18th Century Korean Perceptions of Japan: A Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange on Love and Hate

Choi Da-in · Ewha Womans University

Introduction

As neighboring countries, Korea and Japan have inevitably been in contact throughout history, and their relationship naturally continues from the past to the present. Therefore, this paper aims to examine the form of Korean-Japanese relations in the past, prior to the current state of relations, focusing on the 18th century.

Before explaining 18th-century Korean-Japanese relations, I will first use Dongju Lee Yong-hee's approach to Korean-Japanese relations to divide the period. Dongju Lee Yong-hee approached Korean-Japanese relations from a psychological perspective, classifying periods by viewing the literature and records of Korean-Japanese relations as 'interest' in each other and extracting the 'attitude,' or 'image,' between the two countries based on the volume of this interest (Lee Yong-hee 1970, 292-293). In other words, the more records there are, the higher the interest in each other, and the clearer the attitude and image can be understood.

He divides Korean-Japanese relations into five periods: Period 1, from antiquity to the late 9th century AD; Period 2, from the 10th century to the end of the Goryeo Dynasty; Period 3, the Joseon Dynasty; Period 4, the colonial period; and Period 5, from liberation to the present day. Period 3 is further divided into early, middle, and late: the early period is before the Imjin War, the middle period is until the Treaty of Ganghwa, and the late period is until the Japanese occupation. During Periods 1 and 2, based on the volume of Korean sources, interest in Japan was minimal, making it difficult to grasp the perception of Japan at the time; conversely, Japan had a vast amount of records. In the middle of Period 3, sources for both countries become abundant, indicating that interest between the two nations became comparable, and both began to exhibit unstable perceptions of each other. This paper particularly aims to analyze the perception of Japan in the 18th century, the middle of Period 3, a time of high interest in Japan despite a sense of contempt and inferiority following the Imjin War, by examining the maritime diary of Jo Eom, who traveled to Japan as an envoy. Furthermore, by examining Jo Eom's records, which led to the amicable resolution of the serious diplomatic incident involving the murder of Choi Cheon-jong during the envoy's mission, we will observe his skillful handling of the situation to avoid damaging diplomatic relations beyond the negative perception of Japan at the time. Finally, we will examine the perception of Japan among the envoys and intellectuals of the 18th century and consider where Jo Eom stands in this context.

Previous Research

There is not much existing research on the 'Maritime Diary' (Haesailgi), with most studies being comparative analyses with records from other maritime missions. In particular, research on the murder of Choi Cheon-jong is scarce. Studies focusing on this incident primarily examine how the envoy perceived Tsushima Island through the incident and have approached the event from a cultural perspective (Min Deok-gi 2004, 75-110; Kim Moon-gil 2007, 65-77).

Among these, a comparative study of the 'Maritime Diary' and 'Ildong Jangyu-ga' (Hong Hye-jeong 2015, 67-108), part of the Joseon Tongsinsa research series, reveals that Jo Eom in the 'Maritime Diary' exhibits (1) a cautious demeanor as a person in charge, (2) an understanding of the Tongsinsa system as a whole, (3) a spirit of benevolence towards the people, and (4) observations and descriptions of ceremonies and procedures. Firstly, as a person in charge, despite harboring animosity towards Japan, he shows extreme caution in his attitude towards the Japanese. Secondly, having served as the magistrate of Dongnae and the governor of Gyeongsang Province before undertaking the mission, he had experience in diplomacy and trade with Japan, thus possessing comprehensive prior knowledge of Japan in the 'Maritime Diary.' Thirdly, while observing Japanese technologies and crops, he contemplates how they could benefit the people of Joseon, as seen in his consideration of technologies like waterwheels and spinning wheels, and how to introduce sweet potatoes to Joseon, demonstrating his benevolent spirit. Lastly, in the 'Maritime Diary,' Jo Eom places great importance on ceremonies and procedures, evident in his detailed observations of the etiquette, procedures, and systems of all events held in Japan, which he invariably attended.

Joseon's 'Small China' Consciousness

Before delving into Jo Eom's 'Maritime Diary,' it is necessary to clarify the worldview that underpinned Joseon's perception of foreign nations. The central concept in Joseon was the Sinocentric worldview of Hua-Yi (華夷觀), where 'Hua' (civilized) was determined by the adoption and development of Confucian culture. In the early Joseon period, based on this worldview, an international order of 'serving the great' (Sadae, 事大) and 'fraternal relations' (Gyorin, 交隣) was established. Joseon practiced Sadae towards Ming China and Gyorin with neighboring countries such as the Jurchens, Japan, and Ryukyu, thereby building peaceful foreign relations. Although Joseon was considered part of the 'Yi' (barbarian) sphere within the Hua-Yi and tributary system, it prided itself on being equal to China in terms of Confucian culture, aligning and centralizing its cultural identity with Ming China and treating neighboring countries like Japan, the Jurchens, and Ryukyu as barbarians. This is the 'Small China' consciousness of Joseon (朝鮮小中華意識), which significantly influenced Joseon's foreign policy (Ha Woo-bong, 2006).

In the 17th century, this consciousness took on a more extreme form. The Imjin War and the Manchu War, along with the dynastic change from Ming to Qing in China, not only disrupted the existing Hua-Yi worldview and international order but also, with the fall of Ming, led to the strengthening of the 'Small China' consciousness as Joseon considered itself the sole successor to Chinese civilization. This ideology became widespread from the mid-17th century and persisted for a century until the mid-18th century.

Even in the early Joseon period, based on this 'Small China' consciousness, Koreans perceived Japan as 'Wa' (倭) and regarded it as inferior and uncivilized due to its perceived backwardness in Confucian culture and its ignorance and rudeness in diplomatic etiquette. After witnessing Japan's military might during the Imjin War, this perception evolved into a more intensified view of Japan as 'barbarian' (日本夷狄觀) and 'small nation' (日本小國觀), coupled with a sense of inferiority. The 'Small China' consciousness and the contemptuous view of Japan as 'barbarian' were the dominant ideologies of the middle period of Joseon in the 18th century. Against this backdrop, Jo Eom's Gyemi Tongsinsa mission departed in 1763.

Figure 1. Procession of the Joseon Tongsinsa (Source: Encyclopedia of Korean Culture)

Perception of Japan Through Jo Eom's 'Maritime Diary'

An Enemy Cannot Be Hated Entirely: Japan

Jo Eom (趙曮) passed the civil service examination in 1752 (King Yeongjo's 28th year) and held various official posts. He served as the magistrate of Dongnae in 1757 (King Yeongjo's 33rd year), governor of Gyeongsang Province in 1758, and was appointed as the chief envoy of the Joseon Tongsinsa in 1763 (Lee Jeong-eun 2020, 230). As the head of the mission, which included nearly 500 personnel (National Translation Archives, Maritime Mission Records 10, 2008, 42), he, along with Yi In-bae and Kim Sang-ik, departed in 1763 (King Yeongjo's 39th year) as the three envoys to congratulate Genroku Haruguchi (原惠治) on becoming the new Kanpaku (Chief Minister) of Japan and to deliver a state letter.

Two main perceptions of Japan can be identified in Jo Eom's writings: first, the perception of Japan as 'Yi' (夷) or 'Wa-in' (Japanese people), reflecting contempt; and second, a sense of superiority, believing that Joseon has a role of 'benevolent guidance' (善導) to educate them.

In his writings, he unreservedly refers to the Japanese as 'barbarians' (op. cit., 73, 77, 82), treating Japanese culture as barbaric. He describes the laws of the Wa-in as ignorant and bizarre, and questions, 'How can they avoid becoming barbarians (夷狄) and beasts (禽獸) when their customs (64, 189), laws (124), clothing (137), and food all originate from Buddhism?' (207), thus showing disdain.

On the other hand, while sharply criticizing Japanese culture and institutions, he also clearly shows a humanistic side towards the people, recognizing them as subjects to be educated. He states, 'Although I cannot understand a single word of the language spoken by the Wa-in, the crying of a child and the laughter of men and women in haste are no different from our people,' suggesting that while they share a common innate nature, 'it is only because they have lost the proper cultivation that the distinction between civilization and barbarism exists' (64). He adds that if the Japanese are taught ethics and loyalty, and guided by propriety and righteousness, they can recover their innate nature. When discussing the assets provided by Joseon to Japan, he compares them to one-tenth of what Joseon provides and expresses frustration, saying, 'It is truly unbearable to feed these ungrateful enemies... Is it not the case that even Master Zhu (朱夫子) endured his indignation and swallowed his resentment, resorting to the lowest measure of making peace with barbarians out of necessity, rather than doing so willingly?' (76). This reveals his lingering resentment over the humiliation suffered at the hands of Japan during the Imjin War, but also a sense of superiority, implying that Joseon, being superior, should show magnanimity. This sentiment is evident in an incident where he reprimanded his entourage for unconditionally criticizing the cunning of the Wa-in.

“The common heart of man is endowed by heaven, so how can there be no sincerity even amidst customs? Now, if we suspect everyone of being deceitful and every matter of being false,

they are human beings, so how can they not feel wronged? Moreover, if we hastily suspect without fully understanding the affairs of another country,

how can we know that what we have heard is not mistaken and what we have seen is not amiss?

how can we know that what we have heard is not mistaken and what we have seen is not amiss?

how can we know that what we have heard is not mistaken and what we have seen is not amiss?

how can we know that what we have heard is not mistaken and what we have seen is not amiss?

how can we know that what we have heard is not mistaken and what we have seen is not amiss?

He argues that it is not right to unconditionally criticize the Japanese, stating that it is difficult to expect all the customs of a foreign land to change into those of civilized people, and that 'one can travel even in barbarian lands if their words are loyal and trustworthy (忠信蠻貊)'—a teaching of the sages that should be remembered.

Jo Eom even advised being more cautious when dealing with the Wa-in. He recorded, 'The principles of treating the Wa-in are inherently fraught with difficult pretexts, so only by deeply considering and thoroughly reflecting can one avoid misunderstandings. If one acts without understanding the situation, relying on authority and intimidation, not only will it fail, but one will be looked down upon. This is what the art of war calls the difficulty of 'knowing others and knowing oneself'' (125). This reflects his thinking, considering the fact that the governor of Tsushima did not come, he did not insist on questioning his guilt in Edo, but treated him with magnanimity. From these passages, it can be seen that despite his perception of the Japanese as barbarians, Jo Eom treated them with learning and reason based on Neo-Confucianism, but this was underpinned by the 'Small China' consciousness that Joseon was superior.

Response to the Murder of Choi Cheon-jong

During the Gyemi Tongsinsa mission led by Jo Eom, on April 7th of the Gapshin year, Choi Cheon-jong, a servant in charge of affairs during the mission, was murdered. Before his death, he testified that the perpetrator was clearly a Japanese person, and the murder weapon found in the room was also Japanese property (283-284). Regarding this incident, Jo Eom stated, 'As the superior, I have agonized day and night, but due to the inadequacy of my authority to subdue the Wa and the lack of credibility to move others, we have encountered an unprecedented calamity since the inception of the Tongsinsa. I am ashamed and indignant' (284). According to Jo Eom, Choi Cheon-jong was knowledgeable in military affairs and was considered gentle even by the Japanese, and his death caused shock and sorrow among all (as recorded).

Jo Eom's handling of this incident demonstrates his awareness that a murder occurring during a diplomatic mission could escalate into a significant issue between nations. He likened the incident to the 'dispute over mulberry leaves between two women' during the Spring and Autumn period (a historical anecdote where a border girl from Chu and a border girl from Wu fought over a mulberry tree on the border, eventually escalating into a conflict between the two nations), stating that it would be highly improper for a problem to arise between the two countries over this incident. Furthermore, although the perpetrator was from Tsushima, Jo Eom seemed to adopt a stance of protecting the governor of Tsushima. This was because, from the perspective of Joseon's overall national interest, the governor of Tsushima held significant importance, and since all matters of Joseon-Japan relations were conducted through the governor, harming the relationship with him would not be a 'far-sighted plan for the border region' (313).

The 'Maritime Diary' reveals Jo Eom's efforts to build Korean-Japanese relations while setting aside his feelings, despite holding a perception of Japan as 'barbarian' (日本夷狄觀). His perception of Japan remained negative, and he even stated about the Tsushima islanders, who were presumed to be the murderers, 'The Tsushima islanders can be called ungrateful. Since they are a thousand li away, they will surely overthrow their ancestral shrines' (289). However, he simultaneously strove to ensure that these perceptions did not hinder diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan. This is evident in his admonitions to his fellow Tongsinsa members. He emphasized the exclusion of emotions, stating, 'There are circumstances in foreign countries, and the situation between us and them is different. Ultimately, the key is to remain steadfast and unwavering for a long time.' He prohibited actions such as the middle and lower officials from expressing indignation or insulting people, as such behavior would be 'useless for resolving the issue and could create grounds for complaint' (293). Despite expressing dissatisfaction with the repeated delays in the investigation and again showing disdain for Japan, he rebuked those who were frightened or wished to return to Joseon, declaring that they would absolutely not board a ship until the perpetrator was found and punished according to the law (290).

Upon their return to Joseon, the royal court issued a special decree instructing that despite the murder incident, the reception of the envoys should proceed as usual. Jo Eom expressed gratitude for this, but also noted that the court's punishment and the charges should have been announced as soon as the envoy delegation arrived in Busan, to make the Japanese feel the solemnity of Joseon's laws. He also instructed that the fact that the envoys had received punishment be disseminated to the Japanese. In this regard, it is evident that Jo Eom placed great importance on demonstrating Joseon's authority and laws to Japan.

Although he did not completely overcome the perception of Japan as 'barbarian' (日本夷狄觀) and the sense of superiority stemming from the 'Small China' consciousness (朝鮮小中華意識) that solidified in the 17th century, Jo Eom's handling of the Choi Cheon-jong murder case shows his efforts to manage Korean-Japanese diplomatic relations more pragmatically.

Perception of Japan Among 18th Century Joseon Intellectuals

18th Century Tongsinsa

In the 17th century, Joseon Tongsinsa missions to Japan recognized Japan's prosperity and trade, indicating that its economic level was higher than Joseon's. However, there were no efforts to apply Japanese systems and institutions to Joseon; rather, the decorations of facilities and houses were considered extravagant (Kim Moon-sik 2009, 191).

In the mid-18th century, a phenomenon of adopting Japan's advanced systems and institutions began to occur. This is evidenced by King Yeongjo's command in 1747 (King Yeongjo's 23rd year) for the Tongsinsa to carefully observe and report on Japan's landscapes, roads, military arts, and customs.

Jo Eom, dispatched as part of the Tongsinsa in 1764, actively observed Japanese culture and made efforts to apply it. He purchased maps of Tsushima and Japan on Tsushima Island. Upon seeing a waterwheel in Yodoura, he ordered military officials and painters to meticulously examine its design and structure, intending to use it for irrigating rice paddies upon his return to Joseon. He also anticipated that the pontoon bridge system used in Sadogawa would be greatly beneficial if applied to the dikes and dams of Joseon's southwestern coast (op. cit., 192).

However, Jo Eom's 1764 Gyemi Tongsinsa mission was the last officially dispatched envoy. After this, official exchanges between the two countries ceased, and there were no further attempts to adopt Japanese technology. The dispatch of Tongsinsa missions held greater political significance than diplomatic value for both nations. For the Joseon government, it served to prevent the recurrence of war, and for the Shogunate, it enhanced the authority of the Kanpaku through the event of the Tongsinsa's visit. However, as it was a costly and consumptive event, there were no further official missions after the Gyemi Tongsinsa. Consequently, direct exchanges ceased, eliminating opportunities to observe and learn from Japanese culture (op. cit., 193-194).

Nevertheless, the travelogues and mission records written by the Tongsinsa members after their return from Japan played a significant role in informing Joseon about Japanese society and culture, which ultimately had a considerable impact on the Silhak scholars of the 18th century.

18th Century Silhak Scholars

There were broadly two schools of Silhak scholars in the 18th century: the Noron-aligned Bukhak (Northern Learning) school and the Namin-aligned Silhak school. The Noron-aligned Bukhak school argued for the adoption of Qing culture and institutions, advocating for the need to embrace Qing civilization. The Namin-aligned Silhak school, led by Yi Ik, criticized the Ming Dynasty (opposing the 'Revere Ming, Reject Qing' stance), argued against the impracticality of the existing 'Conquer the North' theory, and strongly criticized the perception of the Qing as 'barbarians,' advocating for the establishment of realistic foreign relations. Yi Ik also led research into Western learning, which helped overcome the traditional Hua-Yi worldview and 'Small China' consciousness deeply rooted since the 17th century (Ha Woo-bong 2006, 51).

.

The Bukhak school primarily focused on studying Qing China, thus showing relatively less interest in Japan compared to the Namin-aligned Silhak school. However, a pragmatic perspective towards Japan can be seen in Pak Je-ga's 'Bukhak Ui' (Discourse on Northern Learning) of the time. He criticized the perception of Japan as 'barbarian' among contemporary intellectuals and focused on Japanese systems and technologies from a utilitarian perspective (benefiting the people). He showed particular interest in Japan's foreign trade, arguing that just as Japan actively engaged in trade with other empires, Joseon should expand its trade with China and, furthermore, engage in overseas trade (op. cit., 63).

The Namin-aligned Silhak school, led by Yi Ik, began by rejecting the notion that Joseon was the sole civilized entity ('Hua'). Through his study of Western learning, Yi Ik denied the China-centric worldview and recognized the distinctiveness of all nations. He advocated for overcoming the perception of Qing and the West as 'barbarians' and for a re-evaluation of Japan (op. cit., 51). Following Yi Ik, who criticized the 'Small China' consciousness of 17th-century intellectuals and proposed more realistic foreign relations, Jeong Yak-yong also presented a more open Hua-Yi theory. He proposed a 'culture-centered Hua-Yi theory,' suggesting that other countries could also become civilized nations, and therefore, Japan could be recognized as a civilized nation (Kim Moon-sik 2009, 353-354). Jeong Yak-yong argued that Japan had achieved development and national strength through trade with China, and thus Joseon should also adopt Japanese culture and institutions. After reading Shin Yu-han's 'Hae-yu-rok' from the 'Maritime Diary,' he lamented that Joseon had not properly observed the sophistication of Japanese artifacts, military training methods, and shipbuilding systems, and argued that Joseon should emulate these technologies.

Although he did not anticipate Japanese invasion, experiencing the Hong Gyeong-nae rebellion and the U Gyeong-chik uprising in the northwestern region between 1811-1812, he realized that Joseon's military was completely unprepared for war and that this situation would be dangerous if faced with foreign powers. Recognizing Joseon's reality, Jeong Yak-yong proposed actively adopting the advanced culture and institutions of Japan and Qing as a means to achieve national prosperity and strength (op. cit., 362-363).

Thus, the Silhak intellectuals of the 18th century viewed Japan with a more open perspective than the 17th-century perceptions and the Joseon Tongsinsa, arguing for a more active adoption of Japanese culture and the application of its systems and technologies.

Conclusion

In the 17th century, Joseon was deeply rooted in the 'Small China' consciousness (朝鮮小中華意識), which disdained Qing and Japan and inherited the Hua-Yi worldview of the Ming Dynasty. This was also applied to relations with Japan, manifesting as the perception of Japan as 'barbarian' (日本夷狄觀) and a 'small nation' (日本小國觀).

Reading Jo Eom's writings from the 18th century in the 'Maritime Diary,' his perception of Japan can be seen in two aspects: the perception of Japan as 'barbarian' (日本夷狄觀), which did not deviate from the 17th-century 'Small China' consciousness, and a sense of superiority, holding the role of 'benevolent guidance' (善導) to educate Japan. While he did not completely overcome the Hua-Yi worldview central to 17th-century Joseon, he showed potential for overcoming it. This is particularly evident in his handling of the Choi Cheon-jong murder case, where, while calling the Japanese cunning 'Wa-nom' (Japanese dogs), he strove to maintain amicable Korean-Japanese relations. He also made efforts to adopt Japanese culture, demonstrating a willingness to learn from Japan's advanced culture and institutions for the benefit of the people, thereby acknowledging Japan's formidable military power and wealth while still viewing it as 'barbarian' (Kim Moon-sik 2009, 195).

Consequently, Jo Eom can be seen as representing a transitional period between the 'Small China' consciousness of 17th-century Joseon and the open Hua-Yi theory of 18th-century Silhak scholars. Although he did not overcome the perception of Japan as 'barbarian' like the 18th-century Silhak scholars, he viewed Japan from a more pragmatic perspective than the 17th-century intellectuals. His inability to unconditionally regard Japan as an enemy while calling it 'barbarian' can be explained by the term 'love-hate.'

Bibliography: National Translation Archives, Maritime Mission Records 10. 2008. The National Culture Promotion Association.

Kim Moon-sik. *Joseon's Late-Period Intellectuals' Perceptions of Foreign Nations*. Saemunsa, 2009. Min Deok-gi. "Perception of Tsushima Island by Mid-19th Century Envoys as Seen Through the Murder of Choi Cheon-jong." *Journal of Korean-Japanese Relations Studies* 21 (2004): 75-110.

Lee Yong-hee. "The Spiritual Historical Problems of Korea-Japan Relations: On the Conflict of Consciousness Regarding Border Cultures."

In *Political Thought and Korean Nationalism*. Yeounam Seoga, 1970. Lee Jeong-eun. "The Nature and Jo Eom of the *Yeongsadangi* Published by Beomeosa Temple." *Taegak Sasang*

no. 33 (2020): 227-253. doi:

10.35768/taegak.2020..33.007

Lim Hyeong-taek. *Aspects of Korea-Japan Cultural Exchange in the 18th Century*. Taehaksa, 2007. Ha Woo-bong. *Joseon Dynasty Koreans' Perception of Japan*. Hyean, 2006. Hong Hye-jeong. A Comparative Study of *Haesailgi* and *Ildong Jangyuga*.

*Joseon Tongsinsa* Research 20 (2015): 67-108.