[4th EAI Academy] ⑥ Grassroots Reform of Local Politics

YouTube Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rOij_7rnnTw

Video Transcript

When you are in the center, there is the periphery, and so on. So, when designing political systems, as I will discuss later, the Founding Fathers of the U.S. Constitution talk about legislative, executive, and judicial branches. But that's called power. So, we need to decentralize horizontally. Then, the separation of powers, federal and state, etc., are precisely divided. Then, the separation of interests, if power is entrusted for the same term, corruption will occur.

Therefore, the Federal House of Representatives is given a two-year term. The Senate is given a six-year term, the governor a four-year term, and the president a four-year term. Governors also have term limits, meaning they cannot serve more than three terms. The power is immense. You know about the Daejang-dong case, which is a huge issue right now. So, this power... Therefore, with a three-term limit, there are too many term limits. When we talk about local government, we are only concerned with central politics these days, but there are many important issues regarding how to design local policies. So, today, I will briefly discuss how we should approach local government.

Historically, our local government has not been around for long. I will briefly look at its history. Understanding the history of institutions is important because of path dependency. How an institution begins affects its historical development. The initial institutional design, its origins, and background are closely related to its subsequent development. So, as a prelude to our discussion, I will briefly talk about its origins, and then discuss how local politics should be structured. I will talk about the institutional framework in the context of what I just mentioned. I will also discuss why local autonomy is necessary from administrative, social, and fiscal perspectives. Third, I will discuss the problems of local politics, especially since many problems are emerging in our local politics, as much as in central politics.

While discussing these issues, I intend to explore how we can reform local politics with you. Local autonomy was introduced in Article 96 of the Constitution of the First Republic. As you know, it states that local governments shall be granted authority within the scope defined by laws and regulations. This is still the case today. The constitution establishes the management of property as the authority of local governments in handling administrative affairs delegated by the state. Article 97 stipulates that matters concerning organization and operation shall be delegated by law.

This adopts the principle of delegation by law. It also states that local governments shall have councils. As you know, the Local Autonomy Act was significantly revised last year, marking the 30th anniversary of local autonomy. One of the important provisions is that residents can decide the form of local government. Currently, it is a confrontational system between the head of the local government and the council. However, many countries operate local governments in a parliamentary system, similar to a cabinet system.

In the United States, it varies by state. For example, if only a council is formed, the council may elect a head of government, similar to a prime minister, or delegate the authority to appoint a professional manager. I believe it would be beneficial for some local governments to experiment with such models proactively. Currently, the head of the local government and the council are dominated by a single party due to regionalism. This is meaningless in practice. It lacks the meaning of horizontal decentralization. It would be better to simply hold council elections and have the council appoint the head of government or elect one. Alternatively, we could invite a professional manager from my hometown to manage the region. This is the idea. However, from the Constituent Assembly, we have adopted the confrontational system, where the head of the local government and the council are predetermined.

The Local Autonomy Act was enacted in 1949. After liberation, the constitution was revised, and the National Assembly Act was enacted, along with various other laws. Do you know which law was enacted first? Which law do you think was enacted first? The National Assembly Act was enacted first because rules and procedures for parliamentary operations needed to be established first. Then, the constitution was drafted, and so on. The Local Autonomy Act was enacted in July 1949. However, the first local elections were held in 1952, 70 years later. Why was that?

President Syngman Rhee was reluctant to implement local autonomy at that time. However, the National Assembly was actively pushing for it, leading to significant conflicts. Local autonomy was fully implemented again in the Second Republic. In any case, those in power were reluctant to implement local autonomy. After the military regime, it was not practiced for about 30 years. Following democratization in 1987, the June 29th Declaration accepted local autonomy. However, initially, the president was hesitant about local autonomy. This was in 1952, before the Korean War had even ended, and local elections were held.

Elections were held in April. Since it was during the war, many regions could not hold elections. Elections were held in 1953 for the regions where they were not conducted. However, with the outbreak of the April 19 Revolution, the Local Autonomy Act was completely revised. With the Democratic Party coming into power, local autonomy began to truly flourish. Not only were mayors and governors, who were previously appointed by the central government, directly elected, but even mayors of cities, towns, and villages were directly elected. This marked the beginning of local autonomy.

However, this was dissolved by the May 16th coup after less than a year. After the military regime and the May 16th coup, local autonomy entered a dark age until the Yushin regime and before democratization in 1987. It was in the Second Republic that local autonomy truly began to flourish. Full autonomy was achieved, but many problems began to arise during the process of local autonomy. Local autonomy requires extensive preparation; simply changing the system and imposing Western models on Korea will not work. You are familiar with Almond and Powell, who are important figures in political science. What do they advocate?

Have you heard of political culture? That is, the same system is in place, but different flowers bloom in America, different flowers bloom in Korea, and different flowers bloom in Africa. Why is this happening? Almond, an academic, observed that there are differences in political culture, and attributed this to that. In Korea, we initially tried to foster local autonomy in the Fifth Republic, but in the end, constant imbalance and conflict between the heads of local governments and the assemblies intensified. Furthermore, there are frequent conflicts between elected governors and the central government, and the division of functions and offices between central and local governments is unclear. They argue, 'Is this a central government matter or a local government matter?'

In addition, there is a lack of citizen autonomy awareness and capacity. Furthermore, a situation has unfolded where local governments cannot exercise their property rights. This suggests that unprepared autonomy can lead to significant chaos. This has not been implemented everywhere. However, in 1987, the Sixth Republic was established following the Fifth Republic. With the enactment and amendment of the Constitution, Roh Tae-woo, then chairman of the ruling party, promised to introduce local autonomy in the June 29th Declaration.

Then, in 1988, the 13th National Assembly elections were held. This was the first parliamentary election after democratization, during the civilian government. Despite this, the promise made in the June 29th Declaration was not fully implemented. However, at that time, Kim Dae-jung went on a hunger strike and pushed for the implementation of local autonomy. Thus, in 1991, local elections, specifically for the basic and metropolitan councils, were held first. You all were not born yet at this time. The first local council elections were held then. And the simultaneous elections, as you know them today, where the heads and councils of metropolitan governments and the heads and councils of basic local governments are elected together, when did that happen?

The Mayor of Seoul and the Seoul Metropolitan Council, and the heads and councils of basic local governments. These four positions were simultaneously elected starting in 1995. That's why last year, you saw titles like the 8th National Simultaneous Local Elections. This is calculated based on 1995 as the starting point. So, the four major simultaneous local elections refer to the elections for the heads and councils of metropolitan local governments and the heads and councils of basic local governments. Initially, the superintendent of education election, which we have now, did not exist. In 2010, superintendents and members of the education board were elected. However, after the members of the education board were abolished, it was decided to leave only the superintendents and establish education committees within the local councils to handle educational matters. Therefore, the 2010 elections involved a large number of elections.

The four major elections plus the superintendent and education board elections were held simultaneously. And then the current system was established. So, it's the four major local elections plus the superintendent election. However, there are two more elections, making it seven elections in total, because proportional representation party votes are also cast. Therefore, if you count the ballots for the local elections, you voted seven times. So, while they are called simultaneous local elections, whether holding these simultaneous local elections is appropriate is a question we will discuss later. In Japan, when a by-election occurs in the track of simultaneous local elections,

and a by-election is held, the person elected in that by-election is given a four-year term, which changes the track. In our case, a by-election means serving only the remaining term. So, up until now, we have had the 8th simultaneous local elections, but we need to consider these issues in the future. Then, in 2013, the Special Act on Decentralization and the Special Act on Balanced National Development were enacted. There are still many calls for strengthening decentralization. Nowadays, we use the term concentration in the Seoul metropolitan area.

However, when I visited Busan, they should have used the expression 'leveling up the metropolitan area.' In Japan, they use the expression 'Tokyo's singular dominance,' even though there are cities like Osaka and Nagoya. Currently, all functions are concentrated in the Tokyo metropolitan area. In our case, the concentration in the metropolitan area is politely referred to as 'concentration in the metropolitan area.' However, in the provinces, it has become 'leveling up to the metropolitan area.' This means that over 50% of Korea's population lives in an area that is only 11% of the national territory. Furthermore, 40% of South Korean university students are in the metropolitan area. This is the case for provincial GDP, with 40% of the headquarters of large corporations located in the metropolitan area. Therefore, between the central and provincial governments, while we talk about various conflicts such as generational conflict, regional conflict, or gender conflict, there are many conflicts between the central and provincial governments. So, should we decentralize? This has been called '2:8 politics' for a long time.

This structure, where the provinces (the 8) are exercised by the central government, makes it extremely difficult for local autonomy to function properly. Thus, in 2022, an amendment to the Local Autonomy Act was passed. At that time, a comprehensive decentralization bill was proposed to move towards a 6:4 ratio, and significant efforts were made. Ultimately, however, the central government did not want this. In fact, if left alone, they could do a great job, but the central government interferes in everything. So, when I met with Mayor Park Heong-joon of Busan yesterday, he told me that he could not appoint the existing directors of the Busan City Hall.

The vice mayor is also sent by the central government. Thus, it has become an autonomy where the authority to appoint personnel cannot be properly exercised. The same applies to budgets. Although local governments can do well if entrusted, they often ask why the central government interferes in every matter. In that context, the Local Autonomy Act was completely revised last year, and many changes are now occurring. Key terms include the independence of personnel authority for local councils. Also, as many of you may know, a system has been established where each local council has one legislative support staff member for every two council members. Therefore, for those considering a career in politics, one of the future career paths is the job of a council member's staff within local councils. Also, local governments are now allowed to choose how to manage these aspects. Such institutional changes have allowed for greater autonomy for residents. We will examine these further if time permits. As I mentioned earlier, in a broad sense, this is horizontal decentralization. This is very important. It is crucial to clearly distinguish between layers, meaning power should not be concentrated in one place. As the person named Acton said, 'absolute power corrupts absolutely.' Therefore, efforts to design power appropriately are necessary. This is in that context. Why is the term of office two years? Why are there four-year terms? Various institutional designs are considered. In Mexico, for example, dual mandates are not allowed.

After serving as a federal legislator, they must take a break before running again, or candidates from the same party might alternate, with one running for the lower house and the other for a leadership position later. Various workarounds are likely to emerge. However, we need to carefully consider how to design our political framework, encompassing both central and local politics, within a broader context. Currently, decentralization is not progressing well. Thus, local areas constantly say, 'We can do it well if given the chance, but why does the central government, which doesn't understand the local situation, do it so ineptly?' How can we reconcile the numerous conflicts in South Korea today? You are aware of the different types of democracy, aren't you?

Have you heard of the majoritarian model and the consensus model? Countries like Sweden in Northern Europe operate on a consensus model. This means that even if a particular party gains power, unlike in the United States or the United Kingdom where a simple majority can lead to a winner-take-all system, they must negotiate. This is the majoritarian model, where if you form a majority, you are responsible for governing for the next four years. The consensus model, however, involves bringing diverse voices to the negotiating table to make decisions together, even if you have a majority. In a society with multifaceted and complex conflicts, both central and local governments seem to require these consensus-based models.

The most crucial aspect of the consensus model is the principle of power sharing and decentralization. It is not about a majority party monopolizing power and acting unilaterally. Instead, it involves incorporating minority voices into the decision-making process. When a consensus model is adopted, even if a party like the People Power Party or the Democratic Party holds power, policy shifts are minimal because policies are based on mutual agreement. This is unlike the majoritarian model, particularly in our country, where policies swing drastically with changes in administration, as seen with nuclear energy.

This can be reduced. Therefore, the key to moving towards a consensus model is power sharing and decentralization, alongside enhanced autonomy for each unit. External autonomy and internal autonomy can exist. Internal autonomy refers to the distribution of power within the central government, from higher to lower levels. When this is well-organized, effective decentralization can be achieved. This pertains to issues of power structure, such as whether to adopt a presidential or parliamentary system. The same applies to local governments: should they adopt an adversarial system between institutions, like the chief executive and the council, or a parliamentary model similar to the central government, where the majority party in the council elects the chief executive and governs the local entity? We can adopt a more decentralized power structure. We also need to discuss the party system: should we have one or not? What about the electoral system? As I see it, the current system is entirely majoritarian.

This results in a significant number of wasted votes and does not allow for the incorporation of minority opinions due to the limited proportion of proportional representation. How can this be changed? This needs to be considered in the context of the fundamental nature and direction of local autonomy. We need to examine why we have local autonomy from three perspectives. Firstly, from an administrative perspective, it ensures administrative efficiency and diversity. Efficiency means that instead of the central government uniformly implementing policies, it is crucial to implement policies tailored to local conditions and resident demands. This is why we have local autonomy. Generally, since the introduction of local autonomy in 1995,

local governments have been adopting excellent policies from the central government. In my previous evaluations of local government policy pledges, I found many outstanding ones. In an era of aging populations, the elderly in rural areas often feel lonely, especially if their spouse has passed away, and they have difficulty moving around. Their children may live far away. In such a situation, one local government created a group home system, allowing the elderly to reside collectively in village community centers. They could watch TV together, chat, and play Go, for instance. After about six months, their hospital visits decreased. The public health center conducted a survey, and it was found that conditions like high blood pressure and lifestyle diseases significantly improved. This was an excellent policy. A booklet was even published introducing such excellent policies. Therefore, from an administrative perspective, local governments closest to the people are best equipped to understand local conditions and resident needs. Thus, administrative decentralization is necessary.

This is the case. Socially, it can reflect diverse social values. Economically, it can foster specialized regional development and diversity in supply. Therefore, the essence of local autonomy and its future direction should follow this path. Now, let's examine the problems of local autonomy. When we talk about the problems of local autonomy, it's not 'local politics without localities.' As I mentioned earlier, it involves weak authority and a fragile financial base. This is the issue.

Good local policies are often adopted by the central government. When I used to evaluate the policy pledges of local governments annually, I found many excellent pledges. We are entering an era of aging populations, and in rural farming and fishing villages, the elderly living alone feel very lonely. It is especially difficult if they have lived together through thick and thin, but one spouse passes away early, or if one of them becomes infirm. Their children are living elsewhere, and so on. However, one local government created a group home system. They created a system where the elderly could reside collectively in the local community center.

As a result, these individuals can first escape their loneliness. They can watch television together, gossip, and even play Go-Stop, if they wish. After about six months, the number of hospital visits decreased. The public health center conducted a survey, and it found that conditions such as high blood pressure and chronic diseases, which were prevalent before, improved significantly. Therefore, I concluded that this is an excellent policy. We even published booklets introducing such good policies. In administrative terms, the grassroots local government is best positioned to understand local conditions and residents' needs. Therefore, decentralization is necessary from an administrative perspective.

Secondly, there is the issue of the hierarchy between National Assembly members and locally elected officials. You understand what this means, right? When National Assembly members visit a region, local mayors and council members follow them around. Why do they do this? Why do local mayors and council members, instead of focusing on their duties, trail behind National Assembly members like subordinates, especially during events? It is primarily because National Assembly members hold the power of nomination. In some regions, it is said that simply placing a stick with the right party's nomination will lead to election. Because they control the nomination power, local council members are unable to pursue independent local politics in such an environment.

How can we achieve autonomy without granting authority or funds? The framework, which has been largely controlled by the central government, needs to be restructured so that central, regional, and local governments work together in a coordinated manner. Furthermore, there is a lack of unique regional vision and strategy. Therefore, it is crucial to expand local autonomy and responsibility, and to balance and coordinate between local and central governments. It is important to secure more autonomous financial resources through measures like local consumption tax and local income tax. The transfer of responsibilities is also important; through these measures, local politics should be allowed to function.

Do you understand what I am saying? When a National Assembly member visits a region, the county mayor and county council members follow them around. Why do they do this when there is an event? Observe why they follow the National Assembly members like subordinates, rather than doing their own work. This is primarily because National Assembly members hold the power of nomination for candidacy. You must have heard many stories, such as in certain regions, even a stick can be elected if it receives the nomination of a particular party. Therefore, because they control the nomination rights, local council members are unable to independently pursue local politics in such an environment.

Thirdly, local elections tend to become interim evaluations of the president. As mentioned earlier, when local elections are held concurrently with national elections, they essentially become interim evaluations of the president. Previously, if a mayor or National Assembly member resigned or was incapacitated, a by-election was held within three months. However, with the entire nation focused on these interim evaluations, it was deemed problematic. Therefore, by-elections are now held twice a year, in April and October. If a vacancy occurs in the first half of the year, it is filled in April; if it occurs in the second half, it is filled in October. Moreover, when local or National Assembly elections are held, they are consolidated with these elections. These principles have been established.

However, as mentioned earlier, as an alternative, the national simultaneous local elections could be removed from this framework, and the remaining term could be fully guaranteed, allowing for development in that direction. This is what Japan is doing now. Furthermore, there is a lack of checks and balances in local politics, which is a very significant problem. Currently, in Busan, the People Power Party holds an overwhelming majority, with the Democratic Party having only a few seats. In Gwangju, the Democratic Party holds an overwhelming majority, with the People Power Party having few seats. The Seoul City Council also had an overwhelming majority of the Democratic Party in the last election, with the People Power Party having only a handful of seats. There is no balance between economy and equilibrium. Consequently, conditions are ripe for corruption to occur.

Although local governments may seem to lack power, recent news reports indicate that there is potential for significant corruption in areas like Wirye and Baekhyeon-dong related to permits and approvals. We do not know the exact facts, but this is the situation. How can we overcome these aspects of local politics? This is a crucial issue. The problem is not that things are blocked, but rather there is a biased representation. As mentioned, the extent to which the National Assembly adequately represents the diverse composition of the population is important.

This is essential for the proper functioning of representative democracy. However, due to various factors, including the electoral system, representation is often distorted. This distortion is particularly prevalent in local elections. Firstly, there is regionalism, where politics in a region tends to be monopolized by one party. Secondly, although local autonomy is often referred to as the realm of 'life politics,' women are known to be strong in areas like education and the environment. However, female representation in these areas is often weak. The voices of young people in the region are not reflected. Especially in aging rural and fishing communities, where the elderly dominate the population, policies for young people are often distorted. Furthermore, there is a lack of a growth base for third parties or alternative parties. The requirement for establishing a political party under the Political Parties Act is to have a central party headquartered in the capital. However, the Constitutional Court recently ruled that this falls within the legislative discretion of the National Assembly. In reality, political parties can emerge that prioritize the marine ecosystem and environment along the southern coast, such as a Green Party in Jeollanam-do, Gyeongsangnam-do, or Busan. Regional parties specializing in specific areas can also emerge, as seen with the Osaka Restoration Association or regional parties in Okinawa, Japan.

However, in Korea, the law requires a central party based in the capital and over 1,000 members in at least five provinces. Consequently, it is very difficult for third parties and regional parties to take root. We need to see if this can be overcome. So, how can we overcome these problems? Let's pool our wisdom. Firstly, can we overcome biased representation through electoral system reform? I have brought up the example of provincial councils. In the current electoral districts, 90% are local districts and 10% are proportional representation.

This leads to a high number of wasted votes, as the 90% local district elections use a first-past-the-post system. Although discussions are ongoing, there are too many wasted votes, and one party receives an excessive premium. In the 2018 local elections in Seoul, out of 97 seats, 92 were won by the Democratic Party. Among the 10% proportional representation seats, the Democratic Party won five, the People Power Party won three, and the Minjung Party and one other party won one each. While the proportional representation system allows for some distribution, the winner-take-all local district system leads to a distortion of representation. Furthermore, in regions with strong regional loyalties, one party may sweep both the chief executive and council seats. Even in swing regions like the Seoul metropolitan area and Chungcheong Province, one party can dominate, undermining the principle of checks and balances.

So, how can we change this? Let's consider increasing the proportion of proportional representation seats to 30% while maintaining local district seats at 70%. This would significantly alleviate one-party dominance. Proportional representation inherently reduces wasted votes, as seats are allocated in proportion to the votes received. If we also consider multi-member districts for local elections, perhaps single-party dominance could be reduced. Increasing the proportion of proportional representation seats to 30% is one option; personally, I believe even 50% would be feasible, provided that the party system is democratized. In that case, one party would not be able to monopolize seats. It would also be beneficial to allow local governments to choose their own electoral systems for both provincial and local councils. Instead of a nationwide uniform system, let's consider electoral systems tailored to each region. Particularly in the Seoul metropolitan area, young people

find it very difficult to win in single-member districts. So, what should we do? Let's consider multi-member districts. This is why I want to discuss generational electoral districts with you. In the 20th National Assembly election, only three out of 300 members were in their 20s or 30s. With young people constituting over 30% of the population, how can three representatives possibly reflect their voices? This is a problem. Especially in a society where the baby boomer generation is now the core of the aging population, the voices of young people are crucial. Issues like pension reform are being discussed, and they should have been addressed earlier. However, pension reform often leads to electoral defeat.

It is not beneficial to voters who feel their interests are being infringed upon. Therefore, while good policies may not be immediately beneficial in elections, they are ultimately good policies. Populist policies, on the other hand, are sweet in the short term but have devastating long-term consequences. For example, offering 300,000 won in senior allowances and full coverage for hearing aids might be appealing. But who bears the cost? Future generations. Children are born with a debt of 20 to 30 million won. The elderly generation benefits from policies worth an additional several hundred thousand won over their lifetime, while newborns face a deficit of tens of millions of won. These intergenerational accounting discrepancies are significant. Therefore, let's consider dividing electoral districts by generation: elderly, adult, and youth districts. For instance, in the Honam regional constituency, young people would vote in the youth district, and I would vote in the adult district.

Accordingly, each political party would nominate candidates for the elderly, adult, and youth districts. Then, based on population proportions, youth representatives would be included. How about organizing it this way? This is what generational electoral districts entail. Especially for youth representation, it is difficult to create policies that truly resonate with young people if their voices are not reflected. How can we address this? I believe we should start this at the local election level.

In the past, when discussing female representation, research on the careers of female legislators in the US and UK revealed that most followed a path of becoming members of local councils, provincial assembly members, then members of the federal House of Representatives, federal Senate, or governors. The same applies to you. It would be great to have a young person become a National Assembly member overnight, but can they win an election in a local district without any organizational base or even the ability to raise campaign funds? Given these challenges, I propose creating a youth political support fund and starting from local elections. This would allow young people to win elections, gain experience as local council members, mayors, or provincial assembly members, and build their careers. This is my argument. Furthermore, the problems caused by party nominations and the national simultaneous local elections need to be considered together.

This is about the perspective of viewing local autonomy purely as a matter of local administration. It suggests that local autonomy is merely the provision of public services, and therefore, party nominations are irrelevant. It also leads to the subordination of local politics to central politics. Particularly, the secret of nomination, as mentioned earlier, creates a hierarchical relationship where local elected officials are treated like subordinates to National Assembly members. This is undesirable.

Due to the influence of regionalism, local politics is likely to become monopolized, leading to frequent instances of lost checks and balances. Therefore, should party nominations be abolished? When the abolition of nominations in Gyeongnam was proposed in 2012, women's groups strongly opposed it. When asked why, they argued that it would jeopardize the nomination of female proportional representatives. I wrote a column in the Hankyoreh newspaper suggesting a female roster system, where about 30% of seats would be allocated to women. Since it is about life politics, many women are needed. Even then, there was opposition. The proposal was to create a list of female candidates who obtained over 500 to 1,000 recommendation letters. Then, candidates within that female roster would compete through an open roster system to select the elected officials. This would guarantee at least 30%. Despite this, there was opposition. Several lawmakers, including Speaker Kim Jin-pyo, introduced a bill based on my column, but the abolition of party nominations was not accepted at that time. This is also part of the logic.

Local politics is also about the distribution of social values. Political science, as you know, deals with authoritative allocation. Local politics also falls under this category. Since it is a political domain at the local level, political parties should be involved. Furthermore, political parties play a crucial role as subjects of political responsibility in the operation and management of local governments. This argument suggests that parties should be involved. However, local autonomy is currently based on trust. But if nominations are abolished, people will at least review the candidates before voting. Therefore, this argument does not seem entirely valid. I would like to hear your opinions on this later.

The nomination process itself is also a pressing issue. Last time, did Professor Yu Nan discuss the reform of the proportional representation nomination system? During the last election, the democratization of proportional representation nominations was included in the election law, but it was removed immediately after the election. When several scholars later requested information disclosure from the National Election Commission, they found that only two pages were submitted, yet they claimed the nomination process was democratized. The nomination management committee was formed undemocratically, and its members were appointed by the party leader. When they realized this would be problematic, they quickly removed the provision and reverted to the original system.

This contributes significantly to creating local elections without local characteristics. This needs to be changed. Furthermore, the allowance of local parties or alternative parties is necessary. Therefore, the provision in the Political Parties Act that requires a central party to be headquartered in the capital needs to be abolished. This would allow for the creation of environmental parties along the southern coast, or a Jeju self-governing party. When discussing political parties, have you heard of Podemos in Spain or the Five Star Movement in Italy? These are alternative parties. They have also formed regional parties like Barcelona en Comú in Barcelona, which has sparked political reform in Spain. In Japan, the Osaka Restoration Association gained significant popularity in Osaka. If such parties emerge, perhaps the political polarization in our country could be somewhat resolved. These are the problems and proposed solutions. In a situation where local autonomy is taking root and decentralization is continuously emphasized, the growth of two major parties is hindering the revitalization of local politics.

In particular, in the realm of life politics, when alternative parties introduce new agendas on local issues, new discourse is formed. However, the competition between the two major parties leads to a situation where local politics becomes an extension of central politics. We often witness this during elections, where people realize that 'this is not right.' Therefore, creating a framework where competition can occur with a variety of choices is important. Considering the issue of urban development in local governments, there is immense potential for corruption. When drafting legislation, various impact assessments are conducted.

To whom should a law be handed over? This ultimately carries the potential for corruption. Therefore, corruption impact assessments are conducted. Have you heard of environmental impact assessments? When amending a law, it is required to examine its environmental impact. Gender impact assessments: at highway rest stops, the area allocated to women's restrooms was the same as men's. However, women were often waiting in line, while men could come and go freely. Why did this happen? Because gender impact was not properly considered. Differences exist, but without considering them, a simple solution of dividing the space in half for men's and women's restrooms creates problems. Therefore, various factors, particularly the issue of corruption in local areas, become very important. How can these be resolved? Currently, various issues are arising at the local government level. Is there a way to resolve them? Local governments and local councils have the right to request audits.

If there is corruption in a local government, it is requested by the council speaker after a vote. However, securing a majority is required for such an audit. Perhaps the requirements could be relaxed, allowing for an audit request with the proposal of one-third of the local council members. Alternatively, could the system of supporting local council members be revitalized to provide a foundation for young, clean politicians to engage in politics? If the public election system for campaigns is expanded, allowing capable candidates with a strong commitment to the region to run even without significant funds, would that not be possible? I have spoken for about an hour, discussing the problems we face in local politics today and the direction of reform. I have presented individual ideas on how to achieve this.

This is because the two major parties, in their competition, have shifted local issues to the realm of central politics. We often see this during elections, where people realize that 'this is not right.' Therefore, it is important to create a situation where competition can occur with a variety of choices. The issue of urban development in local governments is an area rife with immense corruption. Therefore, when drafting legislation, various impact assessments are conducted.

If there is corruption in a local government, it is requested by the council speaker after a vote. However, securing a majority is required for such an audit. Perhaps the requirements could be relaxed, allowing for an audit request with the proposal of one-third of the local council members. Alternatively, could the system of supporting local council members be revitalized to provide a foundation for young, clean politicians to engage in politics? If the public election system for campaigns is expanded, allowing capable candidates with a strong commitment to the region to run even without significant funds, would that not be possible? I have spoken for about an hour, discussing the problems we face in local politics today and the direction of reform. I have presented individual ideas on how to achieve this.

When a law is to be delegated to a certain ministry, it carries the potential for corruption. Therefore, corruption impact assessments are conducted. Have you heard of environmental impact assessments? This means that when amending a law, one must examine its environmental impact. Gender impact assessments: at highway rest stops, the area allocated to women's restrooms was the same as men's. However, women were often waiting in line, while men could come and go freely. Why did this happen? Because gender impact was not properly considered. Differences exist, but without considering them, a simple solution of dividing the space in half for men's and women's restrooms creates problems. Therefore, various factors, especially the issue of corruption in local areas, become very important. How can these be resolved? Currently, various issues are arising at the local government level. Is there a way to resolve them? Local governments and local councils have the right to request audits.