Pravda, dated January 27, 1924, the day of Lenin's funeral, explained that the permanent preservation of the body was decided by 'the will of the people and the Party.' To this day, Lenin's 'public body' in Red Square, Moscow, has provided legitimacy not only to the Stalinist regime but also to the subsequent Russian leaders. Khrushchev, who criticized the personality cult of the Stalin era, was no exception.

Even before the Cultural Revolution began, in 1956, local officials did not comply with Deng Xiaoping's regulations. Instead, they erected statues of Mao Zedong everywhere, aiming to justify their positions by emphasizing their image as devotees of Mao Zedong while opposing the idolization of Chiang Kai-shek. Local officials built shrines to pray for Mao Zedong's longevity and to commemorate his revolutionary spirit, and these shrines are considered precursors to the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. The finest local materials were used for these shrines, and all residents participated in their construction. In 1968, during the height of the Cultural Revolution, Mao Zedong sensed that the personality cult directed at him was going too far and took steps to rectify the situation, and from that year onwards, the construction of Mao Zedong shrines was prohibited. Nevertheless, even after the Cultural Revolution ended, the worship of Mao Zedong continued, albeit at a reduced level. In 1958, Mao Zedong reinterpreted personality cults, arguing that it was not important whether the object of worship was an individual or the masses, but whether it was based on truth. In other words, worship that upholds and praises 'revolutionary truth' does not violate the spirit of the Communist Party, but Stalin's worship in the Soviet Union was a 'wrongful worship' unrelated to revolutionary truth (Mao, 1968). If Tiananmen Square is viewed as a space for historical experience, we can discover the main actors of Chinese history in the architecture and layout of the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall and the square where it is located. Passing through Zhengyangmen and entering Tiananmen Square, one is first confronted by the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. The memorial hall is a monument that implies that those who inherit Mao Zedong's spirit are the Chinese people. The construction process is a very interesting architectural feat. The Mao Zedong Memorial Hall began construction in November 1976 and was completed on September 9th of the following year, the first anniversary of Mao Zedong's death. During this year, over 700,000 people from all over China volunteered to support the construction of the memorial hall. In other words, the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall is a monument that emphasizes the fact that the Chinese people built it with their own hands, rather than just signifying the people paying respects to the deceased Chairman.

The first monument to appear in Tiananmen Square as a landmark of the Chinese Communist Party was the Monument to the People's Heroes. This monument, planned in 1949 and completed in 1958, commemorates the heroes of the Chinese Revolution. It is inscribed with Mao Zedong's epigraph ('Eternal glory to the people's heroes') and a dedication by Zhou Enlai. The pedestal is adorned with eight scenes depicting the history of China's revolutionary struggle from the First Opium War in 1840 to the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949. The Monument to the People's Heroes can be seen as a memorial to the 'nameless' who sacrificed themselves for the founding of the People's Republic of China, akin to the tombs of unknown soldiers described by Benedict Anderson. In other words, it is a symbol of the state honoring 'martyrs.' It is an architectural monument commemorating the 'nameless' protagonists who made the existence of present-day China possible. Walking from the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall to the Monument to the People's Heroes, and then towards Tiananmen and the Forbidden City, one can feel that China's past and future are connected through this monument. It is the point where the 'past' China, represented by the Forbidden City, and the 'present' China, represented by the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall, meet, and it connects East and West.

East

and West

(East)

(West)

This is because it is the point where the Great Hall of the People, which will determine China's future, faces the National Museum of China, which preserves China's history. It was a moment when I felt that perhaps the 'Chinese people,' the main actors of history, are ultimately created by the state of China, much like the symbol of absolute authority that is Mao Zedong. From China's reform and opening up, and from ritual to consumption

Theoretically, in a socialist society, the people participate in politics in their daily lives and 'voluntarily' engage in political rituals. There is no clear way to know the sentiments of the Chinese 'people' when they participated in the construction of the Memorial Hall and later visited Chairman Mao's embalmed body. In other words, it is very difficult to accurately understand the psychology of the masses who participated in the idolization of Mao Zedong. Among them, there must have been a considerable number who, in their youth, wore badges with Mao Zedong's face on them or wristwatches with his image. The Mao Zedong badge, also a symbol of the Red Guards, began to be produced shortly after the founding of the People's Republic of China, and it is said that they were made not only to distinguish individuals' affiliations and statuses in Chinese society but also to commemorate historical events, national celebrations, or travel destinations. Badges with different designs of Mao Zedong could not be purchased in stores, yet they were also essential items for all urban residents. Mao Zedong badges or watches served as tools to express the wearer's individual loyalty and, at the same time, as symbols of their political identity (political presence).

Among the 'people' who wore badges or visited the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall (or visited the Memorial Hall while wearing badges), there were likely those who used Mao Zedong's symbols for personal gain, those who habitually praised Mao Zedong out of indifference to ideology, and those who opposed Mao Zedong's thought but dared not speak out. The collapse of the Soviet Union, though entirely natural and predictable, was still a shock when the moment of collapse actually arrived.

Alexei Yurchak, who studied the reasons for Mao Zedong's deification, argues that repetitive political rituals and propaganda, along with everyday political activities, ultimately opened up an 'interpretive space' for the masses to evade rather than reject or accept the political messages contained within them (Yurchak 2005). What kind of political culture will the emphasis on repetitive absolute authority and participation in everyday political rituals create in the case of China? Furthermore, what 'interpretive space' has the introduction of capitalist consumerism opened up regarding Mao Zedong's symbolism?

I visited Russia in 2009, twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. It was an opportunity to witness how the political culture of Russia, in its post-socialist transition, was changing. At that time, there was a sentiment in the West that the collapse of socialism had not brought about a fundamental change beyond regime change, ideally a transition to democracy. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, although the one-party system disappeared in Russia, authoritarianism became even more entrenched with the rise of the Vladimir Putin regime. I often wondered if the influx of capitalism was actually perpetuating Russia's authoritarianism. A popular girl group had a hit song, 'We want a strong man like Putin,' and a vodka named 'Putinka' after Putin's name attracted consumer interest.

At that time, Russian society was noisy with debates about the Soviet past. Discussions continued about whether Stalin was a great leader who modernized Russia and defended it from the Nazi threat, or a dictator who imposed personality cults and massacred tens of thousands of innocent people. Moreover, opinions were divided on whether the Soviet past was a history of terror and political oppression or a glorious history of Russia as a global power. On the other hand, a different interpretation of the Soviet Union was unfolding within Russian culture. This was what Western scholars called 'Soviet Kitsch.' 'Kitsch' refers to popular but low-brow art, and it reinterprets the cultural or everyday legacies of the collapsed Soviet Union through parody, thereby transforming the political purpose of cultural creation. 3 The girl group's agency stated that they had no political intentions and vehemently denied any relationship with specific politicians.

4 The vodka was reportedly not very good. 6. Mao Zedong's Corpse Politics: The Mao Zedong Memorial Hall and the process of change.

Soviet art and culture, like political symbols and ideological discourse, were created by specialized government institutions—the Union of Writers, the Union of Artists, the Union of Composers, etc. These institutions produced culture and art under government support and direction. Consequently, Soviet culture could not deviate significantly from the framework of socialist realism aesthetics and was subject to party surveillance. The iconography of political leaders was also created under strict government intervention, so Lenin's image was consistently reproduced without significant changes from its standardized iconography. The collapse of the Soviet Union led to the collapse of the Communist Party, the sole author of symbols.

Although I did not visit it during this trip, there is a restaurant in Beijing called 'Hongse Jing Tian Zhu Ti Can Ting' (红色经典主题餐厅, Red Classic Theme Restaurant). What is interesting is that this restaurant recreates the Mao Zedong era. Mao Zedong's portrait is displayed on the central stage, and employees dressed in Red Guard uniforms address customers as 'comrades' while taking orders. Performances featuring Red Guards and workers holding hammers and shovels reciting Mao Zedong's quotations or singing praise songs take place on stage. Customers visit this place to reminisce about that era in a cheerful atmosphere or to show their children what their past lives were like. Reading an article about this restaurant reminded me of a restaurant in Moscow called 'Zhov Il'ich' (Il'ich is Lenin's first name, meaning 'Il'ich's Call'). It is a space where one can experience Soviet Kitsch culture, with employees wearing Red Guard uniforms and red scarves serving food that was available in Soviet-era cafeterias. It was a popular 'must-visit' spot for both foreigners and locals. Inside the restaurant, pornography, which was taboo during the Soviet era, was mixed with the mythologized image of Lenin. The political symbol 'Lenin' was being 'reproduced' beyond 'reinterpretation' for consumption. In other words, it is a case where a political symbol has 'degenerated' into a consumer good devoid of its ideological message.

To this day, Mao Zedong is praised by the Chinese as the father of the nation and a great leader. However, it is questionable whether the political message intended by the embalmed Mao Zedong in the Memorial Hall or by the government that preserved him is being received in the same way by today's Chinese. Similar to the Soviet case, Mao Zedong's symbols are now cultural icons that can be reproduced by private businesses, not just the government. It seems that the Chinese government does not particularly try to prevent the reproduction of political leaders' icons for consumption, a 'purely' non-political activity, due to the introduction of capitalism or materialism.

A few years ago, images of Mao Zedong with pop art elements gained popularity not only in China but also worldwide. At that time, I was pursuing graduate studies in the UK, and a Chinese friend who bought a 'Mao Zedong Notebook Set' from an American stationery company said that her choice of consumption had nothing to do with Mao Zedong's merits and demerits. She said she bought it simply because it was 'interesting and the design was cute.' She also mentioned that wearing Mao Zedong badges or T-shirts had become a trend in China. Whether it was truly a trend or not, I found it difficult to see products with Mao Zedong's portrait during my recent visit to Beijing. Contrary to Western concerns about a revival of the Mao Zedong spirit, around this time last year, Chinese President Xi Jinping visited the Memorial Hall to celebrate the 120th anniversary of Mao Zedong's birth.

In front of the statue at the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall

We were able to tour the Memorial Hall, moving very quickly in less than 10 minutes of queuing. Zhu Yuan and I, who were part of the early morning contingent, were able to visit the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall twice in a row. And quite leisurely at that. Of course, the length of the queue in front of the Memorial Hall cannot be used to determine how the symbol of absolute authority is changing in meaning for the Chinese people. However, as someone asked, could we not cautiously pose the question to the Chinese, 'Will the day come when the photograph of Mao Zedong hanging in Tiananmen will be taken down?'

Conclusion

To be honest, the reason I am writing this is that there is not much to 'see' at the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall. I was curious why hundreds of visitors queue for over an hour every day to enter a memorial hall with so little to 'see,' but the question of how a leader, who has become an 'exhibit' in death, will influence future generations of Chinese who have not experienced his era has followed me throughout my Beijing trip. This trip provided an opportunity to glimpse the future direction of China by focusing not on a place created for a specific national purpose, but on the Chinese people who live there and give 'meaning' to that symbol. ■ 6. Mao Zedong's Corpse Politics: The Mao Zedong Memorial Hall Let's Watch and Think Together! Oh Seung-hee: Sunday, December 26, 1893, the day Mao Zedong was born

Since it was a Sunday, I was fully prepared for a long queue,

and had braced myself for the long wait.

Perhaps because of Boram's hard work and Zhu Yuan's earnest desire to be there since dawn to queue for the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall,

strangely, we were able to enter that morning without queuing.

Finally, we entered the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall! Perhaps because of the immense weight of the symbolism he held?

In reality, Mao Zedong himself appeared smaller than expected. Through Boram's presentation, which illuminated the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall as a symbolic place and a space for experience in front of the Monument to the People's Heroes,

we were able to directly confirm the meaning of this complex space, which encapsulates Beijing's past, present, and future.

Especially the part that connects and explains the threads between Russia and China was the highlight.

Kim Yu-jeong: The spatial arrangement of the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall facing the Forbidden City, with the Monument to the People's Heroes (人民英雄纪念碑) in Tiananmen Square at its center,

and the Great Hall of the People facing the National Museum of China, was an opportunity to reflect on China's modern and contemporary history.

I had visited the same place in December 2008, and in December 2014, there were two differences.

Unlike the long wait against the biting wind sweeping across Tiananmen Square, this time, it was almost as if there was no queue, with very few visitors.

Conversely, the interior was much more lavishly and grandly decorated than before. The interior became more ornate, while the queue shortened. I wondered if this was a coincidence or if it signified some internal change in China.

Unlike Korea, where white chrysanthemums are used as a symbol of mourning, yellow flowers were placed in abundance before the statue of Mao Zedong.

Leaving that scene behind, I once again contemplated what Mao Zedong of the 20th century might mean to the Chinese of the 21st century.

Lee Jae-seong: When Boram explained the meaning of the Forbidden City facing the Monument to the People's Heroes and the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall, I finally began to understand the place.

Before visiting the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall, I had simply thought, 'There's the Forbidden City, a memorial tower, and the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall.'

However, after hearing the explanation, I felt I could see through the past, modernity, and present of China that the place represents.

Kim Min-geol: I was able to clearly understand the symbolism of Mao Zedong's corpse in the context of modern Chinese history and the position of the Chinese Communist Party.

Seeing the arrangement of the Mao Zedong Memorial Hall alongside major buildings like Tiananmen Square, the Great Hall of the People, and the National Museum of China firsthand made the meaning of 'corpse politics' using that symbolism even more palpable.

References: Li Zhui. Translated by Son Poong-sam. 1995. The Private Life of Mao Zedong - 1. Seoul: Goryeowon. Sankei Shimbun Special Reporting Team. 2001. The Biography of Mao Zedong - Volume 1. Translated by Lim Hong-bin. Seoul:

The interior became more ornate, while the queue shortened. I wondered if this was a coincidence or if it signified some internal change in China.

I wondered if this was a coincidence or if it signified some internal change in China.