17th Century Qing-Joseon Relations and the Tragedy of Princess Uisun

Forbidden City · In Se-won · George Washington University

Introduction

Behind the splendor of the Forbidden City, the largest existing palace complex, lay the joys and sorrows of countless human lives. Joseon women were no exception. From the Goryeo Dynasty, numerous women were sent to China under the title of 'Gongnyeo' (tribute women), a practice that continued into the Joseon Dynasty. However, Princess Uisun's case is the only instance of a Joseon princess being sent to the Qing Dynasty, and her journey to and from China is inherently tragic. Princess Uisun, a daughter of the royal clan, was married to Dorgon, the regent of the Qing Dynasty, solely for the purpose of being sent to China, amidst widespread anti-Qing sentiment throughout Joseon following the Manchu invasion of 1636. Shortly thereafter, Dorgon died and was posthumously branded a traitor. After her second husband also died, she returned to Joseon, only to be met with resistance from officials who protested that her return was not sanctioned by the court. A few years later, Princess Uisun died at the young age of 28.

Princess Uisun's tumultuous life has served as a motif for characters in dramas and novels and has been examined from various perspectives in academia. As early as the 1960s, Choi So-ja analyzed in detail the process and procedures of the proposed marriage between Princess Uisun and Regent Dorgon ("A Study on Sino-Joseon Intermarriage - Regarding Princess Uisun -"). (Choi So-ja 1968, 17-30) Later, Kim Sun-hye focused on the implications of the marriage between Qing and Joseon, explaining Dorgon's marriage policy as a diplomatic strategy during a transitional period before the establishment of the Qing tributary system, which was primarily based on tribute and military objectives. (Kim Sun-hye 2014, 231-265) Meanwhile, Lee Jong-muk described Princess Uisun as an 'unfortunate woman' in "Palace Songs of Women Sent to the Imperial Court," lamenting her fate. (Lee Jong-muk 2011, 197-230) A more recent study that points to the othering of Princess Uisun is Jeong Hae-eun's "The Scars of the Manchu Invasion and the Birth of 'Princess Uisun,'" which attempts to focus on the voice of 'Lee Ae-suk' as an individual while tracing the background of her being sent to Qing as a fake princess, her return, and later perceptions. (Jeong Hae-eun 2020, 57-87) Despite the various studies based on limited historical records concerning Princess Uisun, they have all been limited to analyzing the unilateral and fragmented political situations or interests of Qing or Joseon.

Qing-Joseon relations during the reign of King Hyojong represent a crucial cornerstone for understanding subsequent relations, as the two countries were establishing their ties in the aftermath of the Manchu invasion. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze Qing-Joseon relations within the East Asian international order from an international relations perspective, considering the situations of both Qing and Joseon, and to organically examine how these historical circumstances influenced Princess Uisun's dispatch to the Forbidden City and her subsequent return. Furthermore, it seeks to not neglect the study of how these relations were reflected in Princess Uisun's personal life, as her story is not only an embodiment of the era and international relations but also a personal tragedy sacrificed to these historical currents.

Qing's Complex Foreign Policy and its Application to Joseon

The Qing Dynasty's demands, which irrevocably altered an individual's life, were underpinned by the complex interests of international politics at the time. This section will first examine Qing's situation and foreign relations from a macro perspective and then review how these foreign policies were applied to Joseon.

While there are various debates and theories regarding the interpretation of China's world order, this paper adopts the analytical framework proposed by Ha Young-sun, which views the Chinese world order as complex, based on four principles: 'Yechi' (rule by virtue/ritual), 'Hoeyu' (appeasement), 'Gimi' (indirect rule), and 'Jeongbeol' (military conquest). The relationship between China and its neighboring countries can be understood through the complex interplay of these four principles. For instance, 'Yechi' is a relationship based on maintaining the established order of tributary relations. 'Hoeyu' is a diplomatic approach similar to modern flexible diplomacy, less based on formal principles than 'Yechi' but more non-coercive than 'Gimi.' 'Gimi' is a form of indirect rule that does not involve military conquest but also does not engage in diplomatic reconciliation, while 'Jeongbeol' is a more coercive form of rule based on military power. (Ha Young-sun 2019, 342-348) In the relationship between Korea and China, the complexity of these four principles was particularly evident in the relationship between the Qing Dynasty and Joseon. For a relatively long period before the Qing replaced the Ming Dynasty, China and Korea maintained a stable relationship based on 'Yechi.' However, this relationship faced a rupture with the establishment of the Qing Dynasty, ruled by the Manchu, a conquering people.

Immediately following the Joseon's surrender in the Manchu invasion of 1636, which ended with the humiliation at Samjeondo, the 'Treaty of Jeongmyo' stipulated that Joseon must sever its relationship with the Ming Dynasty and implement the same tributary rituals towards the Qing as it had towards the Ming. Emperor Hong Taiji of Qing pressured Joseon with coercive policies, demanding not only vast tribute but also taking the Crown Prince and royal princes, as well as the children of high officials, as hostages. However, after the Qing army entered Beijing in 1644 and the capital was moved to Beijing, the Qing, having achieved a 'great undertaking,' began to ease its coercive policies towards Joseon. (Hong Sung-gu 2017, 158) For example, during the Shunzhi reign, there were reductions in tribute payments four times: in 1645, 1647, 1651, and 1655, with further reductions later, bringing the final tribute amount to one-third of that stipulated in the Treaty of Jeongmyo in 1637. Additionally, during the Shunzhi reign, measures were taken to simplify the procedures, rituals, and expenses for Qing envoys visiting Joseon, and the amount of gifts provided to envoys was limited to reduce the burden. (Hong Sung-gu 2017, 160) This can be seen as part of the Qing Empire's efforts to stabilize relations with its neighboring countries. In other words, Qing's policy towards Joseon shifted from coercive conquest to a form that outwardly resembled 'Yechi' but was characterized by indirect rule with an element of 'pressure,' demonstrating the complex interplay of the four principles.

Although Joseon was no longer a target of unilateral conquest, the Qing did not cease its suspicion and pressure towards Joseon. The Qing's perception of Joseon during this period can be confirmed through the entries in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty during King Hyojong's reign. For instance, Qing envoys questioned through official dispatches whether Joseon's repairs of its castles, mobilization of troops, and maintenance of weaponry were not aimed at provoking issues with Qing, rather than being for defense against Japan. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 5, August 27, Year 1 of Hyojong) Furthermore, Qing continuously raised issues concerning Joseon's sincerity, such as criticizing Joseon for offering rice instead of cotton cloth due to a poor cotton harvest, and for refusing Qing's request to trade local products, accusing Joseon of lacking sincerity and trust. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 3, February 8, Year 1 of Hyojong) Although coercive policies were gradually eased, after the Manchu invasion, Qing remained vigilant in monitoring and surveilling Joseon for a considerable period, closely watching its movements with the belief that Joseon might change its allegiance. In this context, Dorgon's desire for a marital alliance with Joseon can be seen as one of the strategies to bind Joseon.

Meanwhile, when the Qing regent Dorgon decided to seek a bride from Joseon, he conveyed his intention to marry through the envoy Na Eop (羅嶪), who visited Beijing. Fearing that Na Eop might leak the information prematurely, Dorgon did not send him until he was near Seoul, accompanying the Qing envoy. This measure was taken with Joseon's staunch anti-Qing faction in mind. According to what Na Eop conveyed to King Hyojong at the time, the regent stated:

“… The Ninth Prince (九王) has lost his husband (夫之) [The title 'Bu-ji' (夫之) is the title of Go-guk-si (古國氏).]

and wishes to marry the King. We all know how many daughters the King has and their ages. If the marriage is concluded, none of the ministers will dare to disregard it, and the Great State will fully trust us. However, the King will surely not act unilaterally and will consult with his ministers, who will inevitably say, 'How can we marry them?' Therefore, I wish to keep them unaware of this matter beforehand…” (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 3, March 5, Year 1 of Hyojong)

This indicates that Qing anticipated opposition from Joseon officials to the marriage alliance and was aware of the prevailing negative sentiment towards Qing in Joseon. The change in the regent's attitude after Princess Uisun was sent to Qing further demonstrates that Qing's demand for marriage was part of its pressure policy. For instance, shortly after Princess Uisun was sent to Qing, the regent, through a Qing envoy, expressed regret for not being able to personally receive Princess Uisun, sending 600 bolts of 'chejae' (紵綵), 500 taels of red gold, and 10,000 taels of silver, stating, "I fear that Your Majesty might think I look down upon you. Therefore, I am specifically conveying my intentions, and I hope Your Majesty will understand." (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 4, May 12, Year 1 of Hyojong) While this could be considered a formal courtesy, it outwardly presented Qing's adherence to 'Ye' (propriety).

However, the regent soon changed his attitude, criticizing the Joseon envoys by stating that the princess was not beautiful and her maids were also unattractive, implying that Joseon had selected them insincerely. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 5, August 27, Year 1 of Hyojong) If Princess Uisun had known that the regent was criticizing her appearance after being sent to a foreign country through an unwanted marriage, her suffering would be unimaginable. Even from a state-to-state perspective, criticizing the appearance of a woman holding the status of a Joseon princess and deeming it insincere is an act far removed from 'Ye' (propriety). This sudden abandonment of propriety suggests that Qing's intention was not to establish a relationship with Joseon based on 'Yechi' through marriage, but rather to add another means of pressure during the process of establishing a new relationship after the Manchu invasion. In other words, Qing knew that Joseon would not sincerely serve them based on the principles of tributary relations, and therefore demanded proof of sincerity through symbolic relationships like marriage. However, Dorgon died less than a year after marrying Princess Uisun, and as Qing's marriage policies were reorganized, marriage no longer served as a means for Qing to pressure Joseon.

Subsequent Qing marriage policies indicate that Dorgon's request for a Joseon princess was part of a transitional policy. For the Manchus, who conquered mainland China, the lineage of imperial women played a significant role in maintaining the ethnic identity of the Manchu people. Imperial women could be broadly classified into the emperor's consorts (empresses and concubines) and the daughters of the Aisin Gioro clan. After Emperor Kangxi, only women from the Eight Banners could become the emperor's consorts. (Walthall 2008, 137) These imperial marriage policies likely influenced Princess Uisun's return. When Yi Gae-yun went to Qing as an envoy and requested to see his daughter, the Qing Emperor Shizu sent the following imperial edict:

“The daughter of the subordinate official (陪臣) Geumrim-gun (錦林君) Yi Gae-yun (李愷胤) has been living as a widow, far separated from her parents and siblings, and I have long felt pity for her... Now, Gae-yun is here at court to offer tribute and requests to see his daughter. My long-held compassion for her has deepened. Therefore, I am specially sending Grand Tutor of the Crown Prince (太子太保) and Minister of State (議政大臣) Hashitun (哈什屯) to escort her back to her country to live with her relatives. Let the King be informed of this.”

There were likely two main reasons for Emperor Shizu of Qing readily granting Princess Uisun's return. First, it can be inferred that there was an intention to erase the traces of Dorgon. After Dorgon's death, Emperor Shizu (Emperor Shunzhi), who began his personal rule in 1651, posthumously condemned Dorgon as a traitor for plotting rebellion during his lifetime, had his body desecrated, and confiscated his titles, property, and family. According to Qing records at the time, Princess Uisun was sent to Nurhaci's grandson, Bolok, but Bolok also died in 1652. Consequently, the issue of how to treat Princess Uisun, who was nominally a Joseon princess yet the former wife of a traitor, would have been a burden for Emperor Shizu. (Jeong Hae-eun 2020, 77) Second, as mentioned earlier, imperial marriage policies prioritizing Manchu ethnic identity were established. Therefore, it can be inferred that during Emperor Shizu's reign, Qing no longer planned to form 'marital alliances' with Joseon. Princess Uisun's position, no longer serving as a card for diplomatic pressure, became increasingly ambiguous. In this situation, Yi Gae-yun, Princess Uisun's biological father, happened to be in Qing as an envoy and requested to see his daughter, leading Emperor Shizu to readily grant her return. Therefore, while Emperor Shizu may have felt human compassion for Princess Uisun, the decisive factor in allowing her return was undoubtedly pragmatic calculation.

Joseon's Anti-Qing Sentiment and Practical Limitations

As is well known, anti-Qing sentiment was dominant in Joseon after the Manchu invasion. Although lacking substance, the emergence of the Northern Expedition theory indicates that Joseon, caught between its ideals and reality, outwardly appeared to avoid provoking Qing while internally expressing its anti-Qing sentiments without reservation. Princess Uisun's case, in particular, starkly reveals the pervasive anti-Qing sentiment among both the populace and the ruling class, and Joseon's inability to resist despite this sentiment.

The anecdotes associated with the site of Jeongjudang in Geum-o-dong, built to commemorate Princess Uisun, and the Jokduri burial mound reflect the wounded sentiments of the populace after the Manchu invasion. The Jokduri burial mound is named after the legend that when Princess Uisun reached Jeongju in Pyeongan Province on her way to Qing, she thought it better to die than to be defiled by the 'beastly barbarians' and threw herself off a cliff. As her body could not be found, only her 'jokduri' (a traditional Korean headwear) was recovered, leading to the burial mound's name. Jeongjudang refers to the site where Princess Uisun's mother, in her longing for her daughter, would gaze towards the distant land of Jeongju, giving the place its name. 1

However, before long, the regent changed his attitude and reprimanded the Joseon envoys, claiming that the princess and her attendants were unattractive because Joseon had selected them unfaithfully (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 5, August 27, Year 1 of King Hyojong). If Princess Uisun had known that the regent not only sent her to a foreign country for an unwanted marriage but also criticized her appearance, her misery would be beyond comprehension. Even from a state-to-state perspective, criticizing the appearance of a woman of princely status and deeming it as infidelity is inherently an act far removed from propriety. This sudden abandonment of propriety suggests that the Qing dynasty did not intend to establish relations with Joseon through marriage as a matter of etiquette, but rather added another means of pressure in the process of constructing a new relationship after the Manchu-Qing invasion of Joseon. In other words, the Qing dynasty knew that Joseon would not serve them based on the etiquette of subservience, and therefore demanded that Joseon prove its sincerity through symbolic relationships like marriage. However, Dorgon died less than a year after marrying Princess Uisun, and as the Qing dynasty's marriage policies were reorganized, marriage no longer emerged as a means for the Qing to pressure Joseon.

Subsequent examination of the Qing dynasty's marriage policies reveals that Dorgon's request for a Joseon princess was part of a transitional policy. For the Manchu people, who had conquered mainland China, the lineage of imperial women played a role in maintaining the ethnic identity of the Manchu people. Imperial women could be broadly classified into the emperor's consorts, consisting of empresses and concubines, and the daughters of the Aisin Gioro clan. After Emperor Kangxi, the emperor's consorts could only be women from the Eight Banners (Walthall 2008, 137). These imperial marriage policies would have also influenced the process of Princess Uisun's return. When Yi Gae-yun went to the Qing dynasty as an envoy and requested to see his daughter, the Qing Emperor Shizu sent the following edict:

“The daughter of the subordinate official (Peishen) Yi Gae-yun of Jinlin Commandery (Jinlinjun) is living as a widow at home

and has been separated from her parents and siblings for a long time. I have long felt pity for her.

…Now, Gae-yun has come to court to offer tribute and requests to see his daughter. My long-held compassion for her has deepened. Therefore, I specially send Grand Tutor of the Crown Prince (Taizi Taibao) and Minister of State Council (Yizheng Da chen) Heshun (Hašibun) to escort her back to her country, where she may rely on her relatives for support. Let the King be informed accordingly.”

There were likely two main reasons why Emperor Shizu of Qing readily permitted Princess Uisun's return. First, it can be inferred that there was an intention to erase the traces of Dorgon. After Dorgon's death, Emperor Shizu (Emperor Shunzhi), who began his personal rule in 1651, posthumously condemned Dorgon as a traitor for plotting rebellion during his lifetime, had his body exhumed and displayed, and confiscated his titles, property, and family. According to Qing records from this period, Princess Uisun was sent to Nurhaci's grandson, Borlagi. However, Borlagi also died in 1652. Subsequently, the issue of how to treat Princess Uisun, who was Dorgon's former wife and yet nominally a Joseon princess, would have been a burden for Emperor Shizu. (Jeong Hae-eun 2020, 77) Second, as mentioned earlier, imperial marriage policies prioritizing Manchu ethnic identity were established. Therefore, it can be inferred that by the time of Emperor Shizu, the Qing dynasty no longer planned to form 'marriage alliances' with Joseon. Princess Uisun's position, no longer serving as a tool for diplomatic pressure, became even more ambiguous. In this context, when her biological father, Yi Gae-yun, coincidentally came as an envoy and requested to see the princess, Emperor Shizu readily granted her return. Thus, while Emperor Shizu may have felt human compassion for Princess Uisun, it can be confirmed that pragmatic calculations were the decisive factor in permitting her return. 1. 17th Century Qing-Joseon Relations and the Tragedy of Princess Uisun_The Forbidden City

He sent his minister Hashun to escort her back to her country, where she was to live by relying on her relatives. Let the king know this."

The Qing Emperor Shizu's ready permission for Princess Uisun's return to Joseon was likely influenced by two main factors. First, it can be inferred that there was an intention to erase the traces of Dorgon. After Dorgon's death, Emperor Shizu (the Shunzhi Emperor), who began ruling directly in 1651, condemned Dorgon as a traitor for plotting rebellion during his lifetime, had his corpse posthumously disgraced, and confiscated his titles, property, and family. According to Qing records from this period, Princess Uisun was sent to Nurhaci's grandson, Boluo, but Boluo also died in 1652. Consequently, the treatment of Princess Uisun, who was Dorgon's former wife and yet nominally a Joseon princess, would have been a burden for Emperor Shizu. (Jeong Hae-eun 2020, 77) Second, as mentioned earlier, the imperial family's marriage policy prioritizing Manchu ethnic identity had taken root. Therefore, it can be surmised that during Emperor Shizu's reign, Qing had no further plans to form a 'marital alliance' with Joseon. Princess Uisun's position, no longer able to serve as a tool for diplomatic pressure, became increasingly ambiguous. In this context, when her biological father, Yi Gae-yun, happened to arrive as an envoy and requested to see the princess, Emperor Shizu readily granted her return to Joseon. Therefore, although Emperor Shizu might have felt human pity for Princess Uisun, the decision to allow her return was primarily driven by pragmatic considerations, confirming the primacy of self-interest in the Korean-Qing relations of the 17th century and the tragedy of Princess Uisun.

Joseon's Anti-Qing Sentiment and Realistic Limitations

As is well known, anti-Qing sentiment was pervasive in Joseon after the Manchu invasion. The emergence of the Northern Expedition theory, although lacking substantive action, indicates that Joseon, while outwardly appearing not to provoke the Qing dynasty due to a discrepancy between its ideals and reality, internally expressed its anti-Qing sentiment without filtration. The case of Princess Uisun, in particular, exemplifies the widespread anti-Qing sentiment among both the populace and the ruling class, and Joseon's inability to resist despite it.

The anecdotes associated with the site of Jeongjudang and the Jokduri burial mound on Cheonbosan mountain in Geumoh-dong, built to commemorate Princess Uisun, vividly illustrate the wounded sentiments of the people after the Manchu invasion. The Jokduri burial mound is named after an incident where Princess Uisun, upon reaching Jeongju in Pyeongan Province on her way to the Qing dynasty, decided it was better to die than be defiled by the 'barbarians worse than beasts.' She stopped her palanquin and threw herself off a cliff. As her body could not be found, only her ornamental hairpin (jokduri) was recovered, leading to the burial mound being named Jokduri. Furthermore, the site of Jeongjudang was named after Princess Uisun's mother, who, from afar, gazed towards the land of Jeongju in the north, searching for her daughter, thus commemorating Princess Uisun's spirit. 1

As mentioned earlier, historical records differ from the legends surrounding the Jokduri burial mound and the Jeongjudang site. Princess Uisun arrived in Qing, married the regent, became a widow, returned to Joseon, and died at a young age. Nevertheless, these anecdotes persist, either because most people were unaware of Princess Uisun's return, and her journey and subsequent life were not widely disclosed, or because the populace, aware of the facts, chose not to pass them down to posterity. Regardless of the reason, both anecdotes reflect the sentiment of the populace at the time who wished to deny the fact that a Joseon princess had been married off to Qing. However, from Princess Uisun's perspective, this was tantamount to her existence being denied while she was alive. 'Princess Uisun' was created and erased as needed within the structural conflicts of Qing-Joseon relations.

While the populace found psychological compensation by denying the existence of Princess Uisun, who was married off to Qing, the Joseon ruling class outwardly appeared to comply with Qing's marriage demand and was compelled to seek a suitable woman to send to Qing. Joseon learned of Regent Dorgon's intention to marry through the envoy Na Eop. At this time, Na Eop reported to King Hyojong, "Regarding the marriage, I responded by saying, 'The current princess is 2 years old.' If the princess is too young, it is acceptable to select a suitable person from the royal clan.'" However, Na Eop's statement that the current princess was 2 years old was false. King Hyojong had six daughters and one son with Queen Inseon. In 1650, the eldest, Princess Suksin, had died early; Princess Suk-an was 15, Princess Suk-myung was 11, Princess Suk-hwi was 9, Princess Suk-jeong was 6, and the youngest, Princess Suk-gyeong, was 3 years old. (Jeong Hae-eun 2020, 68) Although Princess Suk-an was already married, Na Eop's claim that the current princess was 2 years old was clearly a lie. It is unlikely that Na Eop, as an envoy, would have acted unilaterally against the court's wishes and misrepresented the Joseon royal lineage. Therefore, it can be assumed that he responded improvisationally, aware of Joseon's widespread animosity towards Qing.

Joseon could not find a plausible excuse to refuse Dorgon's demand. Especially amidst ongoing Qing suspicion and criticism towards Joseon, the court decided to accept Dorgon's request for a marital alliance and began actively searching for a woman to send to Qing. The fact that the selection process, which could have been deceptive to Qing, was possible indicates that most officials did not hold pro-Qing sentiments. Consequently, when Geumrim-gun Yi Gae-yun volunteered to adopt his daughter as King Hyojong's adopted daughter, his daughter, Lee Ae-suk, became Princess Uisun, King Hyojong's adopted daughter, less than a month after Qing's demand. In return, her biological father, Yi Gae-yun, was granted the additional rank of Gadeok (嘉德) and generously rewarded with silk and grains. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 3, March 25, Year 1 of Hyojong) Shortly thereafter, Ae-suk's brothers, Lee Jun and Lee Su, were appointed to the positions of Jangneung Cham-bong and Jeonseolsa Byeol-geom, respectively. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 4, May 1, Year 1 of Hyojong) This was the price paid for marrying off a daughter to Qing, a fate no one desired at the time. Although he might appear as an inhumanely detached father, from King Hyojong's perspective, Yi Gae-yun was a loyal subject who enabled the king to achieve diplomatic gains by sending a distant relative's daughter. King Hyojong also hoped that this would soften Qing's attitude towards Joseon. (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 3, March 9, Year 1 of Hyojong)

The decision to send Princess Uisun was a pursuit of practical interests in a situation where anti-Qing sentiment clashed with practical limitations. Therefore, when Dorgon died and Princess Uisun did not achieve the expected outcome, she was neglected. Furthermore, when Princess Uisun returned to Joseon with Emperor Shunzhi's permission, the Joseon ruling class even requested that Yi Gae-yun, who had requested his daughter's return from Qing without consulting the court, be stripped of his titles. For example, the Censor-General Jo Han-yeong and the Censor Sim Se-jeong requested Yi Gae-yun's punishment, stating, "Princess Uisun's departure to Qing was by order of the court, and her return must also await the court's order." (Annals of King Hyojong, Vol. 16, May 10, Year 7 of Hyojong) Although Princess Uisun's dispatch to Qing was a sorrowful event for both the populace and the ruling class, her return was not a cause for celebration.

In conclusion, for Joseon, forming a marital alliance with Qing was a diplomatic challenge rather than a matter of 'Yechi' (propriety). Finding a bride in response to Dorgon's demand was an act of pursuing practical interests in a situation where Joseon's national strength was relatively weak.

Consequently, for Joseon, forming a marital alliance with Qing was a diplomatic challenge rather than a matter of 'Yechi' (propriety). Finding a bride in response to Dorgon's demand was an act of pursuing practical interests in a situation where Joseon's national strength was relatively weak.

Conclusion

The background of Princess Uisun's dispatch to Qing and her subsequent return lies in the 17th-century East Asian international order, which was undergoing changes and adjustments during the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty. In other words, Qing-Joseon relations from the mid-17th century onwards can be defined as a transitional phase moving from conquest to indirect rule, outwardly conforming to the 'Yechi' format by Qing demanding the same rituals that Joseon had performed for the Ming, but in reality, at least until the reign of King Hyojong, it was in a transitional stage.

This paper has examined this period from the perspectives of both Qing and Joseon, while also discussing Princess Uisun's life and analyzing Qing-Joseon relations based on these insights. First, from Qing's perspective, it examined how Regent Dorgon and Emperor Shizu consolidated the nation's foundation and explored the causal relationship between these circumstances and Princess Uisun's marriage and return. Second, it investigated Joseon's perception of Qing through the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and the legends related to Princess Uisun. Through this, it interpreted how anti-Qing sentiment was practically reflected in Princess Uisun's dispatch and return, and re-examined the anti-Qing sentiment prevalent not only among the ruling class but also among the populace of that era. It was also confirmed that Joseon, in this context, was only outwardly adhering to the format of 'Yechi'.

While individual tragedies can often stem from social phenomena and the currents of the times, Princess Uisun's life particularly captures our attention because the twists and turns of her life encapsulate the tragedy that Joseon had to endure in the context of the East Asian international political situation after the Manchu invasion. From the moment Lee Ae-suk became 'Princess Uisun,' her life was entirely dictated by the geopolitical interests of Qing and Joseon. Even after returning to her homeland through numerous trials and tribulations, she died at the age of 28 under the pressure of a societal atmosphere that denied her very existence. While 'Ye' (propriety) defined the relationship between the Ming and Joseon, it was absent in Qing-Joseon relations after Qing replaced the Ming. Similarly, in Princess Uisun's personal life, there is no trace of genuine 'Ye' (propriety) being shown by either Joseon or Qing.

References

Annals of the Joseon Dynasty (http://sillok.history.go.kr) Scholarly Works Ha Young-sun, "The World Politics of Love," Haneul Academy, 2019

Walthall, Anne. Servants of the Dynasty : Palace Women in

World History. 1st ed. California World History Library.

University of California Press, 2008.

Kim Sun-hye, "Sino-Joseon Intermarriage and the Issue of Maids," Journal of Chinese Historical Studies 91, Chinese Historical Society, 2014, pp. 231-265

Park Min-soo, "Dorgon's Capture of Beijing and the Execution of the Capital Relocation," Journal of Ming-Qing Studies 48, Society for Ming-Qing Historical Studies, 2017, pp. 455-501

Park Ju-young, "The Issue of Divorce for Redeemed Women (贖還婦女) Immediately After the Manchu Invasion," Sogang Journal of Humanities 58, Institute for Humanities, Sogang University, 2020, pp. 193-235.

Lee Jong-mook, "Songs of the Palace Lady Who Went to the Chinese Imperial Family," *Studies in Classical Literature*

40, The Society of Korean Classical Literature, 2011, pp. 197-230

Jeong Hae-eun, "The Scars of the Byeongja War and the Birth of 'Princess Ui-sun,'" *Korean Classical Women's

Literature Studies* 41, The Society of Korean Classical Women's Literature, 2020, pp. 57-87

Choi So-ja, "A Study on Intermarriage Between Manchus and Han Chinese in the Qing Dynasty: Regarding Princess Ui-sun," *Edae Sawon* 7,

The Ewha Historical Society, Ewha Womans University, 1968, pp. 17-30

Hong Seong-gu, "The Establishment of the Qing Order and the Stabilization of Sino-Qing Relations: 1644-1700," *Journal of

Eastern Studies* 140, The Society for Eastern Studies, 2017, pp. 155-194