Beijing as Seen in 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』: From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning

The Young People of the Sarangbang Embrace Beijing

Kim Yuna Seoul National University

Category: EAI Sarangbang Excursions
Published: August 22, 2022

Kim Yuna · Seoul National University

Introduction

The fall of the Ming Dynasty and the rise of the Qing Dynasty in the 17th century was not merely an event of dynastic change,

but an event where the 'China' of the world order was destroyed by 'barbarians'.

For East Asian intellectuals who held the Hua-Yi (華夷) concept, this signified the collapse of the Sinocentric world order.

Joseon, at the time, had to submit to the Qing and conform to the tributary system centered on the Qing.

However, it still emphasized loyalty to the Ming and maintained a stance of a northern expedition, viewing the Qing as barbarians.

But as time passed and the Qing Dynasty's golden age lasted longer than expected, a need arose in Joseon society to reinterpret the Qing.

At this time, two intellectual currents emerged: 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory'.

In Kim Chang-eop's (金昌業, 1658–1722) 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』, written when he visited the Qing Dynasty in the early 18th century,

we can observe the intersection and coexistence of 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory'.

『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is a travelogue written by Kim Chang-eop when he visited Beijing in 1712

2. Beijing as Seen in 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』: From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning

is 'Joseon Sinocentrism,' and the other is 'Northern Learning Theory.' In the early 18th century, Kim Chang-eop (

Kim Chang-yeop, 1658–1722) visited the Qing Dynasty, and in his diary 'Nogajae's Diary of Travel to Beijing'

we see the coexistence and intersection of 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory.'

As he had recently suffered from a serious illness, he required an attendant. Kim Chang-eop's second elder brother, Kim Chang-hyeop (金昌協, 1651–1708), had intended to join the mission but withdrew, leading Kim Chang-eop to accompany the mission as a subordinate official.

At the time, Kim Chang-eop was 56 years old. Having always regretted not seeing the landscapes of China, he used the pretext of attending to his brother to visit Beijing.

Among the four major Yeonhaengnok (travelogues of missions to the Qing capital) from the late Joseon period, Kim Chang-eop, Hong Dae-yong, and Park Ji-won participated as subordinate officials.

Notably, Kim Chang-eop and Park Ji-won, who had no official duties, left behind rich and diverse content and were able to write relatively freely about their travels (Lee Ho-yun 2018, 220).

The Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) is a period when the territorial and ethnic composition of modern China took shape.

Even within China, scholars are seeking the historical status of China in the Qing period, which includes various surrounding peoples, rather than defining it within the temporal continuity of modern and contemporary times (Jeong Hye-jung 2015, 377).

In Chinese history, the Qing Dynasty is evaluated as the dynasty that completed the character of a unified multi-ethnic state.

This is evidenced by the fact that the Qing did not simply view the Manchus as descendants of the Jurchens but as a 'Manchu community' encompassing Manchus, Mongols, and Han Chinese.

He had just recovered from a serious illness and required attendants, and Kim Chang-eop's second elder brother

Therefore, research on the Qing Dynasty is crucial for understanding how the Chinese themselves perceived China's historical status

and how surrounding countries perceived and accepted the formation process of China.

However, although perceptions of the Qing Dynasty began to change in Joseon society in the early 18th century, leading to the emergence of the Northern Learning school,

most research related to the Qing Dynasty focuses on the late 18th century, when the Northern Learning school began to emerge in earnest.

『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is considered one of the four major Yeonhaengnok of the late Joseon period, alongside Hong Dae-yong's (1731–1783) 『Damheon Yeon'gi』 and 『Yeonhaeng Japgi』 (1765),

Park Ji-won's (1737–1805) 『Yeolha Ilgi』 (1780), and Kim Gyeong-seon's (1788–1853) 『Yeonwon Jikji』 (1832).

Among these, Kim Chang-eop's 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is renowned not only as a textbook for Yeonhaengnok due to its detailed content and descriptions

but also for being from the earliest period, the 18th century.

is significant in that it was recorded in the early period and greatly influenced later travelogues.

Above all, it is significant because the transition in perception from 'Northern Conquest' to 'Northern Learning' began to emerge.

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

This allows us to understand the relationship between Joseon and the Qing Dynasty in the 18th century,

and Joseon's perception of the Qing Dynasty, making it an important historical source that requires close investigation and research.

Previous research on 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' can be broadly categorized into studies on Kim Chang-eop's perception of the Qing Dynasty,

studies on Qing culture, and studies on its literary characteristics. Studies on Kim Chang-eop's perception of the Qing Dynasty often focused on Kim Chang-eop's 'Joseon Sinocentrism',

and these studies generally explain that Kim Chang-eop possessed a sense of superiority over the Qing Dynasty along with pride in Joseon's medical practices and culture.

However, 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' also contains parts where Kim Chang-eop highly evaluates the Qing Dynasty's rituals, music, and culture.

Kim Sang-jo (2005) argued that the significance of Kim Chang-eop's 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' lies in his broad observation and recognition of the value of the Qing Dynasty's institutions and culture during its prosperous period,

moving beyond an irrational rigidity of unconditionally rejecting Qing.

Although this attitude did not lead to an active acceptance of adopting anything beneficial from the 'barbarians' if it served Joseon's interests,

he evaluated Kim Chang-eop's rational and objective attitude as having greatly influenced later figures in the Silhak (Practical Learning) school (Kim Sang-jo 2005, 251).

Lee Ho-yoon (2018) described Kim Chang-eop's high evaluation of the Qing Dynasty's rituals and music as a nascent form of 'Northern Learning theory' that foreshadowed its emergence (Lee Ho-yoon 2018, 218-219).

This paper goes a step further than previous research by analyzing Kim Chang-eop's complex mindset, which subtly wavers between 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning',

not merely as a coexistence of dualistic thinking—'view of civilization' and 're-evaluation of the Qing Dynasty'—but by adding the criterion of 'effort to understand the East Asian situation',

creating a triple framework for analysis, which distinguishes this study.

This paper examines Kim Chang-eop's personal life and the historical context of Joseon and the Qing Dynasty in the early 18th century,

and then analyzes the 'view of civilization,' 're-evaluation of the Qing Dynasty,' and 'effort to understand the East Asian situation' revealed in 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi'.

Through this, it aims to explore the mindset of Kim Chang-eop, a Joseon intellectual during the period when the Northern Conquest theory was gaining prominence,

and to illuminate the perception of the Qing Dynasty by Joseon intellectuals in the early 18th century, which has been relatively neglected in previous research.

Furthermore, it seeks to demonstrate that his thought was not solely confined to the Northern Conquest theory, the theory of loyalty to the Ming Dynasty, or Joseon Sinocentrism,

but also served as a stepping stone towards the Northern Learning theory of the late 18th century.

Additionally, it is expected that we can reveal that intellectuals of the time were concerned about 'barbarians' and pirates,

actively sought to understand their movements from abroad, and through this, sought to perceive the East Asian situation with clarity and objectivity.

A life of contentment, shunning official positions

Kim Chang-eop's courtesy name was Daeyu (大有 ), and his pen names were Gajae (稼齋 ) or Nogajae. His clan was the Andong Kim clan.

He was the great-grandson of Kim Sang-heon, a prominent advocate for appeasement during the Manchu invasions, who was taken hostage to Shenyang, China.

He belonged to a prestigious lineage within the Andong Kim clan (Lee Jang-woo 1976, 7). From a young age, he was intelligent and skilled in literary arts,

and was a renowned writer and painter. He passed the state examination for Jinshi (advanced scholar) at the age of 24.

Although the leading officials of the time considered him a candidate worthy of assisting the king, he did not pursue an official career,

following the admonition of his father, Prime Minister Kim Su-hang, who was wary of the family's excessive prosperity.

Before Kim Chang-eop passed the Jinshi examination, his father, Kim Su-hang, was exiled to Yeongam in 1675 (Sukjong 1) after submitting a petition to the king.

In 1678 (Sukjong 4), when Kim Su-hang was transferred to Cheorwon, Kim Chang-eop accompanied his father there.

These experiences may have instilled in him a negative perception of politics.

Alternatively, it is possible that he felt it unnecessary for himself to pursue an official career since his elder brother Kim Chang-jip and second elder brother Kim Chang-hyeop were already in office (Goo Bon-hyun 2008, 150-151).

Kim Chang-eop distanced himself from wealth and fame, choosing a life of contentment in Dongjang (東

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Andong), and was the great-grandson of Kim Sang-heon, a prominent advocate for appeasement during the Manchu invasions, who was taken hostage to Shenyang (瀋

Yang) in China. He belonged to a prestigious lineage within the Andong Kim clan (Lee Jang-woo 1976, 7). From a young age, he was intelligent and skilled in literary arts,

and was a renowned writer and painter. He passed the state examination for Jinshi (advanced scholar) at the age of 24.

Although the leading officials of the time considered him a candidate worthy of assisting the king, he did not pursue an official career,

following the admonition of his father, Prime Minister Kim Su-hang, who was wary of the family's excessive prosperity.

Before Kim Chang-eop passed the Jinshi examination, his father, Kim Su-hang, was exiled to Yeongam in 1675 (Sukjong 1) after submitting a petition to the king.

In 1678 (Sukjong 4), when Kim Su-hang was transferred to Cheorwon, Kim Chang-eop accompanied his father there.

These experiences may have instilled in him a negative perception of politics.

Alternatively, it is possible that he felt it unnecessary for himself to pursue an official career since his elder brother Kim Chang-jip and second elder brother Kim Chang-hyeop were already in office (Goo Bon-hyun 2008, 150-151).

Kim Chang-eop distanced himself from wealth and fame, choosing a life of contentment in Dongjang (東

)

He retreated to the area of Songgye (present-day Wolgye-dong, Jungnangcheon Stream), which was a scenic spot, and wished to spend his life managing his fields.

The name 'gajae' comes from the characters used for 'to finish' and 'to prepare oneself' to plant.

He called himself Gajae.

Kim Chang-eop lived in Dolgoti, present-day Seokgwan-dong, where he established his Dongjang (a rural residence or estate).

In the late Joseon Dynasty, it became a widespread custom to build luxurious villas in addition to one's main residence.

However, Kim Chang-eop's Dongjang was not merely a villa for relaxation.

Kim Chang-eop completely abandoned the idea of pursuing a government career and moved with his family and even his ancestral shrine to Seokgwan-dong, where he spent the rest of his life.

He spent the rest of his life there.

Seokgwan-dong was not a famous scenic spot, and before Kim Chang-eop, there were no traces of any renowned literati there.

Kim Chang-eop did not live there for leisure or to pursue scholarly studies.

He intended to farm and spend the remainder of his life there.

To the north, along the border of Hanyang and Yangju, stood Bukhansan, Dobongsan, and Suraksan mountains; the terrain was rugged, and there was not much land suitable for farming, making it an unfavorable place for human habitation.

However, it was a remote area compared to the west and south.

Kim Chang-eop's Dongjang did have a pond and a pavilion.

However, these were not solely for aesthetic enjoyment.

This is evident from the fact that most of the buildings on the estate were named after farming implements or related concepts.

Kim Chang-eop personally worked the fields with a hoe, sickle, and spade.

He also composed poems expressing his affection for the flowers, trees, rocks, and vegetables he cultivated around his home (Gu Bon-hyeon 2011, 9-10).

He expressed his affection for the flowers, trees, rocks, and vegetables he cultivated around his home (Gu Bon-hyeon 2011, 9-10).

Evaluation of "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi"

Kim Chang-eop's "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" (Travelogue of Nogajae) received high praise early on from Joseon Dynasty scholars and foreign missionaries.

Kim Gyeong-seon (1788-1853), the author of "Yeonwon Jikji," evaluated late Joseon Dynasty travelogues and recorded that the writings of Kim Chang-eop, Hong Dae-yong, and Park Ji-won were the most distinguished.

Kim Chang-eop's close friend, the late Joseon Dynasty official and scholar Jo Jeong-man (1656-1739), read Kim Chang-eop's "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" and wrote a poem praising it.

Jo Jeong-man (1656-1739), the late Joseon Dynasty official and scholar and Kim Chang-eop's childhood friend, read Kim Chang-eop's "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" and wrote a poem praising it.

2. Beijing as Depicted in "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi": From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

2. Beijing Reflected in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From the Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Brothers took turns composing poems and journeyed to Beijing,

Forgetting their return from ten thousand li away.

Having taken up the brush, they already composed the Yeonhaeng Ilgi,

Turning the whip, they again went to see the Thousand Mountains.

They did not omit the detailed customs of the foreign land,

And included the stages and strategic points without omission.

Even when borrowing from the writings of those before,

Who else has recorded them as brilliantly as my friend?

- Jo Jeong-man, "Yeonhaeng Ilgi"

Jo Jeong-man praised "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" as the masterpiece among travelogues, noting that it comprehensively covered customs, travel stages, and strategic points (Kim Nam-gi 2002, 157).

Gale (James Scarth Gale, 1863-1937), a Canadian missionary who worked in Joseon from 1888 to 1927, translated various works into English based on his deep interest in Joseon classics.

Gale translated and introduced parts of "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" in The Korea Magazine, where he served as editor.

Gale considered Kim Chang-eop a representative figure of the 17th-18th centuries and emphasized that he vividly described the scenes of Beijing.

Gale believed that Kim Chang-eop demonstrated the free spirit of a Joseon scholar, unconstrained by political or social objectives.

In his "A History of the Korean People," he also wrote that while Western powers were mired in speculative capitalism and the ensuing Great Depression, Joseon (people) presented a calm and peaceful image in contrast (Baek Ju-hee 2014, 304-305).

Of course, this evaluation does not reflect the intense deliberations of contemporary Joseon intellectuals who, while upholding the principles of loyalty and the Northern Expedition, had to conform to the new order centered around the Qing Dynasty.

However, based on the evaluations of these three individuals, it is clear that Kim Chang-eop's "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" is a masterpiece that meticulously observed and recorded the mountains, rivers, culture, and customs of the Qing Dynasty.

2. Beijing as Depicted in "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi": From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Figure 1. English Translation of Gale's "Nogaeyeonhaengilgi" (Diary of a Gentleman's Journey to Peking)

Translation of diary of Korean Gentleman's trip from Seoul to Peking 1712-

1713 A.D. Manuscript (Baek Ju-hee 2014)

Early 18th Century Joseon and the Manchu State of 'Qing'

The 18th century, a period of dynamic change, was called the great century of world history

because various developments occurred and a transition to modern consciousness took place.

This was also the case in Joseon and Qing.

Joseon and Qing experienced a tense 17th century due to the Manchu invasions.

However, as Qing entered a period of unification and prosperity as the new 'China,' and Joseon

also achieved economic success, the relationship between the two countries gradually

improved (Yoon Jae-hwan 2019, 150-151).

However, in Joseon society at the time of Kim Chang-eop's journey to Peking in 1712, the

Sino-barbarian worldview still predominated. In 1704, 60 years after the fall of the Ming dynasty,

Joseon established the Daebodan in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace, where King Sukjong and

his officials offered sacrifices to Emperor Shenzong of Ming, demonstrating that Joseon was the inheritor of Chinese culture.

Even in 1712, 68 years after the fall of the Ming dynasty,

the Northern Expedition theory and the theory of loyalty to the Ming were considered national causes,

and Joseon intellectuals at the time still held a Sino-barbarian worldview centered on Chinese culture.

Despite Qing's prosperity, Joseon intellectuals at the time could not accept the prosperity of the conquering 'barbarians' (Jeon Hye-sook 2005, 118-119).

Intellectuals could not accept the prosperity of the Qing, the conquering barbarians (Jeon Hye-suk

During this period, the Qing dynasty was in the 51st year of the reign of its fourth emperor, Kangxi.

Through missionaries, Western astronomy, geography, and other new sciences and technologies entered China,

and under Kangxi's rule, the empire enjoyed political, economic, and cultural stability and prosperity.

Meanwhile, the Manchu-ruled Qing dynasty had an inherently complex structure.

Within China, it ruled from Beijing as the successor to the Ming dynasty,

and from its base in Rehe, north of the Great Wall, it ruled not only Mongolia, Tibet, and Xinjiang but also

acted as the ruler of non-Han peoples (Song Mi-ryeong 2005, 69).

Thus, in the China of that era, which required governance encompassing both Han and non-Han peoples,

the customs of both Han and Manchu peoples coexisted.

2. Beijing as Reflected in "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi": From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

This is also confirmed in "Nogaeyeonhaengilgi."

Manchus all speak Chinese, but Han people do not speak Manchu.

It is not that they cannot, but that they are unwilling to.

However, not being able to speak Manchu is detrimental to official careers.

Both in the imperial palace and in government offices, Manchu is used,

and all memorials to the throne are translated into Manchu.

In the markets, both Manchus and Han people speak Chinese.

Therefore, many children born to Manchu parents do not know Manchu.

The Emperor, concerned about this, selected intelligent children and sent them to Ningguta

to learn Manchu.

- "Nogaeyeonhaengilgi," Vol. 1, Records of Customs and Scenery

Finally, the interpreter arrived. Sitting in a back room in Cha'won, we conversed with brush and ink.

"I have heard much about you and, having come this way, I wished to see you.

If you had entered the civil service, you would be a scholar; why then

do you have a thumb ring on your finger?"

"I have entered the military service. I am skilled in archery and horsemanship, and am considered the best in my country at strategy and debate.

However, I have not yet received an official post."

- "Nogaeyeonhaengilgi," Vol. 2, December 15, 1712

At that time, Chinese and Manchu were both in use, with Chinese being more universally spoken.

However, in the Qing dynasty, ruled by Manchus, it was difficult to obtain an official position without knowing Manchu.

It can also be confirmed that, as befitting a nomadic dynasty, skill in archery and horsemanship, along with strategic acumen, was highly valued.

Han women all wear makeup, but Hu women do not.

I had heard before that Han women, if married, would all wear makeup and adorn themselves with flowers, regardless of age,

but now I see that this is not entirely the case.

did not.

- "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi", Vol. 1: Records of Mountains, Rivers, and Customs

Regardless of whether they were extravagant or frugal, both men and women favored black

clothing, but Han Chinese women did not, often wearing blue and red trousers.

Many wore blue and red trousers.

- "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi", Vol. 1: Records of Mountains, Rivers, and Customs

Regardless of gender or social status, people wore Hye (shoes, leather shoes) or Hwa (boots, high-top shoes).

Even stable hands wore Hye, which were made of linen or silk.

There were no leather shoes, cloth shoes, or straw sandals. Between Fengcheng and

2. Beijing as Seen in "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi": From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Shenyang, occasional family shoes were worn, which are what we call 'darogi' in our country.

Hu women (胡女) did not wear them, but occasionally wore Hwa (boots).

They sometimes wore boots.

- "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi", Vol. 1: Records of Mountains, Rivers, and Customs

The girls' hair was styled in the Hu fashion, and their feet were bound, a practice known as foot-binding.

This was a blend of Manchu and Han customs.

- "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi", Vol. 8: February 26, 1713

Han Chinese women wore makeup, while Manchu women did not.

Han Chinese women wore blue and red trousers, while Manchu

people wore black clothing. Generally, people wore leather shoes or

high-top boots; Manchu women did not bind their feet and occasionally wore high-top boots.

Some people had bound feet like the Han Chinese while adopting the hairstyles of the Hu people.

Thus, aspects of Han and Manchu customs coexisted, both in terms of personal adornment and attire,

with some distinctions and some mixtures between the two cultures.

It is also said that Han Chinese observed a three-year mourning period, while Qing Chinese observed the monthly exchange system (易月制).

Qing Chinese all wore makeup, while Han Chinese did not. However, it is said that recently, Han Chinese have also started wearing makeup.

Even when wearing makeup, they were cremated in a coffin, and the bones were collected and placed in a vessel.

Afterward, the earth was gathered to create a small mound.

The bones were collected and placed in a vessel.

A small mound was then created with the earth.

- "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi", Vol. 1: Records of Mountains, Rivers, and Customs

Han Chinese observed a three-year mourning period, while Manchu Chinese observed the monthly exchange system.

Han Chinese did not wear makeup, while Manchu Chinese did. However, the statement 'recently, Han Chinese have also started wearing makeup' indicates that while differences existed in the rituals of the Han and Manchu peoples, they influenced each other and evolved together.

The phrase 'recently, Han Chinese have also started wearing makeup' suggests that while differences existed in the rituals of the Han and Manchu peoples, they influenced each other and evolved together.

This confirms that while differences existed in the rituals of the Han and Manchu peoples, they influenced each other and evolved together.

It can be confirmed that it has changed.

Targeting the Manchus of the Eight Banners, the existing civil service examination candidates, and the prominent scholars,

However, proficiency in translation and martial arts was also important.

Therefore, for Manchu individuals, an examination for selecting shuizai, gongren, and jinsa through Manchu translation was to be conducted,

as well as an examination for selecting shuizai, gongren, and jinsa for the martial arts examination.

The relevant ministries and offices, overseen by the princes and ministers in charge of administrative affairs, were to deliberate on how to conduct the examinations,

how many successful candidates to select, and report the results. A special edict is hereby issued.

The number of successful candidates to be selected was to be discussed and decided upon.

- <Imperial Edict on Military Attire>, Manchu Version (Ishibashi Takao 2009, 160-161)

Distinctions were also made in the institutional system, differentiating between Han Chinese and Manchu people.

The civil service examination system of the Qing Dynasty followed the model of the Ming Dynasty.

However, in 1723, Emperor Yongzheng issued the aforementioned imperial edict, adding a martial arts component to the civil service examinations for Manchu individuals.

2. Beijing as Seen in "Nogaeryeonhaengilgi": From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

A martial arts examination was added to the civil service examinations for Manchu individuals.

The palace plaques written in various languages exemplify the Qing Dynasty as a multi-ethnic unified state.

The plaque for 'Kunning Palace' was written in both Manchu and Han script, with the Han script on the left and the Manchu script on the right.

In this case, the Manchu script was a phonetic transcription of the Han characters into Manchu.

The Manchu script was a phonetic transcription of the Han characters into Manchu.

The plaque for 'Taihe Hall' was also written in a combined Manchu-Han script, where the Manchu script was a translation of the meaning of the Han characters.

However, the combined Manchu-Han format was not always used.

Plaques at the Summer Palace and the Eight Banners Temple were written in a five-script combination (Mongolian, Uyghur, Han, Tibetan, and Manchu) and a four-script combination (Mongolian, Tibetan, Manchu, and Han) in that order (Ishibashi Takao 2009, 62).

There were also four-script combinations such as Mongolian, Tibetan, Manchu, and Han (Ishibashi Takao 2009, 62).

Figure 2. Inscriptions in Manchu, Mongolian, Chinese, Tibetan, and Uyghur

at the 'Summer Palace' (Bishu Shanzhuang), Emperor Qianlong's summer retreat

Joseon Sinocentrism Revealed on the Journey to Yanxing

On November 3, 1712, Kim Chang-eop departed from Hanseong and arrived in Beijing on December 27.

During his journey to Yanxing, Kim Chang-eop exhibited a certain obsession with attire.

When interacting with Qing officials, Kim Chang-eop wore Joseon attire, which inherited Chinese culture, rather than the Manchu custom of wearing Hu clothing and adopting the queue hairstyle.

He openly displayed his pride in Joseon's traditional clothing, which represented the continuation of Chinese culture, in contrast to the Qing dynasty's customs.

Below is an excerpt where Kim Chang-eop asked Wang Ao, a Han Chinese, about his thoughts on Joseon attire.

I entered the home of Wang Ao, a Han Chinese, and had breakfast. The host appeared to be around 50 years old.

He mentioned that he had moved from Liaodong to this place, adding, 'Liaodong is where you people used to reside.'

He saw my leopard-skin coat, which I had taken off on a large stone, and immediately put it on, saying, 'It's very good.'

I asked, 'What do you think of our country's hats and clothes?' He replied, 'They are good,' and then took off his hat, gesturing towards his head as if he had something more to say.

I asked Shin Ji-sun to inquire further, and he said that his father also used to wear a Manggeon (a type of cap) and a Gat (a traditional hat).

Although he initially claimed to be Manchu, he confessed the truth after we pressed him.

When asked why his statements were contradictory, he replied, 'Although my ancestors were Han Chinese, we are now subjects of the Emperor, so why are we not Manchu?'

He further added that he was currently part of the military forces in Bagao Mountain (八高山).

2. Beijing Reflected in 'Nogajae Yanxing Diary': From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_Forbidden City

- 'Nogajae Yanxing Diary', Vol. 2, December 11, 1712

Kim Chang-eop's pride in Joseon attire is confirmed throughout the 'Nogajae Yanxing Diary'.

Below is a conversation Kim Chang-eop had with a young Qing prodigy named Gi Mo (奇謀).

The room in Cha'er was narrow, so I slept in a village house. By chance, the deputy envoy was there, so I visited and saw a Manchu child in front of me, who had a cute face.

The deputy envoy said that the child was the host's son and was knowledgeable, but had been sent away because he disliked what he was wearing on his head.

I took off my earflap and placed it on the child's head, showing it to the household members. The child smiled and went inside, returning a little later.

I asked, 'What did your parents say when they saw it?' He replied, 'They said it was good.'

I took the child back to my lodging and asked, 'What was your ancestors' attire like?'

He replied, 'I was born late, so I don't know.'

'How does my attire look to you? Isn't it quite amusing?' I asked.

'How could I dare to laugh?' he replied.

I told him it was okay to speak frankly, and he said, 'Attire is propriety (禮); how could I laugh?'... (omitted)...

'Are you happy to shave your head? Why don't you grow your hair like us?'

'Shaving the head is a custom, and not shaving is propriety (禮).

'Are there any Dazi (達子, barbarians from the northwestern border) in this village?'

'No.'

'Do you associate with the Dazi?'

'How can people of the Yi Di (夷狄, barbarians) associate with us Chinese?'

'My country, Goryeo, is also part of the Eastern Yi (東夷). When you look at us, do you see us the same as the Dazi?'

'Your country is of the superior class (上等人), while the Dazi are of the lower class (下流人). How can they be the same?'

'On whose authority do you know the difference between China and the barbarians?'

'It is written in Confucius's words, "We almost adopted the customs of the barbarians."'

'The Dazi shave their heads, and you also shave your heads. By what means...

“Isn’t it funny?” I asked, and he replied, “How could I dare to laugh?” I

told him it was fine to speak the truth, and he said, “The role of a scholar-official is propriety (禮),

so how could I laugh?” ...(omitted)...

“Does cutting your hair bring you joy? Why don’t you grow it like us?”

“Cutting hair is a custom, and not cutting it is propriety (禮).

“Are there any 'Dalja' (㺚子, barbarians from the northwestern border) in this village?”

“No.”

“Do you associate with the Dalja?”

“How could people of the Yi Di (夷狄, barbarians) associate and make friends with us, the people of the Central States?”

“Our Goryeo is also part of the Eastern Yi (東夷), so when you look at us, do you also

see us as the same as the Dalja?”

“Your country is of superior status (上等人), while the Dalja are of inferior status (下流人); how could they be the same?”

“Based on whose words did you learn that the Central States and the barbarians are different?”

“It is written in Confucius’s words, ‘We almost adopted the customs of the barbarians.’”

“The Dalja cut their hair, and you cut your hair; by what means

"Whose words did you hear that China and the transfer are different?"

is there a difference?”

“It is written in Confucius’s words, ‘We almost adopted the customs of the barbarians.’”

“The Dalja cut their hair, and you cut your hair; by what means

is there a difference?”

Does it distinguish between China and the Manchus?”

“We shave our heads, but we have propriety; Dalja has neither head nor

propriety.” I said, “Your words are reasonable. Though you are still young,

you can distinguish between Manchus and Chinese; how admirable and

sad! Although Goryeo is called Dongyi (Eastern Barbarians), its official attire

and culture imitate China, hence the title 'Little China'.

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

It would not be good if this conversation were leaked, so let us keep it

a secret.” We parted late at night. When I said “Dalja,” I was referring

to the Manchus, but Gimo (奇謀) mistook it for Mongols, hence his

response.

- 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi', Vol. 2, December 12, 1712

The young prodigy of the Qing Dynasty, Gimo (奇謀), stated that although the Qing wore queues (bianfa),

they possessed 'propriety' and were therefore Chinese, unlike 'Dalja' (Mongols) who lacked 'propriety'.

Kim Chang-eop was moved by this and acknowledged the reasonableness of the statement.

Propriety and music (Yue) are central to the Joseon ideology of Sinocentrism, and Joseon's pride in being

China stems from the existence of propriety in Joseon, a point Kim Chang-eop took pride in.

The prodigy referred not only to clothing but also to the laws and institutions of the Qing Dynasty as

part of their propriety and music (Yue), expressing them as 'propriety'. Kim Chang-eop's agreement

suggests a step forward in recognizing the Qing Dynasty as a successor to Chinese civilization.

After passing Shilihe Store (十里河店), we reached Gaoqiao Fort (高橋堡). The dwellings were still

sparse, but about two li north of the village, an old fortress remained intact.

The three envoys lodged at the Chayuan, while I stayed with a civilian family whose surname was Liu (劉).

...(omitted)... “How do you find our attire?” “It is good.

Can what we are wearing be called attire?” he asked.

- 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi', Vol. 2, December 14, 1712

In response to Mr. Liu's statement that their attire could not be called attire, Kim Chang-eop likely felt immense pride

as a successor to Chinese culture.

“Our attire is different from that of the great nation; is it not strange?”

“I greatly admire your attire. During the Ming Dynasty, our attire

was the same.”

“Then, is your current attire not the ancient system?”

“Our current attire is Manchu.”

- 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi', Vol. 3, December 19, 1712

Kim Chang-eop, using his characteristic irony, inquired about the Manchu perception of Joseon attire.

After hearing their positive response about Joseon attire, he pointed to their own attire and asked if it was an ancient system.

He intentionally provoked their sense of identity.

I asked, “What do you think of our attire? Is it not amusing?”

He replied, “It is not amusing. This is truly

attire.”

- 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi', Vol. 4, January 22, 1713

In this passage as well, Kim Chang-eop, through indirect speech, asks if Joseon attire is amusing and elicits

a response that Joseon attire is indeed attire.

I wrote and said, “Our official robes (guanfu) were once brought by the Emperor himself

to be admired.”

- 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi', Vol. 8, February 22, 1713

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

In this manner, Kim Chang-eop, by asking the Han Chinese who wore nomadic clothing and had queues what they thought of

Joseon attire, indirectly expressed the superiority of Joseon attire.

He believed that the official attire was concrete evidence of 'Joseon Sinocentrism,' which claimed that Joseon inherited the

rituals and music of Chinese civilization after the fall of the Ming Dynasty.

In a situation where the Han Chinese, forced to wear nomadic clothing and queues by the Qing, longed for Chinese culture and

recalled their identity upon seeing Joseon attire, Kim Chang-eop

was asserting that Joseon maintained Chinese culture.

It indirectly expresses the superiority of Joseon's clothing. After the fall of the Ming Dynasty,

Joseon inherited the ritual and music culture of China, and this

was considered concrete evidence of 'Joseon-centric Sinocentrism,'

as embodied by its clothing. In a situation where the Han Chinese, forced to adopt the 'Hu Fu' (barbarian clothing) and queue hairstyle by the Qing Dynasty, longed for Chinese culture and recalled their identity by looking at Joseon's clothing,

Kim Chang-eop believed that Joseon was maintaining Chinese culture.

Joseon was maintaining Chinese culture.

It proudly displays its pride.

The Beijing Forbidden City was founded during the reign of Emperor Yongle of the Ming Dynasty, and although it suffered a fire during the Gabshin year rebellion, it was later rebuilt, with its systems entirely as they were in the past.

It was rebuilt, with its systems entirely as they were in the past.

It was truly an imperial residence, grand and refined.

- "Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi", Vol. 4, January 1, 1713

Kim Chang-eop described the palace he inspected upon entering it as befitting an emperor's residence,

magnificent, splendid, and intricately well-made. The Beijing

Forbidden City was founded during the reign of Emperor Yongle of the Ming Dynasty, and he described it as being as it was in the past,

which indicates that he was expressing admiration while recalling the former systems of the Ming Dynasty.

We can see this.

As there were other travelers who had arrived earlier, I asked one of them what the name of the mountain was, and he wrote the three characters "Toasan" (Rabbit Mountain).

This mountain is within the palace walls and not far from the Taiye Pond. Thinking about it, it seems to have been a place where the Ming royal family used to play,

but it is now desolate. All of them have also decayed, and the stones erected around the eaves numbered as many as a thousand or a hundred.

Indeed, all were empty and exquisite, and their color was

blue. Some were over a zhang high, and some were several arm spans wide.

Among the Taihu stones, the peculiar ones were worth over a hundred gold pieces, and the number gathered in this mountain alone exceeded several thousand.

The cost of transporting them by cart and boat would not have been small either. How does this differ from Emperor Huizong of Song's Genyue?

Some are brought from afar, while others are enjoyed nearby. We can understand the gains and losses,

and the fate of prosperity and decline is also sorrowful.

- "Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi", Vol. 6, February 9, 1713

2. Beijing as Seen in "Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi": From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

There are many things worth seeing in the ancient official attire system and Chinese customs.

Could it be that the descendants of the Han people nowadays still admire and envy the systems of China?

- "Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi", Vol. 7, February 21, 1713

In the entry dated February 9, 1713, he expresses sorrow over the rise and fall of fortunes, observing that Toasan, where the Ming royal family used to play, is now desolate and unused.

In the diary entry of February 21, he highly praises the ancient Chinese culture and customs.

"When was this city built?"

"The Yeonheng of Guseong (Old Name) has existed since the time of Yao and Shun. Shun's son was enfeoffed in Ji."

"Was this city the place where An Lushan resided?"

"He was merely a sojourner."

"If he was merely a sojourner, why was a shrine built and the entire region offered sacrifices to him?"

"That shrine is the temporary palace of the Niangniang."

"Who is the Niangniang?"

"She is the deity of Mount Tai. An Lushan was originally a Western Hu, not a master of our Jicheng."

"The Great Country has always had many sojourners, hasn't it?" This remark was aimed at the Hu emperor, but he did not notice.

- "Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi", Vol. 3, December 24, 1712

Kim Chang-eop refers to the Qing emperor as a Hu emperor. He also uses the term 'sojourner,' meaning a traveler, which seems to reflect the perception that although the Qing Dynasty has now occupied the position of the Ming Dynasty and controls China,

it might eventually cede that position back to a Han dynasty and return to its original northern homeland.

Whenever Kim Chang-eop met Qing intellectuals during his journey to Yeonheng, he would ask them, using his characteristic ironic tone, how they viewed Joseon's official attire and whether it was not amusing, thereby directing their interest towards Joseon's attire, which inherited Chinese culture.

This appears to be an effort to foster a sense of shared cultural heritage, emphasizing the distinction between 'barbarians' and 'Chinese' (Hwaron), and to restore the pride of 'Little China' experienced after the fall of the Ming Dynasty.

Furthermore, his high praise for the systems of the Ming Dynasty when observing the palaces built during that era, and his contemplation of the desolation of Toasan, where the Ming royal family used to play,

It can be seen that he maintained an attitude of 'respecting Ming' by recalling the systems and customs of the former Ming Dynasty, such as lamenting the rise and fall of the nation and expressing admiration for the official attire system and customs of ancient China.

The Joseon intellectuals' deep-seated Hua-Yi view, as well as the fact that they referred to the Qing emperors as 'Hu (barbarian) emperors' and 'traveling merchants,'

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Noga Jaeyeonhaeng Diary': From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

It can be seen that they expected the Manchus to eventually relinquish control of the Central Plains and return to their original homeland.

Re-evaluating the 'Barbarians': From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning

Upon entering Beijing, Kim Chang-eop observed the people's clothing and hairstyles

and confirmed that the 'barbarians' had taken over the world. However, reading the 'Noga Jaeyeonhaeng Diary' reveals that Kim Chang-eop did not merely express a 'Northern Expedition' perspective or 'Joseon Sinocentrism.'

Reading the 'Noga Jaeyeonhaeng Diary' reveals that Kim Chang-eop did not merely express a 'Northern Expedition' perspective or 'Joseon Sinocentrism.'

His writings also reveal a positive perception of the Qing Dynasty's culture, customs, and the Qing emperor's rule and character.

He began to re-evaluate China, which was ruled by the Manchus, a 'barbarian' group, upon observing the advanced culture of the Qing Dynasty,

He began to re-evaluate China, which was ruled by the Manchus, a 'barbarian' group, upon observing the advanced culture of the Qing Dynasty, the stable rule of the emperor, and the generous and benevolent customs of the Qing people.

Regarding the distinction between 'Machyeokhyung' and 'Machyeokrye' (馬踢腦), I could not ascertain the details of the system. Although this attire is not originally a Chinese system,

It is unknown. Although these court attires are not originally Chinese systems, their

distinction between nobility and commoners and rank is clear, without disorder. Our country calls itself

a "Land of Girdles and Caps" ( 冠帶之國 ), but the distinction between nobility and commoners and rank is merely in the girdle and

cap ( 貫子 ), and in the case of the deputy envoy ( 副使 ), it has never established distinctions between civil and military nobility and commoners, and the deputy envoy ( 副使 ) also uses the crane ( 仙鶴 ) like the Bai clan, so its patterns are disordered, which is laughable.

for the deputy envoy ( 副使 ) as well. The deputy envoy ( 副使 ) also uses the crane ( 仙鶴 ) like the Bai clan, so its patterns are disordered, which is laughable.

patterns are disordered, which is laughable.

- "Noga Jaehaeng Ilgi" Vol. 4, January 1, 1713

Yu Bongsan brought in a Hu child, who was said to be the son of the commander. His

demeanor was handsome and he had a noble appearance. When asked his

age, he replied 14, and when asked his name, he only wrote "Fu" ( 傅 ) and never revealed his name. His clothing was extremely

ornate; the upper garment had blue threads and wide sashes tied inside, and on the left and right

sides and front and back, there were gold-engraved eyelets ( 帶眼 ), fastened with a front clasp ( 前眼 ), and the workmanship was skillful.

fastened with a front clasp ( 前眼 ), and the workmanship was skillful.

and the workmanship was skillful.

- "Noga Jaehaeng Ilgi" Vol. 4, January 14, 1713

As discussed earlier, Kim Chang-eop repeatedly asked the people he met on his journey to Yan

about his thoughts on Joseon court attire, subtly revealing his pride as a successor to Chinese culture.

However, Kim Chang-eop also evaluated the Qing dynasty's court attire system, which he saw at the New Year's court assembly,

as not being originally Chinese, but as not being disordered due to its clear distinctions in rank.

He evaluated it as not being disordered due to its clear distinctions in rank.

In contrast, he pointed out that Joseon's court attire, which did not distinguish between civil and military ranks or between nobility and commoners,

and lacked clear rank distinctions, was laughable. He also praised the Hu child's clothing as extremely

ornate and its craftsmanship as very skillful.

He also praised the Hu child's clothing as extremely ornate and its craftsmanship as very skillful.

In this house, two mules are used to hull buckwheat; seeing the milling

2. Beijing as Seen in "Noga Jaehaeng Ilgi": From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

device, its mechanism was convenient and ingenious, allowing several pecks to be removed in a short time.

several pecks to be removed in a short time.

- "Noga Jaehaeng Ilgi" Vol. 2, December 10, 1712

When I saw the Hu owner weaving cloth, the shuttle was flat and

pointed, and the structure of the loom was different from ours, designed to be convenient and

require less effort.

- "Noga Jaehaeng Ilgi" Vol. 3, December 20, 1712

Kim Chang-eop described the machinery that demonstrated the advanced state of Qing dynasty civilization,

evaluating it as more convenient than that of Joseon. It can be seen that Kim Chang-eop,

while expressing pride in Joseon's rites and music culture during his journey to Yan,

also positively evaluated the advanced civilization of the Qing dynasty.

It can be seen.

Kim Chang-eop also highly praised Kangxi Emperor's frugality, filial piety, benevolent governance ( 愛民 ), and his veneration of Confucianism.

Earlier, I heard that after the morning court assembly (朝參禮), it is customary to hold a tea ceremony (茶禮) and a banquet (宴禮).

It is customary to hold a tea ceremony (茶禮) and a banquet (宴禮).

) are performed, and in the years of Jisa (Hyojeong 4, 1654) and Gyechuk (Hyeonjong 14, 1673)

My father's diary mentions participation in the Darye and Yeollye rituals.

In the year Gyechuk, the Minister of Rites was ordered to escort my father and seat him within the Taehwajeon, where wine was served.

This must have been a truly special occasion, but

rituals like the Yeollye were annual events held in previous years, but have been abolished in recent years.

Previously, agarwood (沉香) was burned in the twelve incense burners in front of Taehwajeon, but

the discontinuation of such practices now suggests that the Emperor esteems frugality

and seeks to economize.

- "Nogajae Yeonhang Ilgi" Vol. 4, January 1, 1713

I once heard that the Emperor had built fifteen detached palaces in Changchun Garden, and

gathered beauties from Beijing and the fourteen provinces, arranging the palace architecture, clothing, food,

and musical instruments according to their customs, and that the Emperor would roam among them.

However, upon visiting it now, I found it to be vastly different from the rumors.

Changchun Garden is only about two hundred paces from north to south and one hundred paces from east to west; how could fifteen detached palaces be established within it?

I surveyed its three sides but could not see the eaves, which indicates its lack of height and grandeur.

If one truly indulged in leisure and was preoccupied with extravagance,

why would they abandon beautiful places like Taiye (太液) and Wulong (五龍) to reside here?

In my opinion, this place is close to Xishan (西山) and Yuquan (玉泉),

combining the scenic beauty of the mountains and rivers with the pastoral charm of the fields.

It is likely that the Emperor favored this place for its natural setting.

From this, one can infer the Emperor's character.

...(omitted)... When I first arrived, there were bamboo trees within the northern wall.

Furthermore, the Qunfangpu (群芳譜) contains a poem by the Emperor on the 'Azure Peony' (碧牡丹) of Changchun Garden, which indicates that many flowers and plants were cultivated there.

The Yuquan water was channeled into Changchun Garden, but

no bricks were laid on the banks on either side. Although terraces

2. Beijing as Seen in *Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi*: From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

and gardens were established, they were remarkably modest.

- Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi, Vol. 4, February 7, 1713

Joseon envoys visiting China in 1665 reported that the young Emperor

was extravagant and the administration corrupt, predicting the imminent collapse of the Qing dynasty.

Envoys who visited China shortly after the suppression of the Three Feudatories' Rebellion reported that Kangxi displayed excessive confidence in his rule after quelling the rebellion,

and that his conscription of soldiers and civilians for hunting caused widespread resentment, signaling the end of the Manchu rule.

Envoys who visited China in 1695 reported that the Emperor lacked self-restraint in his daily life, enjoyed hunting, neglected state affairs, and that official corruption persisted (Song Mi-ryeong, 2005, p. 72).

These reports likely had a significant impact on Kim Chang-eop's perception of the Qing dynasty.

However, contrary to the rumors circulating in Joseon, he found Changchun Garden to be modestly sized, which also led to an assessment of the Emperor's character.

The Emperor, it seemed, esteemed frugality.

No official buildings were established in Changchun Garden; instead, officials were housed in monastic quarters (僧廬),

and they were required to travel twenty-five li daily. While some found this peculiar, it was not without reason.

Generally, the Jurchens were accustomed to living outdoors and could endure cold and hunger, which was their strength.

However, after seventy years in China, their dwellings and food gradually became extravagant, causing them to lose their original character.

Therefore, by requiring them to travel back and forth daily, to practice horsemanship, and by not providing permanent residences,

they were warned against complacency, which indicates a profound intention.

The excursions to Rehe (熱河) for summer retreats and to Beiju (貝渚) for observing fish (觀魚) cannot simply be dismissed as mere pastimes.

- Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi, Vol. 4, February 7, 1713

Furthermore, the Jianyi (建夷) and Dongyi (東夷) tribes were naturally benevolent and gentle, disliking killing.

Moreover, Kangxi's frugality enabled them to endure hardship, and his magnanimous and simple governance, which suppressed commerce and encouraged agriculture,

and his economical use of resources, coupled with his love for the people, resulted in a fifty-year reign.

It is therefore fitting that he achieved great peace.

In governance, he esteemed Confucianism (儒術), honoring Confucius and Zhu Xi.

He personally cultivated filial piety and treated his stepmother well.

Even the Wei dynasty

- Nogajae Yeonheng Ilgi, Vol. 4, February 7, 1713

Furthermore, the Jianyi (建夷) and Dongyi (東夷) tribes were naturally benevolent and gentle, disliking killing.

Moreover, Kangxi's frugality enabled them to endure hardship, and his magnanimous and simple governance, which suppressed commerce and encouraged agriculture,

and his economical use of resources, coupled with his love for the people, resulted in a fifty-year reign.

It is therefore fitting that he achieved great peace.

In governance, he esteemed Confucianism (儒術), honoring Confucius and Zhu Xi.

He personally cultivated filial piety and treated his stepmother well.

Even the Wei dynasty

There is no shame when compared to King Hyomun or Emperor Weng of Jin.

- Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi, Vol. 4, February 7, 1713

Kim Chang-eop stated that Emperor Kangxi had his officials ride horses 25 ri daily

to practice horsemanship and guard against complacency.

He also believed that going to Rehe for summer retreat and

to Paeju for fishing were not merely for leisure.

2. Beijing as Seen in Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

He also assessed that Emperor Kangxi achieved peace through benevolent rule for his people.

This assessment, although

from a barbarian dynasty, was based on the belief that venerating Confucianism, following Confucius and Zhu Xi, and practicing filial piety

was sufficient to be equivalent to the Chinese rites and music civilization.

This is in the same vein as viewing Joseon as 'Little China' due to its possession of rites and music civilization.

However, on the other hand, by citing Emperor Xiaowen of the Wei dynasty, not a Han dynasty,

and Emperor Weng of the Jin dynasty as comparative subjects,

it can be seen that they were not yet granted the status of a legitimate Chinese dynasty.

(Song Mi-ryeong 2005, 72).

In Kim Chang-eop's writings, Qing was re-examined through its customs.

In the morning, Su-yeok came and said, “A Joseon courier had been sold in Balipo and had not yet arrived, so I informed the yamen and sent out a messenger to find him. However, the weather was extremely cold yesterday, and he was unfamiliar with the route and could not communicate, so there is a possibility he may have frozen to death if he could not find shelter.” A little later, the messenger brought him back. When asked, he said that because it was cold, he entered a room where he was given a warm ondol room and food.

This shows how generous the customs here are.

- Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi, Vol. 3, December 28, 1712

Kim Chang-eop praised the generosity of the locals, citing the instance where a Joseon courier was given shelter and food at a household near Balipo.

When a problem arose due to discrepancies between the recorded items and the tribute documents, I had previously heard that the people of this country were greedy and that discipline had recently collapsed, leading to all matters being resolved through bribes. However, upon my arrival, I found that this was not the case.

The people of this country are open-minded and magnanimous. They do not believe falsehoods, even if eloquently argued,

and when something is right, they readily resolve doubts based on reason, even if initially mistaken.

As evidenced by the current incident, after initially misinterpreting the situation based solely on the documents,

they resolved their doubts upon hearing Minister Jang Won-ik's explanation and did not harbor any suspicion.

This is something that our countrymen cannot achieve.

- Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi, Vol. 4, January 17, 1713

One of the characteristics of Kim Chang-eop's writings is his acknowledgment of his own errors when he learns facts contrary to his prior knowledge.

In the passage above, Kim Chang-eop writes that although he had heard that the Qing people were greedy and resolved matters through bribes,

in reality, they were not, and they sought to resolve doubts based on reason.

He stated that this was something Joseon people could not achieve, offering a candid assessment of aspects of Qing customs that were superior to those of Joseon.

2. Beijing as Seen in Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Upon reaching Seojik Gate, it had not yet opened, so I dismounted and sat by the roadside. Inside the gate, carriages and horses were crowded, and lanterns and candles shone brightly; all were officials heading to Changchun Garden. A small shop had hung lanterns and opened early. Observing their trade, they divided a single areca nut into four pieces and placed tobacco in small bags, arranging them on a table. Customers would place money on the table and take items according to the price. Many people came and went to buy, but all acted with the same integrity.

Even though the owner was not watching, no one took anything illicitly, a truly admirable custom.

- Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi, Vol. 5, February 6, 1713

I visited Changchun Garden for three consecutive days, and it was crowded with people, but

There was absolutely no loud noise, and when books were handed over,

in our country, all the officials would surely have been summoned, and there would have been

much commotion, but here, without any sound, quietly and

only books were handed out. Rice and goods were also provided, and as soon as they were packed, they were taken out.

There was no delay of even a moment in transporting them to the office, so only

this kind of thing is beyond our country's capability.

- "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" Vol. 5, February 6, 1713

The inscription on the Sadongbi is a rescript (勅諭) issued to Wang Ping (王平), a Commander (指揮同知) of the Ming Dynasty,

and Wang Seongjong (王盛宗), an Assistant Commander of the Dudu (都督府僉事). The two steles on the left are rescripts for Wang Seongjong's appointment as General of the LiaoDong Front Garrison (遼東前屯衛遊擊將軍) in the 3rd and 5th years of the Wanli era (1575 and 1577), and the 18th year (1590).

) is a text. The two steles on the left are from the 3rd and 5th years of King Seonjo's reign (1575 and 1577),

The stele on the right is a rescript for Wang Ping's appointment as General of the Garrison (遊擊將軍) in the 20th and 21st years of the Wanli era (1592 and 1593).

These two individuals previously served as commanders of garrisons such as Jinzhou (金州), Fuzhou (復州), Haizhou (海州), Gaizhou (蓋州), and Jinzhou (錦州), as well as Tieling Garrison (鐵嶺衛), and repeatedly distinguished themselves in border conflicts.

and served as commander of Cheollyeong Commandery ( 鐵嶺衛 ), repeatedly earning merits on the frontiers.

However, the two characters '奴酋' (slave chieftain) in the inscription were both chiseled out

while the stele itself was left intact, which can also be considered a magnanimous act.

- "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi" Vol. 8, February 29, 1713

Kim Chang-eop observed the unmanned shops near Xizhimen and wrote that even without a proprietor, no one would steal, praising their customs as admirable.

He noted that at Changchun Garden, despite the large number of people, there was no loud noise, and books were distributed in an orderly manner, contrasting this with Joseon.

He also described the act of leaving steles with rescripts issued to Ming Dynasty officials like the Commander and Assistant Commander intact, while only chiseling out a few characters, as magnanimous.

Kim Chang-eop's re-evaluation of the Qing Dynasty through its customs appears to stem from the importance of customs in Joseon.

From its founding, Joseon pursued an ideal Neo-Confucian state by cultivating customs.

2. Beijing in "Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi": From Northern Expedition to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

In Joseon, customs were the primary objective of governance, the result of political cultivation,

and a key criterion for assessing the king's political capabilities and direction.

By observing Chinese customs, one could understand the political situation in China, gauge the emperor's political ability,

and determine whether China was a barbarian or civilized nation (Jeong Hun-sik 2021, 41-42).

Kim Chang-eop meticulously observed the customs of the Qing Dynasty and, by evaluating them according to his own criteria, stepped beyond the boundary that divided barbarian and civilized nations.

However, one noteworthy point in Kim Chang-eop's writings is that while he highly praised the customs and culture of the Qing, his disdain for the 'barbarian' Qing remained.

This indicates that Joseon intellectuals at the time sought to distinguish between 'barbarianism' and 'culture' in the transition from the Northern Expedition to Northern Learning.

As the Qing Dynasty continued to prosper, the Joseon ruling class could no longer expect its downfall.

Instead of expecting the Qing's downfall, they sought to understand the reasons for its long-term prosperity.

However, unable to completely break free from the traditional Sinocentric worldview, they attempted to explain the reasons for the Qing's prosperity not by its fundamental nature, but by the logic that it had usurped Chinese culture.

They distinguished between the Qing as a 'barbarian' entity and Qing culture as 'Chinese culture.'

This approach led to the notion that Qing culture was inherently Chinese culture, creating a context that facilitated the adoption of Qing cultural elements (Heo Tae-yong 2007, 412).

Understanding the Geopolitical Situation in East Asia in the 18th Century

Kim Chang-eop went beyond merely observing China's landscapes, customs, and culture; he also strove to understand the changing geopolitical situation in East Asia by discussing the early period of the Qing Dynasty's establishment, examining Mongolian movements, and inquiring about information regarding pirates.

"Who was the general who defended this city during the late Ming Dynasty?"

"Initially, it was Zhaodai Shou, and later it was Wu Sangui," they replied.

Wu Sangui refers to Wu Sangui.

“General Jo defended it, so why did you leave this place and let Wu Sang-gye defend it instead? Did Wu Sang-gye surrender? Or was he defeated and retreated?”...(omitted)...

“Did General Jo ultimately surrender? Why?”

“Jo Yi-su surrendered because Chen was defeated outside the north gate, and Jo Dae-su was ill. The Jo family all hold positions of the third rank in the current court.”

“Jo Dae-su only has one brother, Jo Dae-rak. Who is Jo Yi-su?”

“Yi-su is the given name of Jo Dae-rak.”

2. Beijing as Seen in 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

“It is said that Jo Dae-rak was captured while defending Songshan, but is that true?”

“It is true that he was captured at Songshan, but he escaped later.”

“Where did he escape to?”

“He escaped to Yeongwon.”

“After that, to which side did he ultimately belong?”

“It is true that he returned later and that Chen was defeated outside the north gate.”

- 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』, Vol. 3, December 15, 1712

Kim Chang-eop, who came from a prominent aristocratic family of the Joseon Dynasty, with both his father and elder brother having served as Chief State Councilor, was also keenly interested in the political realities of the Qing Dynasty. He sought to investigate the causes of the Ming Dynasty's fall and the Qing Dynasty's conquest of the Central Plains, and to verify history on-site. His persistent questioning to obtain information about Wu Sang-gye and Jo Dae-su can be seen as an attempt to concretely understand the situation of the late Ming and early Qing periods.

“Does the Taiji (太極㺚子) also pay tribute?” “No, they do not.”

“Are those Taiji beneficial or harmful? Does the Imperial Court fear them?”

“Why would they not fear them?”

“What do they fear?”

“They fear the large number of soldiers.”

- 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』, Vol. 3, December 19, 1712

“Silver is made and given as rewards to the outer Taiji.”

“Where is ‘outer’?”

“Outside of Yeonggotap.”

“For what reason are rewards given to these Taiji?”

“I do not know.”

“Are the Taiji Mongols?”

“Yes, they are.”

“How many Mongols are currently staying here, and why do they stay for a long time?”

“There are 48 households, and all 48 households are staying here for a long time. However, the reason is unknown.”

“How much silver is given as a reward each year?”

“Approximately 40,000 to 50,000 taels for each of the 48 households annually.”

“Are silk and other items also given besides silver?”

“Other items such as silk are also given separately.”

“What tribute do the Taiji offer annually, and how much is it?”

“This all goes through the Office of Border Affairs (a government office overseeing border affairs), and it is not related to our Ministry of Rites, so I cannot know the details.”

2. Beijing as Seen in 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

“Even if it is not a matter for the Ministry of Rites, you must have heard something. How can you not know?”

“I have heard that the tribute consists only of ginseng and hides.”

- 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』, Vol. 4, January 3, 1713

The customs officials said, “The Mongols stay until the third month and only depart after the Emperor's birthday. The amount of lamb, wine, grain, and fodder they consume daily is immeasurable.” It is said that they stay for such a long time

I do not understand the meaning of their staying. Some say, 'We are staying to celebrate the Emperor's birthday and then to enthrone the Crown Prince,' but

that does not seem to be necessarily the case.

- Nogajae Yeonhengirok Vol. 4, January 13, 1713

Kim Chang-eop inquired about the reasons for the Qing's fear of the Mongols, the relationship between the Qing and the Mongols, and the Mongols' tribute.

He heard from the customs officials that the Mongols stayed until March and then returned after the Emperor's birthday, and was curious as he could not ascertain the reason.

Kim Chang-eop's keen interest in the Mongols may stem from existing perceptions of Mongolia.

An envoy who visited China in 1702 reported that the Qing most feared the Mongols in the northwest, whose military strength was formidable.

They offered bribes of gold and silk, but could not win their favor, and subsequently reported that the Qing's anxieties were solely focused there.

The conflict between the Qing and the Mongols began during the reign of Emperor Kangxi, when the foundations of the Qing dynasty were being laid.

Galdan of the Dzungars, after becoming leader, showed movements to unify various Mongol factions, and Emperor Kangxi feared the emergence of a powerful nomadic empire.

To prevent the Dzungar confederation, he even signed the Treaty of Nerchinsk with Russia.

The Qing and the Dzungars began their war in 1690, and Emperor Kangxi personally led the campaigns in 1696 and 1697.

At that time, Joseon believed that the Qing would collapse and return to its stronghold in Yeonggotae.

If the Qing were to return to their base, Joseon feared that their path would be blocked by the Mongols, forcing them to detour through Joseon.

Therefore, Joseon could not help but pay attention to the movements of the Mongols (Song Miryeong 2005, 83-84).

Kim Chang-eop's interest in the Mongols can also be attributed to this.

"Previously, the Emperor sent an inquiry to our country, stating that pirates were appearing in the Jinzhou region and to be vigilant and prepare defenses. Are there still pirates there?"

"There are none now. However, I heard there are some in Tongjagu, Cheolsan."

"To which prefecture does Cheolsan belong?"

"It belongs to Dengzhou in Shandong."

"How many li is Dengzhou from here by sea?"

"If the wind is favorable, it is a distance that can be covered in one day. Would you please write down your names for me? Perhaps if we meet again in the future, we can recall our past acquaintance."

2. Beijing in Nogajae Yeonhengirok: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

2. Beijing in *Nogajae Yeonhengirok*: From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

- Nogajae Yeonhengirok Vol. 3, December 14, 1712

"I heard there is a person called the 'King' among the pirates in Jinzhou. Is that true?"

"Yes, there is. His name is Jin Sang-ui."

"Is he formidable?"

"He is causing chaos in Shandong and Zhejiang, and has control over five provinces. Pirates generally move with the wind and their appearances are unpredictable. Last year in October, General Pao Hualuo of Qing submitted a report to the Grand Secretariat regarding the pirates in Qingzi, Jiezhi, which is still in the archives."

"Why don't you deploy troops to eliminate them?"

"It is difficult to determine the residential areas of sea pirates, and furthermore, the current imperial troops are all afraid of death. Who would risk all sorts of dangers to fight the enemy?"

"How many enemy soldiers are there?"

"I heard it is 30,000 to 40,000."

- Nogajae Yeonhengirok Vol. 4, January 3, 1713

The year 1712, when Kim Chang-eop departed for Yan, was a period when Chinese pirate ships, which had been plundering merchant ships (sanggo-seon) and Joseon fishing boats, frequently appeared in the waters near the Liaodong Peninsula, including the Hwanghae Province.

These Chinese pirates were called 'Huangdang-in' or 'Hae-rang-jeok,' and their leaders sometimes claimed the title of king.

Due to the appearance of pirate ships, even King Sukjong expressed concern, stating, "There isn't a year when Huangdang ships don't appear, and this year they are particularly numerous in Hwanghae Province, which is very worrying." He issued an order to maintain strict vigilance and to pursue and arrest them immediately upon discovery.

Thus, Kim Chang-eop could not help but pay attention to the movements of the Chinese pirates.

In this manner, Kim Chang-eop

not merely observing the mountains, rivers, customs, and culture of the Qing Dynasty,

but also examining the situation in the late Ming and early Qing periods, the movements of Mongol forces and pirates,

and seeking to grasp the specific geopolitical dynamics of East Asia in the early 18th century.

Conclusion

In the 18th century, Joseon was an era where the Northern Learning (Bukhak) ideology, which advocated for the ceremonial and musical culture of the Sinocentric world order and its concept of civilization (Hwa-i), coexisted with the need to adopt the advanced culture of the Qing Dynasty.

While the prevailing view holds that the theory of Northern Learning emerged only in the late 18th century, it actually began to form in its nascent stage in the early 18th century.

In his "Nogejae Yeonhen Ilgi" (Diary of a Journey to Beijing), Kim Chang-eop, based on the pride of being "Little Zhonghua (Joseon),"

continuously compared the Qing Dynasty's attire and culture with those of Joseon, expressing a sense of superiority.

At the same time, he expressed admiration for their culture and customs, stating that Joseon's could not compare.

While lamenting the fall of the Ming Dynasty, he also highly praised the Qing emperor's rule,

showing an ability to judge the present by practical standards rather than being lost in history.

2. Beijing as Seen in the "Nogejae Yeonhen Ilgi": From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

showing an ability to judge the present by practical standards rather than being lost in history.

Kim Chang-eop's evaluation of Qing customs and culture, despite his adherence to the Hwa-i concept,

reveals that Joseon intellectuals at the time sought to distinguish between "barbarians" (Ijeok) and "culture" (Munmul) in the transition from Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning.

As the Qing Dynasty continued to prosper, it became increasingly difficult to anticipate its downfall.

Joseon intellectuals, unable to expect the fall of the Qing, sought to understand the reasons for its prolonged prosperity.

However, they explained these reasons not by examining the fundamental nature of the Qing Dynasty, but by arguing that it was because they had usurped the culture of Zhonghua.

This led to the notion that Qing culture was Zhonghua culture, distinguishing the Qing as "barbarians" from its own culture.

This distinction between the Qing as "barbarians" and Qing culture as "Zhonghua culture" facilitated the adoption of Qing culture.

This notion served as an intermediate stage in the transition from Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning.

Beyond observing China's mountains, rivers, customs, and culture, Kim Chang-eop

also made efforts to grasp the changing East Asian geopolitical landscape by discussing the situation in the late Ming and early Qing periods, examining Mongol movements, and inquiring about pirates.

This demonstrates that while Kim Chang-eop viewed China based on deeply ingrained traditional notions, he also experienced a disconnect between these notions and the new facts he learned during his journey to Beijing, at times resisting his traditional beliefs.

Furthermore, it reveals that he participated in the journey to Beijing with an active attitude of grasping the East Asian geopolitical situation, going beyond the role of a passive observer.

Through this, we can understand that the intellectuals of Joseon society at the time, who had to fully accept the collapse of the Sinocentric world order during the period of honoring the Ming and denouncing the Qing, possessed complex sentiments.

While exhibiting subtle emotional conflicts between traditional notions and the changed world, they sought to pioneer the present and move towards the future rather than remaining in the past.

References

<Primary Sources>

The National Culture Promotion Foundation. 1976. "Selected Records of Journeys to Beijing IV" (by Kim Chang-eop, Nogejae).

<Classic Korean Translation Series> 98.

<Secondary Sources>

Koo, Bon-hyun. 2008. "On Kim Chang-eop's (Nogejae) Eastern Village." <Taegehak Nonchong> 14.

<Taegehak Nonchong> 14.

Koo, Bon-hyun. 2011. "Northeast Seoul Loved by Old Literati." <Humanities Research> 15.

<Humanities Research> 15.

Kim, Nam-ki. 2002. "A Poem of Condolence by Jo Jeong-man for Kim Chang-eop and Kim Chang-heup." <Korean Classical Poetry Research> 10.

<Korean Classical Poetry Research> 10.

Kim, Sang-jo. 2005. "A Study on Kim Chang-eop's (金昌業) 'Nogejae Yeonhen Ilgi' (老稼齋燕行日記)."

2. Beijing as Seen in the "Nogejae Yeonhen Ilgi": From Northern Expeditions to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

<Yeongju Literature> 10.

Baek, Ju-hee. 2014. "A Study on J. S. Gale's English Translation of the 'Nogejae Yeonhen Ilgi'." Journal

of Korean Culture 27.

Song, Mi-ryeong. 2005. "The Qing Dynasty's Rule as Seen by 18th Century Joseon Intellectuals."

<Studies on the Ming and Qing Dynasties> 23.

Yoo, Jang-geun, et al. 2009. <Trends in Qing Dynasty Historical Research in China - Focusing on the Korean-Related Field>.

Northeast Asian History Foundation.

Yoon, Jae-hwan. 2019. "Entangled Perceptions and Descriptions of the Common People (下民) in Yeonhaengnok (燕行錄) of the Early 18th Century."

<Korean Language and Literature> 85.

Ishibashi, Takao. 2009. <The Great Qing Empire 1616-1799: How Did the Million Manchus Rule the Hundred Million Han Chinese?>.

Hong, Sung-gu, trans.

Humanist.

Lee, Jang-woo. 1976. "An Explanatory Note on the Gaejaeyeonhaengnok (A Record of Travel to Qing)." In <Selected Translations of Yeonhaengnok IV>.

<Classic Korean Translation Series> 98.

Lee, Ho-yoon. 2018. "Joseon's Perception of the Qing Dynasty in the 18th Century - Focusing on the <Nogajeyeonhaengilgi> (A Diary of Travel to Qing by Nogae>."

<Seokdang Journal> 72.

Jeon, Hye-sook. 2005. "The Views on Clothing Recorded in <Yeonhaengnok> of the Early 18th Century by Joseon Intellectuals - Focusing on the Yeonhaengnok of Kim Chang-yeop and Choi Deok-jung."

<Hanbok Culture>

8(1).

Jeong, Hye-joong. 2015. "Joseon Intellectuals' Views on Qing Women in the 18th Century - Focusing on the Records of Kim Chang-yeop and Park Ji-won."

<Journal of Chinese Studies> 73.

Jeong, Hoon-sik. 2021. "The Trend of Perceptions of Qing Customs Recorded in Late Joseon Yeonhaengnok."

<Korean Literature Quarterly> 87(1).

Heo, Tae-yong. 2007. "The Trend of the Northern Expedition Debate and the Emergence of Northern Learning Theory in the 17th and 18th Centuries."

<Daedong Culture Studies> 69.

*This text is an AI translation of an original written in Korean. Some translations or nuances may be inaccurate.

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Introduction

The fall of the Ming Dynasty and the rise of the Qing Dynasty in the 17th century was not merely an event of dynastic change,

but an event where the 'China' of the world order was destroyed by 'barbarians'.

For East Asian intellectuals who held the Hua-Yi (華夷) concept, this signified the collapse of the Sinocentric world order.

Joseon, at the time, had to submit to the Qing and conform to the tributary system centered on the Qing.

However, it still emphasized loyalty to the Ming and maintained a stance of a northern expedition, viewing the Qing as barbarians.

But as time passed and the Qing Dynasty's golden age lasted longer than expected, a need arose in Joseon society to reinterpret the Qing.

At this time, two intellectual currents emerged: 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory'.

In Kim Chang-eop's (金昌業, 1658–1722) 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』, written when he visited the Qing Dynasty in the early 18th century,

we can observe the intersection and coexistence of 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory'.

『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is a travelogue written by Kim Chang-eop when he visited Beijing in 1712

is 'Joseon Sinocentrism,' and the other is 'Northern Learning Theory.' In the early 18th century, Kim Chang-eop (

Kim Chang-yeop, 1658–1722) visited the Qing Dynasty, and in his diary 'Nogajae's Diary of Travel to Beijing'

we see the coexistence and intersection of 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning Theory.'

As he had recently suffered from a serious illness, he required an attendant. Kim Chang-eop's second elder brother, Kim Chang-hyeop (金昌協, 1651–1708), had intended to join the mission but withdrew, leading Kim Chang-eop to accompany the mission as a subordinate official.

At the time, Kim Chang-eop was 56 years old. Having always regretted not seeing the landscapes of China, he used the pretext of attending to his brother to visit Beijing.

Among the four major Yeonhaengnok (travelogues of missions to the Qing capital) from the late Joseon period, Kim Chang-eop, Hong Dae-yong, and Park Ji-won participated as subordinate officials.

Notably, Kim Chang-eop and Park Ji-won, who had no official duties, left behind rich and diverse content and were able to write relatively freely about their travels (Lee Ho-yun 2018, 220).

The Qing Dynasty (1644–1911) is a period when the territorial and ethnic composition of modern China took shape.

Even within China, scholars are seeking the historical status of China in the Qing period, which includes various surrounding peoples, rather than defining it within the temporal continuity of modern and contemporary times (Jeong Hye-jung 2015, 377).

In Chinese history, the Qing Dynasty is evaluated as the dynasty that completed the character of a unified multi-ethnic state.

This is evidenced by the fact that the Qing did not simply view the Manchus as descendants of the Jurchens but as a 'Manchu community' encompassing Manchus, Mongols, and Han Chinese.

He had just recovered from a serious illness and required attendants, and Kim Chang-eop's second elder brother

Therefore, research on the Qing Dynasty is crucial for understanding how the Chinese themselves perceived China's historical status

and how surrounding countries perceived and accepted the formation process of China.

However, although perceptions of the Qing Dynasty began to change in Joseon society in the early 18th century, leading to the emergence of the Northern Learning school,

most research related to the Qing Dynasty focuses on the late 18th century, when the Northern Learning school began to emerge in earnest.

『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is considered one of the four major Yeonhaengnok of the late Joseon period, alongside Hong Dae-yong's (1731–1783) 『Damheon Yeon'gi』 and 『Yeonhaeng Japgi』 (1765),

Park Ji-won's (1737–1805) 『Yeolha Ilgi』 (1780), and Kim Gyeong-seon's (1788–1853) 『Yeonwon Jikji』 (1832).

Among these, Kim Chang-eop's 『Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi』 is renowned not only as a textbook for Yeonhaengnok due to its detailed content and descriptions

but also for being from the earliest period, the 18th century.

is significant in that it was recorded in the early period and greatly influenced later travelogues.

Above all, it is significant because the transition in perception from 'Northern Conquest' to 'Northern Learning' began to emerge.

This allows us to understand the relationship between Joseon and the Qing Dynasty in the 18th century,

and Joseon's perception of the Qing Dynasty, making it an important historical source that requires close investigation and research.

Previous research on 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' can be broadly categorized into studies on Kim Chang-eop's perception of the Qing Dynasty,

studies on Qing culture, and studies on its literary characteristics. Studies on Kim Chang-eop's perception of the Qing Dynasty often focused on Kim Chang-eop's 'Joseon Sinocentrism',

and these studies generally explain that Kim Chang-eop possessed a sense of superiority over the Qing Dynasty along with pride in Joseon's medical practices and culture.

However, 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' also contains parts where Kim Chang-eop highly evaluates the Qing Dynasty's rituals, music, and culture.

Kim Sang-jo (2005) argued that the significance of Kim Chang-eop's 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi' lies in his broad observation and recognition of the value of the Qing Dynasty's institutions and culture during its prosperous period,

moving beyond an irrational rigidity of unconditionally rejecting Qing.

Although this attitude did not lead to an active acceptance of adopting anything beneficial from the 'barbarians' if it served Joseon's interests,

he evaluated Kim Chang-eop's rational and objective attitude as having greatly influenced later figures in the Silhak (Practical Learning) school (Kim Sang-jo 2005, 251).

Lee Ho-yoon (2018) described Kim Chang-eop's high evaluation of the Qing Dynasty's rituals and music as a nascent form of 'Northern Learning theory' that foreshadowed its emergence (Lee Ho-yoon 2018, 218-219).

This paper goes a step further than previous research by analyzing Kim Chang-eop's complex mindset, which subtly wavers between 'Joseon Sinocentrism' and 'Northern Learning',

not merely as a coexistence of dualistic thinking—'view of civilization' and 're-evaluation of the Qing Dynasty'—but by adding the criterion of 'effort to understand the East Asian situation',

creating a triple framework for analysis, which distinguishes this study.

This paper examines Kim Chang-eop's personal life and the historical context of Joseon and the Qing Dynasty in the early 18th century,

and then analyzes the 'view of civilization,' 're-evaluation of the Qing Dynasty,' and 'effort to understand the East Asian situation' revealed in 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi'.

Through this, it aims to explore the mindset of Kim Chang-eop, a Joseon intellectual during the period when the Northern Conquest theory was gaining prominence,

and to illuminate the perception of the Qing Dynasty by Joseon intellectuals in the early 18th century, which has been relatively neglected in previous research.

Furthermore, it seeks to demonstrate that his thought was not solely confined to the Northern Conquest theory, the theory of loyalty to the Ming Dynasty, or Joseon Sinocentrism,

but also served as a stepping stone towards the Northern Learning theory of the late 18th century.

Additionally, it is expected that we can reveal that intellectuals of the time were concerned about 'barbarians' and pirates,

actively sought to understand their movements from abroad, and through this, sought to perceive the East Asian situation with clarity and objectivity.

A life of contentment, shunning official positions

Kim Chang-eop's courtesy name was Daeyu (大 有 ), and his pen names were Gajae (稼 齋 ) or Nogajae. His clan was the Andong Kim clan.

He was the great-grandson of Kim Sang-heon, a prominent advocate for appeasement during the Manchu invasions, who was taken hostage to Shenyang, China.

He belonged to a prestigious lineage within the Andong Kim clan (Lee Jang-woo 1976, 7). From a young age, he was intelligent and skilled in literary arts,

and was a renowned writer and painter. He passed the state examination for Jinshi (advanced scholar) at the age of 24.

Although the leading officials of the time considered him a candidate worthy of assisting the king, he did not pursue an official career,

following the admonition of his father, Prime Minister Kim Su-hang, who was wary of the family's excessive prosperity.

Before Kim Chang-eop passed the Jinshi examination, his father, Kim Su-hang, was exiled to Yeongam in 1675 (Sukjong 1) after submitting a petition to the king.

In 1678 (Sukjong 4), when Kim Su-hang was transferred to Cheorwon, Kim Chang-eop accompanied his father there.

These experiences may have instilled in him a negative perception of politics.

Alternatively, it is possible that he felt it unnecessary for himself to pursue an official career since his elder brother Kim Chang-jip and second elder brother Kim Chang-hyeop were already in office (Goo Bon-hyun 2008, 150-151).

Kim Chang-eop distanced himself from wealth and fame, choosing a life of contentment in Dongjang (東

2. Beijing as Seen in the 'Nogajae Yeonhaeng Ilgi': From Northern Conquest to Northern Learning_The Forbidden City

Andong), and was the great-grandson of Kim Sang-heon, a prominent advocate for appeasement during the Manchu invasions, who was taken hostage to Shenyang (瀋

Yang) in China. He belonged to a prestigious lineage within the Andong Kim clan (Lee Jang-woo 1976, 7). From a young age, he was intelligent and skilled in literary arts,

and was a renowned writer and painter. He passed the state examination for Jinshi (advanced scholar) at the age of 24.

Although the leading officials of the time considered him a candidate worthy of assisting the king, he did not pursue an official career,

following the admonition of his father, Prime Minister Kim Su-hang, who was wary of the family's excessive prosperity.

Before Kim Chang-eop passed the Jinshi examination, his father, Kim Su-hang, was exiled to Yeongam in 1675 (Sukjong 1) after submitting a petition to the king.

In 1678 (Sukjong 4), when Kim Su-hang was transferred to Cheorwon, Kim Chang-eop accompanied his father there.

Alternatively, it is possible that he felt it unnecessary for himself to pursue an official career since his elder brother Kim Chang-jip and second elder brother Kim Chang-hyeop were already in office (Goo Bon-hyun 2008, 150-151).

Kim Chang-eop distanced himself from wealth and fame, choosing a life of contentment in Dongjang (東

)

He retreated to the area of Songgye (present-day Wolgye-dong, Jungnangcheon Stream), which was a scenic spot, and wished to spend his life managing his fields.

The name 'gajae' comes from the characters used for 'to finish' and 'to prepare oneself' to plant.

Kim Chang-eop's courtesy name was Daeyu (大有 ), and his pen names were Gajae (稼齋 ) or Nogajae. His clan was the Andong Kim clan.