[EAI Issue Brief] Anti-Asian Sentiment and the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election

[Editor's Note]

The COVID-19 pandemic and the 2020 U.S. presidential election have coincided with an alarming rise in anti-Asian sentiment. Tae-Gyu Lee, a professor at UC Berkeley, outlines four key factors contributing to anti-Asian sentiment: First, anti-Asian harassment is pervasive. Second, it is not a new phenomenon but has existed throughout the history of Asians in America. Third, anti-Asian sentiment is often instigated by political elites. Finally, it is not confined to everyday social interactions but manifests as actions aimed at suppressing the civil rights and political influence of Asian Americans. Despite the increase in harassment and discrimination, there has been a surge in political participation among Asian Americans, evidenced by increased voter turnout, political representation, and civic engagement.

Anti-Asian Sentiment and the 2020 U.S. Presidential Election

Negative perceptions of Asian Americans are alarmingly on the rise, coinciding with the 2020 U.S. presidential election and the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. This issue brief aims to explain four key factors contributing to anti-Asian sentiment. The primary elements of racial harassment and hate crimes targeting Asian Americans are as follows:

1. It is a common phenomenon, linked to various societal factors.

2. It is not a new phenomenon but has existed throughout the history of Asians in America.

3. It is often instigated by political elites, as well as by a disgruntled or uneducated populace.

4. It is not confined to everyday social interactions but manifests as actions aimed at suppressing the civil rights and political influence of Asian Americans.

Before elaborating on these four factors, it is necessary to briefly touch upon the background shaping anti-Asian sentiment.

American democracy is in crisis. Not only is democracy in decline (Bermeo 2016), but it is also at risk of descending into endemic violence and social conflict. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, professors at Harvard University, present two diagnostic criteria for democracy in critical condition in their book "How Democracies Die" (2018).

First, democratic crisis arrives when competing political parties lose the norm of mutual tolerance. Levitsky and Ziblatt define this phenomenon as the perception that electoral competition is the only valid recourse, and that losers of elections should simply try again in the next election rather than acting outside democratic institutions. Today, one in three Americans still believes that Joe Biden was not the legitimate winner of the 2020 election. States like Arizona are currently conducting sham audits of the 2020 vote count, despite a complete lack of evidence of fraud.

Second, democracy is at risk when competing parties lose the norm of tolerance and fail to respect the law and its spirit. The Republican-led Senate's haste to confirm Brett Kavanaugh during the final month of Donald Trump's presidency, compared to the refusal to even consider Merrick Garland's nomination to the Supreme Court during Barack Obama's tenure, can be seen as an example of a lack of tolerance. The current debate over ending the Senate filibuster by Democrats can also be cited. This loss of mutual tolerance and inclusivity is clearly rooted in America's political, social, cultural, and racial polarization. Levitsky and Ziblatt state, "If one thing is clear from the history of failed cases, it is that extreme polarization can kill democratic nations" (2018, p. 7).

Today, Democrats perceive the Republican Party as a threat to the nation's well-being, and Republicans view Democrats similarly, even before Donald Trump entered the White House. This mutual animosity intensified during Trump's presidency. One of Trump's signature achievements was to apply this polarization to the fault lines of race, gender, nationality, geography, culture, and epistemology in America. Today, Americans cannot even agree on what is real versus fake, or on the daily events unfolding around them.

When this toxic mix of polarization, division, and animosity is combined with an unprecedented public health crisis and escalating tensions between the United States and China, all the elements are present for the epidemic of attacks, discrimination, and violence we have witnessed. And with the COVID-19 pandemic acting as a catalyst, this malice has been disproportionately directed at a group of Americans who have become scapegoats for the public health threat and its economic consequences.

Historically, the groups scapegoated have likely included Black people, the poor, LGBTQ+ individuals, and undocumented immigrants from Mexico. This time, however, the flames of anti-Asian sentiment have been fanned. This may be shocking to observers, given that Asian Americans have often been portrayed as a "model minority"—a group of immigrants who prosper by following the rules (Wu, 2014). Yet, these inappropriate attacks have had dire, even fatal, consequences, such as the March shootings at three Asian-owned spas in Atlanta, where four of the eight victims were Korean American women.

This issue brief outlines four key points necessary to understand the rise of anti-Asian hate in the United States today. First, these incidents are not rare or isolated events; anti-Asian hate crimes are pervasive and on the rise. Second, the mistreatment of Asian Americans is not a new phenomenon and should not be surprising. Anti-Asian hate crimes have consistently existed throughout the history of Asians in America. Third, anti-Asian sentiment is fueled not only by a disgruntled or uneducated populace but also by political elites who sow seeds of blame and hatred. Fourth, the mistreatment is not confined to verbal harassment, discrimination, and violence witnessed in everyday life. There are political ramifications in the persistent efforts to suppress the civil rights and collective political power of Asian Americans.

Pervasive Phenomenon

The widespread prevalence of anti-Asian sentiment can be confirmed by the following data:

• The non-profit organization Stop AAPI Hate reported a total of 6,603 incidents of violence, discrimination, harassment, and civil rights violations from March 2020 to the end of February 2021.

• While 68% of these incidents were reports of verbal harassment and slurs, 11% involved physical altercations, 7% involved coughing or spitting (often with references to the "China virus"), and 5% involved workplace discrimination.

It is important to note that these figures, being self-reported and crowdsourced, may not be representative and are subject to measurement error. A more systematic study by the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State University tracked police reports of hate crimes in 16 major U.S. cities (Levin, 2021). The findings are as follows:

• Anti-Asian hate crimes increased by 149% in 2020 compared to 2019. During the same period, hate crimes overall decreased by 7%.

• In New York City, 13 anti-Asian hate crime incidents were reported in the first quarter of 2020 (before the COVID-19 pandemic began), compared to 47 incidents in the first quarter of 2021. This study also found a surge in police reports of anti-Asian hate crimes in Los Angeles, Boston, San Jose, San Francisco, and other cities with large Asian American populations.

Additional data comes from representative surveys of Asian Americans. Pew Research Center surveys conducted last summer and this spring reveal the following:

• 81% of Asian Americans say that violence against Asian Americans is increasing.

• 45% reported experiencing at least one of the following five types of hate incidents since the pandemic began: being threatened or physically assaulted because of their race; feeling that people around them were uncomfortable; being subjected to racial slurs and jokes; being told to go back to their home country; or being told they were responsible for COVID-19.

• Chinese Americans are the most likely group to report experiencing one of these incidents. Korean Americans are the second most likely group.

History of Anti-Asian Sentiment in the United States

Harassment, hate, and violence against Asians can be traced back to the arrival of immigrants on American shores in the 19th century. The history of immigration in the United States includes forgotten events such as the lynching and mutilation of 18 Chinese immigrants in Los Angeles in 1871, the shooting and burning of dozens of Chinese immigrants in Rock Springs, Wyoming, in 1885, and the massacre of 34 Chinese gold miners in Hells Canyon, Oregon, in 1887 (Lew-Williams 2018, Lee 2019).

Furthermore, there are more widely known and more recent events, such as the internment of Japanese Americans following the attack on Pearl Harbor during World War II. These include the 1980 murder of Vincent Chin, a Chinese American, by two unemployed white autoworkers in Detroit who mistook him for Japanese; the 1989 massacre of mostly Southeast Asian refugee children at a primary school in Stockton, California; and the violence and property destruction against Korean American businesses during the 1992 Los Angeles riots (Sa-I-Gu).

A common thread connecting many instances of anti-Asian sentiment throughout U.S. history is the fear of the "alien" and the perception of threat stemming from that fear. This fear is often triggered by factors such as economic competition, demographic shifts, or foreign policy threats, whether perceived or real. For example, Chinese Americans have been particularly targeted with pervasive harassment, hate, and violence because COVID-19 originated in Wuhan, and this became fuel for the vitriolic exchanges between the U.S. and China during the Trump administration.

The Role of Political Elites

The third key point can be found in the heated rhetoric between Donald Trump and Xi Jinping, followed by the U.S.-China trade war. Historically and presently, the scapegoating and mistreatment of Asian Americans do not originate from the general populace. Rather, opportunistic business or political leaders, much like those in ethno-nationalist or nationalist movements, often lead the way through elite institutions or the power of law. For instance, the Page Act, the first restrictive immigration law enacted in the United States in 1875, explicitly targeted the exclusion of "immoral Chinese women." This marked the closure of what had once been open U.S. borders. It led to the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 and dozens of subsequent "racial prerequisite" laws and court decisions (Haney Lopez, 1996).

The most prominent elites of the time did not remain silent about the rising nationalism and racism in the 19th century. Leland Stanford, the founder of Stanford University, famously stated in 1862 regarding Chinese immigration: "The settlement of inferior races within our midst should be frustrated by every legitimate means. The continent of Asia has sent its dregs to our shores... The presence of a degraded and alien race among us cannot but have a deleterious effect upon the superior race." Similarly, John Booth of UC Berkeley Law wrote in 1877: "The Caucasian and Mongolian races are not assimilable... The unconscious aversion to... the Chinaman... is within us. In all respects the Chinaman is different from us."

Likewise, the harassment, hate, and violence against Asian Americans today are not confined to the uneducated or those seeking scapegoats for losing their homes or jobs due to COVID-19. Anti-Asian sentiment in the United States today, as it has been historically, is ignited by the words and actions of America's top elites. Trump's pejoratives, such as "China virus" and "Kung Flu" (not to mention his characterization of Mexican immigrants as "rapists" and "shithole countries"), have served as a link between the rhetoric of political leaders and incidents of white nationalist marches and violence against Asian Americans.

From Everyday Hate to Suppression in Elections

Finally, harassment and hate against Asian Americans are not solely the product of the verbal denigration by a disgraced former president. Asian Americans are facing new threats in state legislatures across the United States. From January to June 2021, at least 17 states enacted 28 new bills restricting voting rights, and the number of participating states and bills continues to grow.

These bills, ostensibly passed under the premise of ensuring election integrity, lack any evidence of threats to the secure administration of elections. Instead, these new bills appear to be narrowly focused on one objective: access to the ballot for minority voters.

These laws make it more difficult for all Americans to vote, register to vote, or vote by mail or absentee ballot. In particular, the strategy of these bills, led by Republican state legislatures, is widely criticized for diluting the voting power of Black, Latino, and Asian Americans. For Asian Americans, the voter registration process and identification verification require presenting multiple forms of ID to confirm the exact spelling of names. Asian American names are more likely to have spelling or pronunciation errors. Furthermore, newly strengthened identification procedures require proof of exact address matching across multiple IDs. However, Asian Americans (like other immigrant groups) tend to change their addresses more frequently. Some states are reducing the number of drop boxes, targeting urban areas with high concentrations of Black, Latino, and Asian American voters. For example, Texas proposed installing only one mail-in ballot drop box for the entire city of Houston.

Asian Americans, in particular, are more likely to vote via mail or absentee ballot, voting methods that are vulnerable to these legislative changes. According to U.S. Census Bureau data, 69% of all U.S. voters cast their ballots by mail or in advance in 2020. While this high number is not surprising given the COVID-19 pandemic, it is noteworthy that 82% of Asian Americans voted by mail or in advance, a rate higher than the national average.

Looking Ahead: Power and Representation

The main takeaway of this issue brief is grim: American democracy is in crisis. Harassment, hate, and violence against Asian Americans are on the rise, linked to Trump's presidency and the pandemic. This is merely the latest episode in a long history of anti-Asian violence. And it is being fueled by the highest levels of the American political system scapegoating minority groups. However, there is still hope and potential for Asian American empowerment.

First, American citizens participated in the 2020 election with a sense of duty against the threats to democracy. Over 158 million Americans voted, an increase of 17 million compared to 2016. This represents a 12% increase in voter turnout, the highest in any presidential election. Notably, the increase in voter turnout among Asian Americans was particularly striking. Historically, Asian Americans have been classified as a "low-propensity voting group," leading to insufficient investment in outreach and resources for them during election campaigns. Nevertheless, Asian Americans are the fastest and most consistently growing group among voters. According to Catalist, the voter turnout of Asian Americans increased by 16% between 2012 and 2016, while other racial groups were less active in voting. Between 2016 and 2020, the voter turnout of Asian Americans increased by 20%, compared to a 12% increase nationwide. The rise in Asian American voter turnout was particularly significant in Southern states, including Kentucky (97% increase from 2016-2020), Tennessee (85%), and Georgia (83%).

There are other signs of increasing political engagement among Asian Americans. One clear indicator of their growing voice and influence is the number of political seats they hold. Let's examine the political representation of Korean Americans. Between Jay Kim's (CA-41) failure to win re-election in 1999 and 2018, there were no Korean American representatives in Congress. During those 20 years, the Korean American population grew from 1.2 million to 2 million. Then, in 2018, Andy Kim was elected to represent New Jersey's 3rd congressional district. In 2020, three more Korean Americans were elected: Young Kim (CA-39), Michelle Steel (CA-48), and Marilyn Strickland (WA-10). In recent years, several competitive Korean American candidates, such as Robert Ahn, David Min, Pearl Kim, Dan Koh, and David Kim, have run for House seats.

In addition to increased electoral participation and political representation, the active civic engagement of Asian Americans is also noteworthy. Across the nation and within local communities, Asian Americans are organizing around common interests. Civic organizations are led by prominent Asian Americans such as Eunsuk Lee of the AAPI Civic Engagement Fund, Connie Chung Joe of Asian Americans Advancing Justice, and Stephanie Cho of Advancing Justice Atlanta. Furthermore, Korean Americans have established relatively new organizations such as the Korean American Grassroots Conference, the Council of Korean Americans, Korean Americans for Political Action, and the Korean American Community Foundation to build social infrastructure.

It is said that opportunity can be found in crisis. Incidents of harassment and hate crimes against Asian Americans are horrific and heartbreaking. However, at the same time, they have awakened Asian Americans to the importance of collective action and community power. The COVID-19 Hate Crimes Act, co-sponsored by Representative Grace Meng (NY-06) and Senator Mazie Hirono (Hawaii) and passed to address and deter the rise in anti-Asian hate crimes, exemplifies this crisis and opportunity. Despite the crisis facing American democracy due to partisan polarization, the groundbreaking bill by the two representatives passed the House with a vote of 364-62 in May 2021 and passed the Senate with near-unanimous support. This remarkable level of bipartisanship demonstrates that progress is possible, even in the face of recent hate incidents. ■

References

Bermeo, Nancy. 2016. "On Democratic Backsliding." Journal of Democracy 27(1): 5-19.

Haney Lopez, Ian. 1996. White by Law. New York University Press.

Kim, Claire. 1999. "The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans." Politics and Society 27(1): 105-138.

Lee, Erika. 2019. America for Americans: A History of Xenophobia in the United States. Basic Books.

Lew-Williams, Beth. 2018. The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America. Harvard University Press.

Levitsky, Steven and Daniel Ziblatt. 2018. How Democracies Die. Crown Press.

Wu, Ellen. 2014. The Color of Success: Asian Americans and the Origins of the Model Minority. Princeton University Press.

Select Bibliography

Bermeo, Nancy. 2016. "On Democratic Backsliding." Journal of Democracy 27(1): 5-19.

Haney Lopez, Ian. 1996. White by Law. New York University Press.

Jeoung, R., Horse, A. Y., Popovic, T., & Lim, R. (2021). Stop AAPI Hate national report. Stop AAPI Hate. https://secureservercdn.net/104.238.69.231/a1w.90d.myftpupload.com/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/210312-Stop-AAPI-Hate-National-Report-.pdf

Kim, Claire. 1999. "The Racial Triangulation of Asian Americans." Politics and Society 27(1): 105-138.

Lee, Erika. 2019. America for Americans: A History of Xenophobia in the United States. Basic Books.

Lew-Williams, Beth. 2018. The Chinese Must Go: Violence, Exclusion, and the Making of the Alien in America. Harvard University Press.

Levin, Brian. 2021. "Report to the Nation: Anti-Asian Prejudice and Hate Crime." Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism. Accessed online 8/11/2021 at: https://www.csusb.edu/hate-and-extremism-center

Levitsky, Steven and Daniel Ziblatt. 2018. How Democracies Die. Crown Press.

Ruiz, Neil G., Khadijah Edwards, and Mark Hugo Lopez. 2021. "One-third of Asian Americans fear threats, physical attacks and most say violence against them is rising." Pew Research Center. Accessed online 8/11/2021 at https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2021/04/21/one-third-of-asian-americans-fear-threats-physical-attacks-and-most-say-violence-against-them-is-rising/

U.S. Census Bureau. 2021. Voting and Registration in the Election of November 2020. https://www.census.gov/data/tables/time-series/demo/voting-and-registration/p20-585.html

Wu, Ellen. 2014. The Color of Success: Asian Americans and the Origins of the Model Minority. Princeton University Press.

■ Taeku Lee George Johnson Professor of Law and Professor of Political Science at the University of California at Berkeley. He received his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Chicago. He has served as co-principal investigator for the National Asian American Survey and the Bay Area Poverty Tracker, managing director of Asian American Decisions, and a member of the National Advisory Committee for the U.S. Census Bureau. He has also served on the steering committees for the American National Election Studies and the General Social Survey, treasurer and executive committee member of the American Political Science Association, department chair at the University of California at Berkeley, and associate director of the Haas Institute. His main research areas include the politics of race and ethnicity, public opinion research, identity and inequality, and deliberative democracy. His books include Oxford Handbook of Racial and Ethnic Politics in the United States (2015) and Asian American Political Participation (2011).

■ Responsible for and edited by: Yoon Ha-eun EAI Research Fellow

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