[EAI Myanmar Special Commentary] ④ The Interactive Experience of Myanmar's Democratization Movement and South Korean Civil Society

* This report was prepared based on communications with members of the Democracy Foundation's network (Myanmar citizens, Myanmar expatriates in the United States, and leaders of civil society organizations in Asia).

1. The Irreversibility of the Democratization Movement and the Civil War Situation

The democratization movement in Myanmar, triggered by the military coup, has reached its one-year mark. According to a January 16, 2022, news report, 1,469 people have died and over 11,554 have been arrested, with 1,966 individuals wanted by authorities (OhmyNews, 2021/01/16). However, on the ground, there are widespread reports of significantly higher casualties than these figures suggest. Unfortunately, the situation shows no signs of improvement after more than a year. Myanmar citizens face numerous hardships in isolation.

At the EAI conference "After the Coup, the Future of Democracy in Myanmar" held on April 16, 2021, the author characterized the current Myanmar democratization movement with four aspects: irreversibility, comprehensiveness, convergence, and interactivity (East Asia Institute, 2021/04/16). Since the wave of openness began around 2010, Myanmar had been rapidly developing based on its people's aspirations for change. Like other developing countries, the proliferation of the internet and mobile phones enabled Myanmar citizens to grasp global trends and become global citizens living in the same era. While the spread of information served as a driving force for development, it also acted as a factor that prompted the military junta, fearful of the times and changes, to carry out a coup that went against historical progress. Nevertheless, Myanmar citizens can no longer return to the era of military dictatorship. Their life-or-death struggle over the past year attests to this. A Myanmar network member from the Democracy Foundation stated: "What the people of Myanmar are demanding now is no longer simple democracy. It is the end of the military junta. Even if the military junta takes conciliatory actions to halt the democratization movement and tries to revert to the previous state, we will not accept it. Because of the flawed constitution of 2008, citizens are only granted half of the power. This means such an event could happen again at any time. Our fight will continue until the military junta is finished." For the citizens of Myanmar, today's struggle has become a fight for their lives, not merely a slogan demanding democracy from the military junta.

Following the coup and the military's continued violence against civilians, the democratic forces, including the National League for Democracy (NLD), formed alliances with major ethnic groups, escalating the situation into a nationwide civil war. On April 16, the democratic government launched the National Unity Government (NUG) in alliance with key ethnic groups and established the People's Defence Force (PDF). Externally, this aimed to unite the Myanmar democratic forces, represent Myanmar in the international community, and undermine the legitimacy of the military junta. Internally, it was a desperate choice to protect citizens' safety against the military's violence, which showed signs of terrorism and massacre beyond mere suppression of protests, especially in a situation where peaceful demonstrations became impossible even in major cities like Yangon, and support from the international community based on internet communication could not be expected.

Armed conflict has spread from the Chin to the Kayah, Rakhine, and Karen ethnic groups, and civil war is already underway in various states. In response to the armed struggles of ethnic groups, the military is deploying fighter jets and conducting airstrikes using helicopters. Gunshots and explosions have become a daily occurrence in villages where ordinary citizens live. The military is attempting to dismantle the armed resistance forces by using its overwhelming military power to conduct airstrikes on armed areas and carry out searches and arrests. The Chin are considered one of the ethnic groups with the strongest military power, and the Chin Self-Administered Zone, which was the first to engage in armed conflict, has been largely suppressed. For instance, in a village of about 1,600 households in the Tonzang region, over 1,300 households were reportedly destroyed by military airstrikes.[1]Furthermore, sporadic guerrilla protests and brutal responses continue across the country. There are also reports of the military ramming a vehicle into a small group of about 40 protesters in December, resulting in 8 deaths. According to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), a local organization that has supported political prisoners and their families since the 1988 democratization movement, the death toll had already exceeded 1,400 by September of last year.

2. The Military Junta's Comprehensive Suppression and the Crisis of Interactivity

Since the de facto civil war began, it has become difficult to ascertain the extent of damage within Myanmar except through occasional news reports from foreign media. The situation requires piecing together fragmented news articles and on-the-ground testimonies to grasp the factual truth. Since April 2021, it has become increasingly difficult to gather information from Myanmar due to the military junta's control over the internet and mobile phones. Citizens have resorted to using SIM cards from neighboring countries to circumvent mobile phone blockades. While the state cannot completely block all mobile phone usage, it is evident that extensive SNS censorship is being carried out against individuals. Approximately 100 days after the coup, individuals who were providing real-time updates on pro-democracy protests and casualties via Facebook and Twitter began deleting their posts and disappearing due to military surveillance. They are now using untraceable mobile applications, rather than SNS, to transmit news from Myanmar to the outside world.

In contrast, the military junta's power remains formidable. Internally, the junta suppresses the populace through crackdowns, and externally, it seeks international recognition as a legitimate government. In this context, ASEAN, at its summit in October 2021 (chaired by Brunei), disallowed the attendance of Myanmar's Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing and urged the implementation of a consensus on the peaceful resolution of the Myanmar crisis. However, unfortunately, Cambodia, this year's chair, has adopted a very conciliatory stance towards the Myanmar military junta. Prime Minister Hun Sen made a surprise visit to Myanmar in January and issued a joint statement with Commander-in-Chief Hlaing containing provisions for a peaceful resolution (Yonhap News Agency, 2022/01/16). While this news might initially appear as a simple foreign news report about Prime Minister Hun Sen, who recently passed on his leadership position to his son, seeking to secure his regime's stability through solidarity with the neighboring Myanmar military junta, it carries a more poignant meaning. It signifies that in 2022, with Cambodia as the chair, even diplomatic sanctions against the military junta through the Asian regional organization ASEAN will be difficult. This is a cause for concern from the perspective of Asian civil society as a whole. Indeed, this visit by Prime Minister Hun Sen came as a considerable shock to the citizens of Myanmar. For them, ASEAN's refusal to allow Commander-in-Chief Hlaing's attendance at the 2021 summit was a highly encouraging development. However, the official visit by the chair country's leader this year made the NUG's diplomatic limitations and the lack of support from ASEAN a stark reality. Consequently, protests were held in Myanmar, involving the burning and trampling of Prime Minister Hun Sen's photographs. The Korean civil society, in solidarity with the Myanmar diaspora in Korea, also issued a statement condemning the visit, but the impact was minimal.

3. A Multifaceted Disaster and the Battle Against Uncertainty

The UN remains attentive and is monitoring the situation. Through persistent efforts by experts and special envoys, the UN has appealed to the military junta to cease violence, urged corporations to cut off funding to the junta, and called for active international assistance. However, these actions cannot be considered direct condemnation or sanctions against the military junta. In September 2021, UN Secretary-General Guterres submitted a report calling for the international community to allow humanitarian access and assistance for the Myanmar crisis, while also demanding the immediate release of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi and President Win Myint. This report was approved with 119 votes in favor, 36 abstentions (including China), and 1 vote against (Belarus). In November, the Security Council presented a draft resolution urging an end to violence in Myanmar, but the focus appeared to be on ensuring the safety of Rohingya refugees rather than on ending the violence perpetrated by the military junta. It was also stated that ASEAN should play a crucial role in improving the situation in Myanmar. However, as mentioned earlier, despite objections from some member states, ASEAN has shown behavior bordering on division, failing to exert meaningful diplomatic pressure on the military junta. In December, a statement from the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights condemned the conviction of Aung San Suu Kyi as a "sham trial," but this also appears to be a declarative action with limited practical influence.

According to data released by the UN Network for Myanmar in October 2021, an estimated 3 million people require immediate humanitarian assistance due to various factors including conflict, food insecurity, natural disasters, and COVID-19 (UN News, 2021/10/19). Testimonies from the ground corroborate the severity of the situation. Industries and commerce have collapsed, and the supply of essential resources such as electricity and water is unstable. The military junta is exploiting all these circumstances as tools to oppress the populace. Instead of restoring collapsed medical facilities, they are perpetrating acts of terror and arrest against doctors, lawyers, journalists, and intellectuals, attempting to break the will of resistance among citizens. Influential figures such as community leaders and celebrities who communicated with citizens via SNS have reportedly been arbitrarily detained or disappeared. Despite these circumstances, young people are abandoning cities and heading to remote areas for armed struggle. Those remaining in the cities are also depleting their savings to support those in the mountains. Unlike the 1988 democratization struggle, which was led by university students, intellectuals, and older generations, the current democratization movement involves individuals under 30, including teenagers as young as 17 or 18, both male and female, engaging in armed struggle. Young adolescents, still in high school, are heading to the mountains to learn how to use firearms and manufacture explosives to engage in combat with the military. An acquaintance who provides me with news from Myanmar has also closed down all his businesses and is financially supporting armed resistance groups monthly. Although he currently remains in the city with the means to send money, he is prepared to go to the mountains himself for armed struggle and fight for his life when the time comes.

Amidst the ongoing chaos, the people of Myanmar are conveying messages of gratitude for the support they receive from South Korean society. In a situation where international civil society's attention is waning, South Korea and Japan are reportedly among the few countries providing sustained attention and support to Myanmar. In particular, Korean civil society is actively engaging in solidarity with Myanmar residents and students in Korea, fostering exchanges among organizations, and undertaking continuous actions. They are engaged in various activities such as issuing statements and campaigns, and actively conducting fundraising efforts. However, despite funds being channeled to Myanmar through various means, there are limitations and concerns due to the blockage of official support channels.

Synthesizing opinions gathered through various channels, one thing is clear: the experience of South Korea's civil revolution is currently serving as an "interactive experience" for Myanmar's civil society. Just as past Korean student movements drew courage from overseas democratization movements, Korea's democratization history, along with its economic and social development, serves as a significant source of inspiration for Asian countries striving to overthrow authoritarianism and promote democracy. The Korean civil society's remembrance of the Gwangju Uprising and the moments of holding candles in the squares while observing Myanmar's democratization movement, and their continuous provision of support and encouragement, act as a force that prevents Myanmar citizens from losing hope amidst despair. In an era when information exchange was not as active, when Korean society was going through dark times, international solidarity provided strength to students and citizens across time and space through means other than direct support via international organizations, such as books and songs. Today, civil society solidarity, empowered by information, acts as a driving force and variable that supports democratization movements worldwide. And this exerts a greater influence than we might imagine.

4. Conclusion

Regrettably, civil society support for Myanmar currently involves a constant battle against uncertainty, despite a clear objective. It is difficult to specify which areas our support should be concentrated on. It is unclear whether it is appropriate to approach from the perspective of general civil society, focus on the immediate humanitarian crisis, or provide even indirect support for armed struggle (in fact, the special representative of the NUG in Korea has officially requested arms support for the Myanmar civil war (Kookmin Ilbo, 2022/01/10)). Furthermore, it is uncertain whether it is appropriate to derive a consensus opinion within civil society on these issues. Yet, we cannot stand idly by in distress. A disaster of immense scale, with many lives directly threatened, is unfolding in multifaceted ways. For our neighbors fighting with bloodshed, our civil society continues its own fight. We will continuously inform them that the international community is holding their hands, provide support through all possible means, and maintain a firm solidarity that does not let go of hope through civil society. And on the day Myanmar's doors open again, the current solidarity will become a new driving force for the development of Myanmar's civil society.

After the EAI's April 16 Conference, I had a brief opportunity to speak with Myanmar students who attended. One student, with tears in her eyes, asked, "If we lose this fight, will the people of Korea abandon us?" That question gave me a sense of the path forward for what Korean and international civil society must do for Myanmar. "Democracy is not a fight to be won or lost, but an 'endless process' of citizens seeking their rights and building a society together. Koreans do not believe their efforts for democracy have ended. The people of Korea will never turn their backs on the citizens of Myanmar for that reason." ■

References

Kookmin Ilbo. 2022. "The Year of Expelling Military Dictatorship Will Be a Year of Success... Arms Support Needed from International Community." January 1. (http://news.kmib.co.kr/article/view.asp?arcid=0924226788&code=11141200&cp=du).

East Asia Institute. 2021. "EAI Conference 'After the Coup, the Future of Democracy in Myanmar.'" April 16 (http://eai.or.kr/new/ko/event/view.asp?intSeq=20478&board=kor_event&keyword_option=board_title&keyword=%EB%AF%B8%EC%96%80%EB%A7%88&more=).

Yonhap News Agency. 2022. "ASEAN Puts Brakes on 'Pro-Myanmar Junta' Chair Cambodia." January 1 (https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20220116023100084?input=1179m).

OhmyNews. 2021. "1,469 Civilians Dead Since Myanmar Coup... Solidarity Rallies Worldwide in February." January 1 (http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/View/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0002803184&CMPT_CD=RDAUM&utm_campaign=daum_news&utm_source=daum&utm_medium=related_news).

UN News. 2021. "Myanmar: Three million in urgent need of life-saving assistance, protection." October 19 (https://news.un.org/en/story/2021/10/1103482).

[1] Due to communication difficulties, there may be errors in specific place names and numbers.

■ Author: Lee Hyun-yoonObtained a Master's degree in Sustainable International Development from Brandeis University's Graduate School. Participated in capacity-building projects for civil society in Malaysia at the Korea Democracy Foundation & Asia Democracy Network. Participated in projects such as the Myanmar Children's Storybook Production Project with the Korea Democracy Foundation & Tabby, the Koramtola Eye Hospital and Optometry Training Project in Bangladesh with the Heart-to-Heart Foundation, the Karen Refugee Children's School Program with the BMWEC (Burmese Migrant Workers Education Committee) with the Heart-to-Heart Foundation & Samsung Dream Scholarship Foundation, and the Legal Support Program for Asian Immigrant Women in the Greater Boston Area with ATASK. Served as an assistant trainer for gender education in Grenada for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) Hurricane Katrina Recovery Project.

■ Editor: Jeon Ju-hyun,EAI Research Fellow

Contact: 02 2277 1683 (ext. 204) | jhjun@eai.or.kr