Qing Dynasty's <Namdo-beonhoedo> and Joseon Dynasty's <Taepyeongseongsi-do>: 18th Century Joseon's View of China

National Museum of China · Kim Ah-young · Seoul National University

Introduction

This report from the 16th East Asian Institute Sarangbang expedition to the National Museum of China aims to discuss Joseon Dynasty's perception of China during the Ming-Qing transition, focusing on the Qing Dynasty painting 'Namdo-beonhoedo' housed in the National Museum of China. We will trace the process by which the Qing Dynasty's <Namdo-beonhoedo> influenced Joseon Dynasty's <Taepyeongseongsi-do>, and how aesthetic elements were transmitted, by tracking the trajectory of civilization standards at the time. First, we will investigate how the Qing Dynasty's <Namdo-beonhoedo> came to be established as the painting <Taepyeongseongsi-do> in Joseon. Simultaneously, the development of commerce is evident as an example of 'civilization standards' that permeate both works. Based on this element of 'commerce,' we will examine the situations in the Qing Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty in the 18th century during the Ming-Qing transition. We can detect similar trends. First, under the reign of Emperor Qianlong, the Qing Dynasty was achieving remarkable development through vast territorial expansion and population growth. What should be noted here is Qianlong's method of governance. While borrowing the Han Chinese elements necessary for ruling China from the preceding Ming Dynasty, the Qing rulers also implemented a unique governance style based on the need to preserve their special interests as new conqueror elites, characteristic of the Manchu people. In Joseon, after the Qing Dynasty took control of China, there was a conflict between those who maintained the Northern Expedition policy, aiming to continue the tributary relationship with the Ming Dynasty, and the Northern Learning School (Bukhakpa), which advocated for adopting the advanced and new culture of the Qing Dynasty for Joseon's future. The coexistence of Han Chinese and Manchu elements in the Qing governance style, and the conflict between Joseon's Northern Expedition policy and the Northern Learning School, ultimately show different spaces in the same time, where Ming and Qing elements coexisted and conflicted during the Ming-Qing transition. Thus, through this report from the 16th East Asian Institute Sarangbang expedition to the National Museum of China, we aim to present the situations in 18th-century China and Joseon respectively, and to view 18th-century East Asian international politics from Chinese and Korean perspectives.

<Namdo-beonhoedo> and Emperor Qianlong

The <Namdo-beonhoedo>, housed in the National Museum of China, is presumed to have been painted in the 18th century during the reign of Emperor Qianlong of the Qing Dynasty. This <Namdo-beonhoedo> specifically depicts the flourishing commercial aspects of the city of Nanjing. Examining the painting closely, the scene progresses from the outskirts to the bustling commercial district, and then to the imperial palace, from right to left. The bustling commercial district in the center occupies the largest portion of the canvas and is depicted in relatively finer detail. Against the backdrop of a row of shops, over a thousand figures are shown active, and more than a hundred shop signs are meticulously rendered, allowing one to discern what goods are sold in each shop. At this point, we can trace the influence of European aesthetic styles (Verisimilitude, life-like) that began to be introduced through trade via Suzhou and missionaries from the late Ming Dynasty.

Suzhou has long been one of the most stable centers of wealth, scholarship, and artistic activity. With a population of approximately 600,000 in the city and its suburbs, it was one of the largest cities in China at the time and one of the most prosperous centers of wealth and trade. The Jiangnan region, which includes Suzhou, was Emperor Qianlong's most important travel destination. Located about 1,600 kilometers south of Beijing, the Jiangnan region was the wealthiest area in China at the time, both financially and culturally. During Qianlong's reign, Jiangnan accounted for 16 percent of the total arable land in the Chinese Empire but provided 29 percent of the government's land tax revenue in cash (paid in silver) and 38 percent of the government's tax revenue in kind (paid in grain), and it supplied 64 percent of the grain tributes to feed the population of the capital. In addition, revenue from the salt monopoly operated by Suzhou merchants, with the emperor's permission, accounted for more than two-thirds of all state financial revenue. The thriving Chinese silk industry, which produced for domestic, European, and Asian markets, was concentrated in Jiangnan. The cities of Jiangnan were major collection points for all sorts of goods, including tea, ceramics, timber, and cotton, that moved throughout China. Furthermore, the cultural importance of Jiangnan was even more pronounced. The pass rate for the imperial examinations among individuals from the Jiangnan region was remarkably high, meaning that the upper echelons of power were filled with individuals from Jiangnan. In addition, in terms of national culture, the number of famous places in the Jiangnan region, such as temples, monasteries, gardens, lakes, restaurants, and libraries, was overwhelming. For 800 years, China's most distinguished writers praised the wonders of these places in countless poems and essays, and no one could claim to be a true intellectual without having visited the scenic spots in and around Jiangnan cities like Hangzhou, Suzhou, Yangzhou, and Nanjing. The Suzhou bustling street scene depicts the grand urban infrastructure of Suzhou in the Jiangnan region and its major commercial spaces. The backdrop of commercially and culturally prosperous Suzhou is one of the elements that make this city stand out, and at the same time, through European aesthetic styles, it serves as the most important element signifying the pride of the Qing Dynasty's empire and the emperor's importance during the Qianlong era.

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The economic growth of the Suzhou region since the 16th century led to the emergence of numerous collectors of calligraphy and paintings. As these collectors competed for paintings and calligraphy in a limited market, individuals specializing in creating forgeries emerged to meet the demand. This trend became more specialized over time. The journey of Zhang Zeduan's <Along the River During the Qingming Festival> from the Song Dynasty, passing through various collectors to become the property of the powerful official Yan Song of the time, attests to the intense collecting fervor for <Along the River During the Qingming Festival> via Suzhou. <Along the River During the Qingming Festival>, which became part of the imperial collection, was later owned by the Ming Dynasty eunuch Feng Bao, and after Feng Bao's death, around 1582, it re-entered private hands during the chaotic period of dynastic change. It was subsequently owned by collectors such as Lu Feichi (1731-1790) and Bi Yuan (1730-1797) before becoming part of Emperor Qianlong's imperial collection in 1773. The fact that numerous copies of <Along the River During the Qingming Festival> were produced in Suzhou during the Ming and Qing dynasties can be attributed to the collecting fervor of collectors, primarily Suzhou literati. As Zhang Zeduan's <Along the River During the Qingming Festival> from the Beijing version was collected by Suzhou collectors and gained fame, leading to competitive collecting, Suzhou versions of <Along the River During the Qingming Festival> by unknown artists, and works influenced by them such as <Suzhou Bustling Street Scene> and <Namdo-beonhoedo>, appeared in the art market of the time, and this trend appears to have spread to the neighboring country of Joseon.

As the economy of the Xuzhou region grew significantly after the 16th century, numerous collectors of calligraphy and painting emerged. As these collectors competed to acquire artworks in a limited market, individuals specializing in creating forgeries to meet demand began to appear. This trend tended to become more specialized over time. The journey of the 'Along the River During the Qingming Festival' painting from the Song Dynasty through various collectors to become the property of the powerful official Yan Song of the time attests to the fervent collecting of 'Along the River During the Qingming Festival' via Suzhou. The painting, which had become an imperial collection, later became the property of the Ming eunuch Feng Bao and, after his death, was passed into private hands again around 1582 during the chaotic period of dynastic change. It was subsequently collected by individuals such as Lu Feichi (1731-1790) and Bi Yuan (1730-1797), and finally became an imperial collection of Emperor Qianlong in 1773. The fervent collecting by collectors centered in Suzhou, who were prominent Suzhou literati, can be seen as a reason for the large-scale production of 'Along the River During the Qingming Festival' in Suzhou during the Ming and Qing dynasties. As the Beijing version of Zhang Zeduan's 'Along the River During the Qingming Festival' was collected by Suzhou collectors and its fame grew, leading to competitive collecting, works such as the Suzhou version of 'Along the River During the Qingming Festival' by anonymous painters and the 'Prosperous Suzhou' or 'Prosperous Southern Capital' paintings influenced by it appeared in the art market of the time, and this trend seems to have spread to neighboring Joseon. 2. Qing's 'Southern Capital' and Joseon's 'Festival of Great Peace': China in the 18th Century - National Museum of China

Consequently, the Jiangnan region, a mecca of commercial prosperity including Suzhou, the spatial composition, and Western painting techniques such as perspective, detailed depiction (Verisimilitude, life-like), and chiaroscuro, which had greatly influenced the Chinese from the early 17th century to the late 18th century, helped the Qing Dynasty to understand its own prosperous empire and territory and to effectively visualize this territorial consciousness. These pictorial techniques can be understood in the context of praising his reign by emphasizing Qianlong's role as a leader at the time. They served as a means to confirm the authenticity of the Qianlong Emperor's universal rule system.

Indeed, the reign of Emperor Qianlong (1736-1795) marked the zenith of the Qing Dynasty. Forty years after Qianlong ascended to power, in the latter part of his reign, which spanned three periods, he expanded his sphere of influence, encompassing vast territories. This forms the basis of the territory of present-day China (People's Republic of China). His territory extended from prosperous port cities on the coast adjacent to the Yellow Sea to bustling cities located in the oases of the ancient Silk Road, from Sakhalin in the storm-swept Northeast to the snow-covered Himalayas in the Southwest, from the tropical rainforests of Xishuangbanna (bordering Burma) in the Southeast to the deserts and grasslands of Mongolia in the North. Furthermore, the population expansion that occurred during the equally significant Qianlong era warrants attention. The population of the Chinese Empire, which was 150 million in 1700, exceeded 200 million by 1750 and comfortably surpassed 300 million by 1800. The growth rate did not significantly decline until the mid-19th century, when China's population plateaued at around 410 million. This population increase, in turn, led to increased agricultural output and expanded overseas trade.

It is important to note here that the territory and population ruled by Qianlong were not a single nation in the modern sense. It was an empire composed of diverse spheres of influence and ethnic groups, integrated under the authority of a single absolute monarch in a unique and essentially unequal manner. It was a complex of diverse ethnic groups spread over a vast geographical area, controlled by a single core state. Within the empire, there were 18 provinces managed by the Six Ministries (the Han Chinese part of China during the traditional period), which inherited the administrative system of provinces, prefectures, departments, and counties, as well as laws, taxes, and household registration systems of the traditional Chinese system, and were managed by the Eight Banners garrison. The Han Chinese, who constituted over 90 percent of Qianlong's subjects, numbering over 200 million, lived in the heartland, which possessed the wealthiest agricultural regions, the densest commercial and transportation networks, the largest cities, the busiest ports, industrial centers, and numerous factories and workshops where artisans labored. Meanwhile, border regions such as Manchuria, Mongolia, Tibet, and the southern provinces like Yunnan, Guizhou, and Guangxi, as well as Taiwan, were sparsely populated and generally less prosperous than the Chinese heartland. In many cases, these regions were inhabited and ruled by non-Han groups such as Mongols, Tibetans, Turks, and Miao people. Although these regions were economically less developed, they were crucial for the empire's security. The heartland and the border regions were each controlled by bureaucratic and quasi-military administrative organizations.

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This Manchu empire had a structure that acknowledged a strong connection to the past, succeeding the Han (206 BCE–220 CE), Tang (618–907), Song (960–1276), Yuan (1260–1368), and Ming dynasties. In particular, it borrowed the basic framework for ruling China from the preceding Ming Dynasty. In 18th-century China, the idea that they were endowed with the ideal of being a great government from previous dynasties was widespread. Along with this idea, reforms were carried out in an experimental, informal, and indirect manner. As a conqueror elite,

This Manchu empire had a structure that acknowledged a strong connection to the past, succeeding the Han (206 BCE-220 CE), Tang (618-907), Song (960-1276), Yuan (1260-1368), and Ming dynasties. In particular, it borrowed the basic framework for governing China from the preceding Ming dynasty. In 18th-century China, the idea that a government was endowed with the ideal of becoming a great government from previous dynasties was widespread. Along with this idea, reforms were carried out in experimental, informal, and indirect ways. As a conquering elite,

∙ ∙ The rulers of the Qing Dynasty, including Qianlong, who grappled with the need to preserve their special interests and the necessity of recognizing educated Han Chinese intellectuals as part of the ruling class, had to find a balance between policies that protected Manchu culture and policies that assimilated into Han culture. Qianlong considered this extremely important, believing that the fate of the Qing Dynasty could hinge on it. For example, the Qing court mandated that all Han Chinese men shave their heads in the Manchu style as a sign of submission, while simultaneously continuing to maintain the proven civil service examination system for selecting officials and actively adhering to the familiar Confucian curriculum. Furthermore, Han Chinese recruited through the examination system occupied the lower and middle echelons of the bureaucracy, while the highest decision-making power rested with the Manchu conqueror elite.

<Taepyeongseongsi-do> and the Northern Learning School

Looking at the <Taepyeongseongsi-do>, currently exhibited at the National Museum of Korea, we can see that commercial spaces, i.e., various shops and the merchants and customers working there, are given the most prominence. These commercial activities range from formal shop operations on the first or second floor to small-scale businesses conducted from stalls or street vendors. Generally, the commercial activities appear to be expanding, with goods displayed in front of shops overflowing and flat roofs installed beyond the eaves to create stalls or display merchandise underneath. Furthermore, a large number of figures, including shopkeepers and passersby, are depicted, and a plentiful amount of goods are rendered, vividly and dynamically portraying the bustling and crowded market atmosphere.

It can be inferred that Western painting techniques such as (linear) perspective, vivid depiction (Verisimilitude, life-like), and chiaroscuro were transmitted to Joseon envoy missions visiting Qing China through Suzhou's trade and missionaries. In 18th-century Korean painting, we can observe the emergence of realistic depictions (Verisimilitude, life-like) based on new observations not seen before, as well as elements of spatial representation and depth (perspective). Consequently, it is plausible that many Joseon painters either directly observed Western paintings imported from China and unconsciously absorbed their influence, or had acquired some information (trends) about the characteristics of Western painting expressed in the writings of contemporary literati (especially Silhak scholars). The fragmented knowledge of Western painting techniques indirectly introduced through Suzhou, China, and the actual influx of Western paintings can be considered a distinct new trend and a contemporary phenomenon in Joseon at the time.

Looking at the <Taepyeongseongsi-do> in this way, we can imagine a commercially prosperous Joseon Dynasty. However, this image may not easily align with the commonly perceived image of Joseon, particularly its yangban (ruling elite), who displayed unwavering loyalty to the Ming Dynasty under the strong ideological justification of Ming as a Confucian utopia. These elites, recognizing and taking pride in Joseon's status as a tributary state of the Ming Dynasty, the center of Confucian culture, were influenced by Ming Confucian culture and tended to interpret and disdain commerce as its antithesis. This connects to the 18th-century Bukbeollon (Northern Expedition theory), where Joseon's animosity towards the Qing (Manchus) can be understood based on the horrors experienced during the two Manchu invasions and the heavy tribute demands that followed. Furthermore, Joseon's yangban traditionally disdained the Manchus, whom they considered culturally less developed, and consequently came to despise the Manchus and the Qing Dynasty as destroyers of Ming's great Confucian culture. Considering the political situation in Joseon throughout the 17th and early 18th centuries, the ruling political circles, particularly the Noron faction, were in power. Their political ideology can be seen as aligning with Song Si-yeol, a representative figure whose beliefs on Confucian interpretation could be described as somewhat fanatical.

However, not all yangban held only the ideology expressed by the Northern Expedition policy. As the painting <Taepyeongseongsi-do> demonstrates, commercial elements existed throughout Joseon society, and this can be traced as a link to the Northern Learning School (Bukhakpa). The Northern Learning School refers to a group of Silhak scholars in the late Joseon Dynasty who recognized the superiority of Qing Dynasty civilization and advocated for learning from it. They can also be described as those who advocated for practical benefits (Qing Dynasty, commerce) over nominalism (Ming Dynasty, ideology). Scholars belonging to this Northern Learning School generally valued commerce and emphasized foreign trade. However, there were slight differences among scholars within the Northern Learning School, stemming from their perceptions of commerce. While scholars who adhered to Neo-Confucianism (Jujak) and even some Silhak scholars tended to emphasize agriculture and disdain commerce, Park Je-ga, in particular, emphasized the importance of commerce. He first accompanied the envoy Sa-eunsa, Chae Je-gong, to Yeon-haeng (Beijing) in 1778 (the 2nd year of King Jeongjo's reign), and his attitude towards commerce is evident in his writings, 'Bukhak Ui,' based on his experiences and observations upon his return.

The Chinese people are wise to engage in trade when they are poor.

There, even as a merchant, their elegance and reputation are properly

recognized. For this reason, Confucian scholars frequent markets, or

even high officials personally visit the Yongboksa market to purchase antiques. I have personally witnessed high-ranking officials visiting the market to buy goods.

I have personally witnessed high-ranking officials visiting the market to buy goods.

In our country, people of such status would be ridiculed for frequenting markets. However, this is not the case. The current customs of the Qing Dynasty

are not a recent development. They have been passed down since the Ming and Song dynasties.

What about us? We know only superficialities and are too often looking back.

The scholar-officials are idle and do nothing but

live off others.

If a scholar-official is poor and farms in the fields, no one acknowledges him,

and if he wears short trousers and a bamboo hat and sells goods in the market,

or works for others with a ruler and inkstone, or a knife and chisel,

people feel ashamed for him and ridicule him, to the point where they even sever marriage ties. Therefore, even if a person has no money at home,

he struts around in a tall hat and wide-sleeved robe,

and speaks loudly.

Then where do their clothes and food come from?

They have no choice but to rely on power. This opens the way for seeking favors and fosters the habit of soliciting, so even the merchants in the market

would consider what they eat as dirty. Therefore, they are clearly inferior to the Chinese people in their business practices. (p. 106)

In this passage, Park Je-ga expresses a positive attitude towards trade (commerce) and portrays the Joseon scholar-officials as incompetent beings who only care about appearances and do nothing but idly live off others. He lamented that in the late Joseon period, as people's livelihoods became increasingly impoverished and the use of wealth became increasingly scarce, the scholar-officials, or yangban, stood by with folded arms, unwilling to help, and content to live comfortably by relying on the past, questioning if they were ignorant of this reality. This trend can also be found in Yeonan Park Ji-won's work, 'Yeolha Ilgi,' another member of the Northern Learning School.

would consider what they eat as dirty. Therefore, they are clearly inferior to the Chinese people in their business practices. (p. 106)

In this passage, Park Je-ga expresses a positive attitude towards trade (commerce) and portrays the Joseon scholar-officials as incompetent beings who only care about appearances and do nothing but idly live off others. He lamented that in the late Joseon period, as people's livelihoods became increasingly impoverished and the use of wealth became increasingly scarce, the scholar-officials, or yangban, stood by with folded arms, unwilling to help, and content to live comfortably by relying on the past, questioning if they were ignorant of this reality. This trend can also be found in Yeonan Park Ji-won's work, 'Yeolha Ilgi,' another member of the Northern Learning School.

However, our scholars only know of present-day Pyongyang and therefore

believe it when they say that Gija established his capital in Pyongyang, and believe

that there were Jeongjeon (well-field system) in Pyongyang, and believe

that there is a tomb of Gija in Pyongyang. If someone were to say that the Phoenix City was Pyongyang,

they would be greatly surprised. Furthermore, if there was another Pyongyang in Liaodong,

they would call it absurd and criticize it. Even though they unified the Three Kingdoms internally,

their territory and military strength never matched that of the Gao family's powerful state. Yet, the petty scholars of later generations

vainly yearn for the old name of Pyongyang and only

consider the Chinese

perspective.

Relying solely on historical records, they excitedly recount the old sites of the Sui and Tang dynasties,

saying, “This is the Pae River, and this is Pyongyang.”

However, this is already impossibly far from the truth. How can we distinguish whether this city

is Ansi Fortress or Phoenix Fortress?

(From Dogangrok, June 28, Eulhae Day)

“Our country’s past scholars were born in a corner of the world and died of illness without ever leaving,

flitting about like fireflies and drying up like mushrooms. It is indeed a glorious and fortunate thing to be included in the books of a great nation with mere insignificant poems, but it is unfortunate that there are those like Mo Sui who fell into a well, and Duke Jin who astonished the assembly.

It seems to be too much.

(From Taehak Yugwanrok, Autumn, August 9, Eulmyo Day)

These two passages sharply point out the foolishness and narrow-mindedness of Joseon scholars, that is, the yangban class. It is said that the yangban, being born in one corner of the world, were inherently inclined to be biased. We can infer their negative perspective, which likens them to frogs in a well or tailorbirds nesting on a single branch, as they never set foot on Chinese soil, never saw Chinese people, and had no opportunity to leave the territory of this country (Joseon) from birth until old age and death.

Furthermore, the term 'Bukhak' (Northern Learning) in Park Ji-won's work 'Bukhak Ui' or the term 'Bukhakpa' (Northern Learning School) originates from Mencius and implies a humble approach to learning from China, considered a civilized nation at the time. As indicated by the aforementioned 'Bukbeolron' (Northern Expedition Theory), the prevailing sentiment of the era would have considered Park Ji-won's assertion that Qing China was an advanced nation as revolutionary, even extreme. This is because, although Joseon maintained a tributary relationship with Qing China due to political foreign policy, the dominant sentiment after the Byeongja Horan (Qing invasion of Joseon) was contempt for the Qing. However, Park Ji-won, by challenging this prevailing sentiment and risking persecution, vehemently argued that Northern Learning was the only path to saving the nation and alleviating poverty. This is even more understandable when considering his background as a 'seoeol' (child of a concubine), a class often discriminated against, which blocked his path to officialdom.

These two keenly point out the foolishness and narrow-mindedness of our scholars, that is, the yangban class. It is said that the yangban, being beings born in a corner of the world, were innately endowed with a biased disposition. They are compared to frogs in a well or to a wren that builds its nest on a single branch, never having set foot in China, never having seen a Chinese person, and having no opportunity to leave the territory of this country (Joseon) from birth until death. We can read their negative perspective in this analogy.

He argues that although the Chinese people of his time had the barbarian custom of shaving their heads and wearing their robes with the left side over the right, the land they occupied was, in fact, the land of the Han, Tang, Song, and Ming dynasties, inheriting the laws and customs of those eras. Furthermore, it is noteworthy that he develops the justification for Northern Learning alongside the Northern Expedition Theory. He argues that to achieve the Northern Expedition, Joseon must first strengthen its power through Northern Learning and the pursuit of practical benefits. Ultimately, what he wishes to convey is that for laws and systems to be truly good and effective, and for the nation to become prosperous and strong, it is necessary to learn from even barbarians if they possess valuable knowledge, which ultimately serves to strengthen Joseon's national power.

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The Zhou dynasty is the Zhou dynasty, and the Yi Di (barbarians) are the Yi Di. Fundamentally,

there was a distinction between the Zhou and the Yi Di. I have never heard that because the Yi Di disturbed Huaxia,

the ancient Zhou dynasty was also rejected.

• • • Although the Qing dynasty has ruled the world for over a hundred years, its territory is the land where the children and rituals of the ancient Huaxia (China) people originated, and the palaces, residences, methods of reverence, and the clans of officials like the Che, Nu, Wang, and Sa remain intact. It is not right to dismiss all of them as Yi Di and discard their laws along with them. If a law truly benefits the people, even if it originates from the Yi Di, a sage would adopt it. How much more so if it is from the original Chinese laws. When one says that the current Chinese laws are worth learning, many people rise up and ridicule it. Even a common man, when seeking revenge, would think of taking the sharp sword from his enemy. Yet, now, as a nation with a thousand chariots aiming to spread righteousness throughout the world, we do not learn a single Chinese law and do not associate with a single Chinese scholar. Instead, we have only troubled our people. However, there were no achievements, and we fell into poverty and starvation, thus stopping ourselves. We abandon benefits a hundredfold and do not practice them. I fear that we will not have the leisure to repel the barbarians of China and will not even be able to change the barbarian customs of our own Eastern country.

Therefore, if we wish to repel the barbarians now, we must know who the barbarians are, and if we are to revere China, it is even more reverent to implement all the laws they have left behind. To avenge the Ming dynasty and wash away the shame, it will not be too late to discuss it together after diligently studying China for over twenty years. (p. 284) 2. Qing's <Namdo Beonhoedo> and Joseon's <Taepyeongseongsi-do>: 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

Similarly, Yeonam Park Ji-won, like Park Ji-ga, argues that even if the laws and systems of the Qing dynasty originated from barbarians, they should be emulated if they benefit the people and strengthen the nation. Moreover, he emphasizes the need to learn from the Qing's culture and systems, which he considers to be the established and proper practices of the sage kings of the Three Dynasties (Xia, Shang, Zhou) and the historical states.

Therefore, if we wish to repel the barbarians now, we must know who the barbarians are, and if we are to revere China, it is even more reverent to implement all the laws they have left behind. To avenge the Ming dynasty and wash away the shame, it will not be too late to discuss it together after diligently studying China for over twenty years. (p. 284) 2. Qing's <Namdo Beonhoedo> and Joseon's <Taepyeongseongsi-do>: 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

• •

This is a notable point in his argument.

“In our country, even if families are poor, they love to study, and in winter,

the tips of the noses of numerous brothers are always dripping with icicles.

I wish to learn this law and lessen the hardship of the three winter months.” (Dogangrok

Mid-July, Shinmyo Day)

In general, those who work for the world should pursue what is beneficial to the people

and helpful to the nation. Even if the law originates from barbarians,

one should adopt and emulate it. How much more so if it is from the

ancient traditions of the sage kings and enlightened rulers after the Three Dynasties, and the states of Han, Tang, Song, and Ming.

When the sage compiled the Spring and Autumn Annals, he certainly elevated Huaxia and repelled the barbarians, but I have not heard that he rejected the worthy aspects of Huaxia out of anger at the Yi Di disturbing Huaxia.

Therefore, if people today truly wish to repel the Yi Di, they must learn all the laws left by Huaxia and first open up our country's rudimentary culture. From farming, sericulture, pottery making, and bellows operation to industry and commerce, there is nothing that should not be learned.

If others achieve ten, we should achieve a hundred and first benefit our people,

and then provide them with the means to whip their strong armor and sharp weapons.

Only then can we say that there are no great ministers in China. (From Ilsin Supil, July 15, Shinmyo Day)

Therefore, if people today truly wish to repel the Yi Di, they must learn all the laws left by Huaxia and first open up our country's rudimentary culture. From farming, sericulture, pottery making, and bellows operation to industry and commerce, there is nothing that should not be learned.

If others achieve ten, we should achieve a hundred and first benefit our people,

and then provide them with the means to whip their strong armor and sharp weapons.

Only then can we say that there are no great ministers in China. (From Ilsin Supil, July 15, Shinmyo Day)

Only then can we say that there are no great ministers in China. (From Ilsin Supil, July 15, Shinmyo Day)

Furthermore, Park Ji-won, through his story 'Heo Saeng Jeon,' fiercely exposes the fallacy of the Northern Expedition theory while simultaneously revealing the logic of Northern Learning for the purpose of Northern Expedition, similar to Park Ji-ga.

Heo Saeng said, “This is difficult, and that is impossible. What can you do then? There is one very easy thing; can you do it?” Yi Gong replied, “I wish to hear it.”

Heo Saeng said, “If one wishes to proclaim great righteousness throughout the world, first, one must associate with and win over the heroes of the world. If one intends to attack another country, it is impossible without first using spies. Now, the Manchus (Qing) have suddenly taken over the world, and they probably think they are not yet close to the Chinese people.

Can you do it? The easiest thing is for you to do.

Heon-saeng said, 'I wish to hear it.'

Heon-saeng said, 'Generally, if one wishes to proclaim a great cause throughout the world, first,

one must make friends with the heroes of the world, and if one wishes to conquer another country,

it is impossible to achieve without first using spies. Now, Manchuria (Manchu Qing) has suddenly taken charge of the world,

and is it not the case that they still consider themselves not yet close to the Chinese people?

At that time, Joseon surrendered before other countries, so are we not in a position where they can trust us the most?

Now, if we ask them to send our children to your esteemed country

If we surrender, are there not the most trustworthy circumstances for them to believe us?

Now, we should request that they allow our children to be sent to your country to study and pursue official careers, following the example of the past Tang and Yuan dynasties. 2. "Namdo Beonhoe-do" of Qing and "Taepyeongseongsi-do" of Joseon: 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

We should also request that they not prohibit merchants from entering and exiting, just as in the past Tang and Yuan dynasties.

If we ask them not to prohibit merchants from entering and exiting, they will surely consider our kindness favorably and welcome us.

At that time, we should select suitable individuals from within the country, have them shave their heads and wear the clothes of the "Doenom" (a derogatory term for Manchus).

The educated class should go and take the Bingongke examination (a special examination for foreign students), and the common people should infiltrate far into Jiangnan to engage in trade.

The educated class should go and take the Bingongke examination (a special examination for foreign students), and the common people should infiltrate far into Jiangnan to engage in trade.

The educated class should go and take the Bingongke examination (a special examination for foreign students), and the common people should infiltrate far into Jiangnan to engage in trade.

Peering into all their realities and falsehoods, and their heroes,

once concluded, one could then plan for the affairs of the world and the national humiliation

be washed away. Then, if one were to establish a king, and the Zhu clan

were sought but did not come forward, one would lead the feudal lords of the world

If people were recommended to heaven, our nation, if successful, would become the teacher of a great power,

and if not, it would at least be stable like the country of the maternal uncle.

he said.

Yi Gong said with a dejected look, "Nowadays, all the scholar-officials meticulously

observe the rites and rituals, so who would dare to shave their heads

and wear the clothes of the barbarians?"

Heo Saeng raised his voice, "You scoundrel, what kind of people are these so-called scholar-officials?

Born in the land of Yi and Mo, they arrogantly boast of being scholar-officials, how is this not presumptuous?

Their trousers and jackets are all white, which is truly the attire of mourners.

Their hair is tied up in a topknot, like a gimlet, which is merely the hairstyle of the Southern barbarians.

What is there to boast about regarding rites and rituals?

In the past, Fan Yuqi did not hesitate to lose his head to avenge a personal grievance, and King Wuling did not feel ashamed to wear the Hu attire to strengthen his country.

Yet now, you are willing to avenge the enemies for the Great Ming, but you still cherish

that mere topknot? Furthermore, in the future,

you will have to engage in horse riding, sword fighting, spear thrusting, archery, and stone throwing,

but you do not alter your wide sleeves, claiming it is etiquette. What kind of etiquette is this?

I have taught you three stratagems in my life, yet you have not accomplished even one.

You consider yourself a trusted minister, but is this truly what a trusted minister is like?

Such a person should be executed!" Saying this, he looked around for a sword to stab him.

(Ok-gap Ya-hwa)

...

In "Uisan Mundap," a work on natural philosophy and scientific thought by Hong Dae-yong, another Silhak scholar of the late Joseon Dynasty, we can glimpse the view of China held by scholars of the Bukhak (Northern Learning) school, who emphasized practical utility and the departure from the Sinocentric worldview centered on China (Ming Dynasty).

Therefore, the benevolence and governance of the ancients were always based on learning from things. The rites between ruler and minister are derived from bees,

The methods of military formations are derived from ants, the regulations of etiquette are derived from the jerboa, and the design of nets

are derived from spiders. Hence, it is said that the sage learns from all things. Why do you now view things with human eyes,

rather than with the eyes of heaven? 2. Qing's "Namdo Beonhoedo" and Joseon's "Taepyeongseongdo": 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

Thus, the ancients, in their benevolence towards the people and their governance of the world, always drew upon the material world for their methods. The relationship between ruler and minister was modeled after bees,

military formations after ants, etiquette after the jerboa, and the construction of nets

after spiders. Therefore, it is said that the sage learns from all things. Why do you now view things with human eyes,

rather than with the eyes of heaven? (p. 38)

You speak of principle and discuss human nature, often invoking heaven,

but if we consider what heaven has ordained, then tigers and humans are both animals.

If we consider the benevolence with which heaven and earth give birth to and nurture all things,

then tigers, locusts, silkworms, bees, ants, and humans are all nurtured together and cannot oppose each other.

Furthermore, if we consider good and evil, then the brazen robbers who plunder and steal from the nests of bees and ants are the great thieves of the world.

And those who indiscriminately seize and steal the lives of locusts and silkworms are the great enemies of benevolence and righteousness.

Reading this text, it seems that many of the words are contrary to reason and align with the ideas of Quie and Daozhi.

However, how can all the aspiring scholars in the world forget China for even a single day?

The Qing dynasty has only been the ruler of the world for four generations, yet they are all accomplished in both civil and military affairs, have enjoyed long lives, and the world has been peaceful for a hundred years of prosperity. This was not seen even in the Han and Tang dynasties.

Given this foundation of peace and all constructive endeavors, could this not also be the mandate of heaven appointed by the celestial emperor?

Now I dare to ask, "If Heaven expresses its will through all actions and facts, then the modification of Chinese ways by barbarian customs is a great insult to the world, so how great must be the resentment of the people? And since fragrant and foul-smelling offerings are each according to their cultivated virtue, which of the hundred gods will respond to which scent? In short, from a human perspective, the distinction between the Middle Kingdom and the barbarians is clear, but from the perspective of Heaven, the red caps of the Qing people should not be doubted, just as the jade pendants of Yin and the ceremonial crowns of Zhou also changed with the times. (From Guan Nei Jeong Sa, "Ho-jil")

I laughed heartily at this and said,

"The principles you speak of are only applicable to creatures like cows, horses, chickens, and dogs.

If Heaven gave them to chew things, then elephants, with their useless tusks, would have their teeth get stuck in the ground when trying to lower their mouths, hindering their ability to chew. This is even a hindrance to chewing.

Generally, even with elephants, which are visible, there is something incomprehensible about their principles. How much more so with the myriad affairs of the world, which are infinitely more complex than elephants? 2. Qing's "Namdo Beonhoedo" and Joseon's "Taepyeongseongdo": 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

Therefore, when the sage created the "Book of Changes," he used the character for elephant (象) to

represent it, based on observing the form of the elephant and the principles of change in all things.

The meaning is the same. However, how could all the righteous scholars in the world forget China?

Now, it has only been four generations since the Qing (淸) became the master of the world.

They were all accomplished in both civil and military arts and enjoyed long lives, and for a hundred years, they sang of peace and prosperity, bringing tranquility to the entire realm. This was an unprecedented achievement, unseen even during the Han (漢) and Tang (唐) dynasties. Considering the foundation laid in such peace and all constructive endeavors, could this not also be the destiny ordained by Heaven (命吏, referring to the emperor)?

Now, I dare to ask, "When Heaven expresses its will through all actions and facts, the imposition of barbarian customs to alter Chinese ways is a grave insult to the world. How profound must be the grievances of the people? The fragrant and the foul offerings are each distinct according to the virtue cultivated. Which scent will the hundred deities perceive? In essence, while the distinction between the civilized and the barbarian may be clear from a human perspective, from Heaven's view, the crowns of the Yin (殷) and the ceremonial hats of the Zhou (周) each changed with the times. Why then should we solely suspect the red hats of the Qing people? (From Guan Nei Jeong Sa, Ho Jil)"

I heard this and laughed heartily, saying,

"The logic you speak of applies only to creatures like cows, horses, chickens, and dogs. If Heaven gave them to be used for chewing, why would it give elephants tusks that are useless, causing them to stumble when trying to reach the ground with their mouths? Their tusks even hinder their ability to chew." Generally, elephants are visible beings, yet there is such incomprehensibility in their logic. How much more complex are the myriad affairs of the world, which are ten thousand times more intricate than elephants? 2. Qing's <Namdo Beonhoe-do> and Joseon's <Taepyeong Seongsi-do>: 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

Therefore, when the sage composed the I Ching (Book of Changes), he used the character for elephant (象) to represent the form.

This was to observe the form of the elephant and understand the principles of change in all things.

This was to observe the form of the elephant and understand the principles of change in all things.

It is intended to foster research. (From Sanjangjabgi, Sanggi)

In Confucianism, it is taught that humans are the most precious among all things in heaven and earth. However, when viewing all things from a human perspective, humans are precious and all things are insignificant. Conversely, when viewing humans from the perspective of all things, all things are precious and humans are insignificant. Yet, taking a step further, from the perspective of heaven, humans, animals, plants, and natural objects are all the same. From this principle, Yeonam's 'Hojil' criticizes the logic of the Northern Expedition theory while simultaneously offering a critique of human-centered civilization theory from a more fundamental viewpoint. Similarly, 'Sanggi' from Sanjangjabgi criticizes the rigid Zhu Xi-ism's thought system that views heaven as a personal creator and interprets everything in terms of utility, advocating instead for an open way of thinking to explore the infinite changes of all things. Consequently, the dismantling of this human-centered civilization theory leads to the dismantling of the Sinocentric world order.

Conclusion

The Qing Dynasty depicted in <Namdo Beonhoeddo> reached its zenith in the 18th century under the rule of Qianlong, experiencing vast territorial expansion and population growth. It governed its diverse territories and ethnic groups through its unique Qing ruling methods. While borrowing the basic framework for governing China from the preceding Ming Dynasty, it also employed Manchu-specific ruling methods. The Qing faced a dilemma between the need to preserve their special interests as a conquering elite and the necessity of recognizing the educated Han Chinese literati as part of the ruling class. They sought a balance between policies that protected Manchu culture and policies that assimilated into Han culture.

During the same period, Joseon was examined through <Taepyeongseongshido>. This painting allows us to visualize the commercially prosperous Joseon of the time. Politically, Joseon was in a state of intense confrontation between the Northern Expedition theory and the Northern Learning school. We can observe the conflict between the Northern Expedition theory, which advocated for upholding Confucian righteousness towards the Ming Dynasty, the predecessor to the Qing, and the Northern Learning scholars, who argued for acknowledging and learning from the advanced civilization of the Qing (Manchus). This article examines the thought of the Northern Learning scholars, focusing on Park Je-ga's Bukhakui, Hong Dae-yong's Uisanmundap, and Park Ji-won's Yeolha Ilgi. They commonly reject the existing Sinocentric view centered on the Ming Dynasty. Hong Dae-yong and Park Ji-won, who were from Yangban families, reject the human-centered ideology within Confucianism. Park Je-ga and Park Ji-won, who were of the Seoeol class (children of concubines), acknowledge the Qing Dynasty as an advanced nation and adopt an attitude of learning from it for Joseon's future. They also somewhat sharply point out the contradictions in the behavior of the existing Yangban class and their advocacy for the Northern Expedition theory. Central to this were aspects of practical benefit related to commerce. 2. Qing's <Namdo Beonhoeddo> and Joseon's <Taepyeongseongshido>: 18th Century Joseon's View of China_National Museum of China

Consequently, the coexistence of Han (Ming) and Manchu (Qing) elements in the Qing ruling system and the confrontation between the Northern Expedition theory (Ming) and the Northern Learning school (Qing) in Joseon reveal a similar state of intermingling of Ming and Qing elements in different spaces during the same period. The examination of the transmission of civilization standards based on the element of 'commerce,' starting from the Qing's <Namdo Beonhoeddo> and leading to Joseon's <Taepyeongseongshido>, provides a rudimentary understanding of the parallel trends in international politics between China, the center of East Asian international politics in the 18th century, and Korea, a small neighboring country, by examining the transmission of European aesthetic styles through Suzhou.

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