The Western World and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Observatory

Imperial Observatory · Hyun Hye-rim · Korea University

Introduction

Located in the southeast of Beijing, the Imperial Observatory (Xuanxiangjian) was an astronomical institution established to measure celestial phenomena and determine auspicious dates. Since China's ideology of governance was centered on the Emperor as the Son of Heaven ruling the world, reading the heavens was a crucial matter directly linked to the legitimacy of the emperor. However, the individuals who occupied the Imperial Observatory, a symbol of China's ruling ideology, were none other than Jesuit missionaries from the West.

This is quite remarkable because the Christian spirit of the West is in complete opposition to traditional Chinese thought. Nevertheless, the reason the Chinese imperial court had no choice but to place missionaries in the highest positions of the observatory was precisely due to their highly sophisticated astronomy. Even if their ideology could have threatened Chinese traditions, the accurate selection of dates for major imperial events was a more pressing issue for China at the time. Therefore, the Qing Dynasty appointed Jesuit missionaries, who excelled in mathematics, as directors of the Imperial Observatory.

One of these directors, Hallerstein, is not a well-known figure. A distinguished scholar and devout believer, he brought Western Christianity and astronomy to China, playing a crucial role in East-West exchange. However, this importance has not been adequately highlighted, partly because it was difficult to begin historical research on Slovenia, his homeland, during the turbulent period of the World Wars, and partly due to China's political reasons for wanting to erase Western influence from Chinese history, stemming from a sense of humiliation towards Western powers. Consequently, proper research on Hallerstein could only begin in the late 20th century.

Entering the 21st century, research on Hallerstein has gradually gained attention in Korea as well. The primary reason for his recognition in Korea is that the Joseon scholar Hong Dae-yong recorded a dialogue with the director of the Imperial Observatory, Yu Song-ryeong, in his "Yupo Mundap." Through the research of Slovenian scholars, it was revealed that Yu Song-ryeong was the same person as Hallerstein. However, the meeting between Hong Dae-yong and Hallerstein was not entirely pleasant, as it is evident from Hallerstein's writings that he did not welcome the encounter with Hong Dae-yong. 3. The Western World and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Observatory_Imperial Observatory

Yet, remarkably, just six years before meeting Hong Dae-yong, Hallerstein showed great interest and hospitality to Yi Ui-yong, who also visited the Imperial Observatory. What kind of place was this Imperial Observatory? How did Hallerstein, a Westerner, live in the Imperial Observatory? And what were their impressions of Joseon?

The Imperial Observatory during the Ming and Qing Dynasties

The Imperial Observatory was built in 1442 by Emperor Zhengtong of the Ming Dynasty. Its function was to observe celestial movements and accurately predict astronomical phenomena such as solar and lunar eclipses. Since the emperor was recognized as the Son of Heaven, the accurate prediction of astronomical phenomena was extremely important in China's ideology of governance.

For this reason, China had consistently maintained astronomical observatories even before the Ming Dynasty. An observatory existed southwest of the capital during the Qin Dynasty, but when the Yuan Dynasty was established, an observatory was built in the southeast of Beijing under the command of Kublai Khan. At the observatory, the outstanding astronomer and engineer Guo Shoujing advanced Chinese astronomy. Later, in 1267, with the arrival of the Persian astronomer and engineer Jamal al-Din Buukhari, Chinese astronomy began to develop under Islamic influence. However, with the fall of the Yuan Dynasty in 1368, the instruments from the observatory were moved to Nanjing, the capital of the Ming Dynasty. But when the capital was moved back to Beijing during the Yongle Emperor's reign, instruments for the Beijing observatory became necessary. This necessity led to the construction of a new observatory under Emperor Zhengtong. Zhengtong ordered the construction of a new Imperial Observatory on the site of the former observatory and the creation of replicas of the instruments moved to Nanjing.

However, the Imperial Observatory took its current form after the late Ming and early Qing periods, with the arrival of the Jesuits in China. The Jesuits, operating under the banner of 'Adaptationism,' which involved conforming to local culture for evangelization, came to work for the Qing imperial court and served as directors of the Imperial Observatory. During this time, more sophisticated astronomical instruments were created by figures such as Adam Schall von Bell, Ferdinand Verbiest, Ignatius Kogler, Hallerstein, and Anton. The instruments at the Imperial Observatory in 1674 included a sextant and quadrant resembling a bow and arrow, an armillary sphere for solar eclipses placed on a dragon's head, a celestial globe measuring 1.9 meters, and an equatorial armillary sphere placed on a dragon's back. Adding a few more instruments subsequently, one can imagine how diverse and sophisticated the instruments at the Imperial Observatory were at the time.

However, in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the Imperial Observatory faced hardship as French and German troops took the astronomical instruments to their respective countries. Fortunately, these instruments were returned to China through the Treaty of Versailles. The Imperial Observatory was renamed the Central Observatory shortly before the establishment of the Republic of China. 3. The Western World and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Observatory_Imperial Observatory However, through the turbulent 20th century, most of the instruments made by the Jesuits were damaged or rendered unusable. Later, in 1956, the Imperial Observatory established a planetarium and opened to the public as a museum, displaying repaired or replicated instruments made by the missionaries.

Jesuit Missionaries at the Imperial Observatory

The arrival of Jesuit missionaries at the Imperial Observatory originated from their attempt to convert Japan. Jesuit missionaries first set foot in Japan in 1549, beginning their engagement with East Asia. Soon, they realized that a new strategy was needed for evangelization in Japanese society, which possessed a uniquely developed civilization, unlike Latin America. This led to the development of 'Adaptationism.' Adaptationism meant that missionaries would approach the indigenous people by embracing East Asian Confucian culture, train native missionaries, and evangelize through their language, script, and documents. In the hierarchical and etiquette-focused East Asian cultural sphere, missionaries focused on approaching social elites rather than the lower classes, and on a national level, they targeted China, the core of East Asian civilization. The individual who successfully implemented this strategy was Matteo Ricci (1552-1610).

Matteo Ricci made great efforts, actively embracing Chinese culture and leaving behind numerous documents. He particularly understood that winning the favor of the emperor was key to East Asian missions and, to this end, noted that China's science and technology lagged behind Western advancements, thus seeking to introduce Western science. Therefore, Matteo Ricci requested a person skilled in astronomy from the Jesuit order, and the response to this call came from Johann Adam Schall von Bell (1591-1666), who would later become the first director of the Imperial Observatory. He gained the emperor's trust by explaining Tycho Brahe's cosmology to him and obtained the position of director of the Imperial Observatory in 1622. Tycho Brahe's cosmology is a theory that simply compromises between geocentrism and heliocentrism, placing the Earth at the center of the universe, with the Sun and Moon revolving around the Earth, while the other planets revolve around the Sun. This theory was likely suitable for missionaries to adopt as it did not conflict with the Vatican's position and could explain observational phenomena that geocentrism could not.

Adam Schall performed various duties for the Qing Dynasty, including presenting a new calendar. However, Yang Guangxian, concerned that Western culture and thought might threaten Chinese legitimacy, impeached him through a memorial titled "Undeniable Necessity." Although Yang Guangxian subsequently took over the directorship of the Imperial Observatory, he lost the emperor's favor due to using the Huihui calendar, which did not accurately match astronomical observations. Consequently, another Jesuit missionary, Ferdinand Verbiest (1623-1688), became the next director of the Imperial Observatory. Verbiest made significant contributions to the Imperial Observatory by correcting the calendar and creating new instruments. 3. The Western World and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Observatory_Imperial Observatory Furthermore, he gained the Kangxi Emperor's trust by teaching him astronomy and other subjects, even obtaining permission to propagate Christianity.

The next missionary to hold the position of director of the Imperial Observatory was Ignatius Kogler (1680-1746). He was from Germany and also performed numerous duties as the director of the Imperial Observatory. Notably, in 1744, towards the end of his tenure, the Kangxi Emperor ordered the construction of an equatorial armillary sphere. As Kogler was very elderly, Hallerstein, who had come to assist him, took on most of the work. Upon Kogler's death in 1746, Hallerstein succeeded him.

Hallerstein (Ferdinand Augustin Haller von Hallerstein, 1703-1774) was born in Ljubljana, the capital of Slovenia, and joined the Jesuit order in 1721. He arrived in Macau, China, in 1738, via Portugal. Due to his exceptional mathematical skills, he caught the emperor's attention and was ordered to assist Ignatius Kogler, the then director of the Imperial Observatory. After Kogler's death, Hallerstein, who succeeded him, completed the equatorial armillary sphere. However, his academic influence was not limited to astronomy. He was among the first to accurately calculate China's population, created maps, and engaged in various academic activities, maintaining regular correspondence with academies in London, St. Petersburg, and Paris. His surviving records include various academic texts and letters to his siblings. Although these letters are few due to the long time it took for correspondence to travel, they vividly depict the situation in China at the time and his state of mind.

In his later years, the Jesuit order was also in decline. After facing various political difficulties in Europe, the Jesuit order was finally dissolved in 1773, and Hallerstein died the following year.

Yi Ui-yong and Hallerstein

Now, let us examine the encounter between Joseon and Hallerstein. There are quite a few records of Joseon envoys visiting Beijing who visited the Imperial Observatory. The Imperial Observatory and the Western Catholic churches were objects of interest for Joseon people. Therefore, their records frequently mention how fascinated they were by Western architecture and paintings, regardless of the length of the account.

Among these, "Bukwonrok" is one of the travelogues that contains a lengthy dialogue with Hallerstein. Yi Eui-bong (1733-1801) visited the Qing Dynasty in 1760 as a son of an official accompanying his father, Yi Hwijung, and wrote "Bukwonrok." He also left behind a Korean version, "Seowonrok." "Bukwonrok" seems to vividly portray his earnest and youthful passion as he encountered new cultures and technologies at the age of his mid-twenties.

Upon arriving in Beijing on January 8, 1761, Yi Eui-bong immediately rushed to the Catholic church. He, too, was captivated by the splendor of the Western-style building and provided a detailed description. The explanation of Catholicism, narrated alongside the description, indicates that he had not only read books written by missionaries, such as "Jikbang Oegi," but also possessed a good understanding of Catholicism. On the 27th, he visited the Western Catholic Church again and finally met Hallerstein. Hallerstein welcomed him with delicious refreshments, described as 'round egg tarts,' and they engaged in conversation. He then gave Yi Eui-bong a tour of the Imperial Observatory, showing him various instruments, demonstrating the sun through them, and playing the organ.

On subsequent visits, Hallerstein engaged in friendly conversations with Yi Eui-bong. They discussed astronomy in depth and shared information about the West and its customs. Hallerstein expressed his pleasure, saying, "I am very happy to be able to see Your Excellency multiple times during your stay of a few days," showing his favorable impression.

This favorable impression can be considered unusual. In a letter to his younger brother Weichard in 1757, he evaluated Joseon people as follows:

Joseon people come every year, but Japan does not. Joseon people say they can see the mountains of Japan on clear days, but they know little about Japan; in fact, they are more likely to not tell you anything, as if they were the most cunning people in the world. They ask questions the entire time they meet but do not answer. When they visit our residence, and as soon as they arrive in Beijing, they ask for ink and writing tools. Since none of them know Chinese, they use written conversation. We answer their questions through servants. They ask many good questions about astronomy. If we tell them we will answer their questions if they leave them to us, they usually hope to take them without leaving a single character. They are good soldiers, strong, stout, and sturdy. They wear the dress of the ancient Chinese, now the dress of peace, now the robes of war. They can never be subdued, but they cannot escape the tribute imposed every year.

The perception of Joseon people presented in this letter is not very favorable. Considering that the purpose of the Jesuit mission in China was Japan, Joseon, as a neighboring country to Japan, is of interest, but the author assesses them as "most cunning" due to the inability to obtain information about Japan from Joseon. However, the fact that Yi Uibong pleased Hallstatt suggests that this was due to Yi Uibong's personal character and charm rather than his nationality. For example, in his conversation with Hallstatt, Yi Uibong faithfully answers Hallstatt's questions. 3. Westerners and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Astronomical Bureau_Imperial Astronomical Bureau

They know little about Japan; in fact, they are more likely to not tell you anything, as if they were the most cunning people in the world.

They ask questions the entire time they meet but do not answer. When they visit our residence,

and as soon as they arrive in Beijing, they ask for ink and

writing tools. Since none of them know Chinese,

they use written conversation. We answer their questions through servants.

They ask many good questions about astronomy.

If we tell them we will answer their questions if they leave them to us,

they usually hope to take them without leaving a single character.

They are good soldiers, strong, stout, and sturdy.

They wear the dress of the ancient Chinese, now the dress of peace,

now the robes of war. They can never be subdued, but

they cannot escape the tribute imposed every year.

The perception of Joseon people presented in this letter is not very favorable. Considering that the purpose of the Jesuit mission in China was Japan, Joseon, as a neighboring country to Japan, is of interest, but the author assesses them as "most cunning" due to the inability to obtain information about Japan from Joseon. However, the fact that Yi Uibong pleased Hallstatt suggests that this was due to Yi Uibong's personal character and charm rather than his nationality. For example, in his conversation with Hallstatt, Yi Uibong faithfully answers Hallstatt's questions. 3. Westerners and Joseon Encountered at the Imperial Astronomical Bureau_Imperial Astronomical Bureau

Do you also travel by sea from your country to China?”

“There is only the Yalu River, which can be crossed even by a small ferry.

How many li is the West from here by sea?”

“It is about fifty to sixty thousand li. Is the Yalu River at the mouth of the sea?

“It originates from the summit of Baekdusan.

“Since most of it is surrounded by sea, can you show me the waterways flowing from land to sea?

“It is all sea surrounding our country. The road from Uiju to Beijing,

which comes straight inland with Balhae to the left,

is only a narrow river, like the sash of a garment.

There is only a narrow river, like the sash of a garment.

There is only a narrow river, like the sash of a garment.

Hallstatt's questions about Joseon's geography indicate that he did not know Joseon well. Let us consider his questions in light of the circumstances at the time. In a letter to his sister in 1750, he writes about how successive emperors treated Jesuit missionaries. His assessments of Emperors Shunzhi and Kangxi are characterized as pro-science and pro-Jesuit. The trust that Ferdinand Verbiest gained from Emperor Kangxi shows how much these monarchs valued scholarship and how favorable they were to missionaries. However, this attitude changed with Emperor Yongzheng. While he acknowledged the advanced astronomy of the West, he did not respect their faith. Therefore, Hallstatt recalls that missionaries had to suppress their religious fervor more than before.

However, by the time of Emperor Qianlong, this anti-Christian attitude had intensified, and even respect for science had largely disappeared, according to his report. Hallstatt notes that Emperor Qianlong kept the missionaries at a distance, stating that he kept them solely for the purpose of knowing the exact dates. The gradually forming atmosphere hostile to Christianity must have posed many difficulties for the mission.

However, it is reported that this anti-Christian attitude intensified further during the Qianlong Emperor's reign, and even respect for science largely disappeared. Hallerstain notes that the Qianlong Emperor kept his distance from missionaries to the extent that he regarded them as being kept solely for the purpose of determining precise dates. The increasingly hostile atmosphere towards Christianity would have posed significant challenges to missionary work for Hallerstain.

However, in 1752, Hallstatt's position was solidified when he personally welcomed the delegation sent by the Portuguese royal court. Portugal expressed its desire to meet the emperor directly through Hallstatt, and Hallstatt satisfied the emperor by treating them appropriately. The emperor's unprecedentedly lavish reception and numerous gifts to the Portuguese delegation suggest how important he considered contact with Western royal courts.

Meanwhile, Emperor Qianlong spent the following years, from 1753 to 1757, subjugating surrounding regions and expanding his territory. He significantly expanded China's territory, including subjugating the Dzungar people and creating conflicts with Russia to extend his influence into the Siberian region. To create maps of the newly conquered territories, he took along missionaries Felix de Rocha and Jose d’Espinha. Hallstatt writes that the emperor was satisfied even though they presented maps made without using surveying techniques, which suggests that the Jesuit missionaries at the time were not only not favored by Emperor Qianlong but were also looked down upon for their lack of scientific knowledge.

Within this international context, there is an argument that Joseon was perceived as a peripheral nation, a country that Japan traversed. The conversation between Hong Dae-yong and Hallerstein in 1766 contains such a passage.

“In which province of Joseon are Tsushima and Busan located, and with whom have the Japanese people

been interacting in recent years?”

“Does Japan also have self-striking clocks?”

These questions show that Hallerstein's interest was not in Joseon but in Japan. Tsushima and Busan were to understand Japan's trade, and Japan's self-striking clocks served as a measure of Japan's technological advancement and its level of interaction with the West. Hallerstein's questions suggest that Japan was being considered as a way to overcome the difficulties in missionary work in China and the various challenges faced by the Society of Jesus. In this context, it is regrettable that Joseon, which was a step behind in international affairs, was not given much consideration. In this regard, although Hong Dae-yong received cold treatment from Hallerstein, it is difficult to attribute this solely to his fault.

Conclusion

Several studies have already been conducted on the meeting between Hallerstein and Hong Dae-yong. However, the meeting between Yi Ui-bong and Hallerstein in 1761, not long after the historically significant 1750s, is relatively unknown. Their brief yet profound exchange must have left a deep impression on both. Yi Ui-bong, curious and enthusiastic about Western learning and Western theology, would have learned more advanced Western scholarship from their conversation. Hallerstein, even if he had little interest in Joseon and held a negative impression, would have found Joseon, a nation not conquered but paying tribute to China, unique amidst China's expansion to the east, west, north, and south. Joseon saw the West through China, and the West saw Joseon through China.

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