[Global NK Commentary] 60 Years of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty and Its Current Implications

[Editor's Note]

Global NK provides another analysis of North Korea-China relations through its second Commentary of July. According to Dr. Lee Sang-sook, North Korea and China aim to deter South Korea and the United States from unilaterally handling Korean Peninsula issues through their friendship treaty. While tensions and conflicts in North Korea-China relations will persist, the two countries appear to be preventing passive conflicts on the Korean Peninsula and maintaining bilateral cooperation through the friendship treaty.

1. The Conclusion of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty and North Korea-China Relations

On July 11, 2021, the 'Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the People's Republic of China' (hereinafter referred to as the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty) marked its 60th anniversary. North Korea and China, which became de facto security allies through the Korean War, formalized their security alliance by signing the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty on July 11, 1961, during the Sino-Soviet split.

The North Korea-China Friendship Treaty was formed based on a shared perception of threat from capitalist countries such as South Korea, the United States, and Japan. However, the actual background for the treaty's conclusion was the Sino-Soviet split. At that time, China, experiencing the Sino-Soviet split and border disputes with India, proposed friendship treaties to North Korea and Vietnam to ensure stable border management. North Korea, which had been receiving security support from both the Soviet Union and China, feared a situation where it would receive no security support from either due to the Sino-Soviet split and thus signed a treaty with China that included security cooperation.

In the early stages of the Sino-Soviet split, North Korea adopted a neutral stance, not supporting either the Soviet Union or China. Consequently, in July 1961, it signed friendship treaties with both the Soviet Union and China, which included security assistance provisions. However, the treaty between North Korea and the Soviet Union was replaced by the 'Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Mutual Assistance between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Russian Federation' (hereinafter referred to as the New North Korea-Russia Treaty) in 2000, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, and the security assistance provision was removed from the New North Korea-Russia Treaty.

It is reasonable to view North Korea-China relations as a security alliance based on the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty, as it includes provisions for security cooperation and remains in effect to this day. Article 2 of the treaty stipulates security cooperation, stating, "In case either contracting party is subjected to armed attack by any state or coalition of states and is thus in a state of war, the other contracting party shall immediately render military and other assistance with all its forces." Furthermore, Article 7 stipulates that the treaty shall remain in effect unless otherwise agreed upon by both parties for its amendment or termination, preventing either country from unilaterally abrogating the treaty.

However, viewing North Korea-China relations as a typical asymmetrical alliance between a great power and a weaker state lacks persuasiveness. North Korea-China relations differ from asymmetrical alliances where a model of exchanging security support and autonomy between a great power and a weaker state is established. From the time immediately after the conclusion of the North Korea-Soviet and North Korea-China friendship treaties, North Korea focused on strengthening its military power and declared the 'Juche line' in 1966. Particularly during the détente period of the 1970s, North Korea sought to secure autonomy from China and subsequently did not rely on China for security support.

Since the end of the Cold War, especially after the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and China, North Korea-China relations have undergone significant changes. Consequently, the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty could no longer guarantee its validity. Examining other provisions of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty reveals that both North Korea and China are already in violation of the treaty.

For instance, Article 3 states that "neither contracting party shall participate in any war against the other contracting party or in any hostile action or measure taken by any state or coalition of states against the other contracting party," but China violated this provision by establishing diplomatic relations with South Korea. Furthermore, Article 4 stipulates that "the contracting parties shall consult each other on all important international questions," implying that they would exchange opinions and cooperate on foreign policy matters. However, North Korea violated this provision by conducting nuclear tests without consulting China. Both North Korea and China have criticized each other's violations of treaty provisions. However, this has not affected the abrogation of the treaty.

Due to the changes in North Korea-China relations since the end of the Cold War, the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty has become a symbolic foundation for bilateral cooperation rather than the sole determinant of their relationship. It can be argued that the provisions of the treaty do not possess strict enforceability, and the absolute obligation to adhere to each provision has disappeared.

2. North Korea-China Relations during the Xi Jinping-Kim Jong Un Era: A Perspective from the 60th Anniversary of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty

As mentioned above, since the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and China, the alliance bond of North Korea-China relations as a security alliance has weakened, and mutual trust has been significantly undermined. However, the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty has not been amended or abrogated for 60 years, and bilateral friendship and cooperation continue to be celebrated in 2021.

On July 11, marking the 60th anniversary of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty, the leaders of both countries exchanged congratulatory messages. Kim Jong Un's message, in particular, emphasizes changes in the international situation, such as "the unprecedentedly complex and intricate international circumstances in recent years" and "the increasingly vicious provocations and obstructive schemes of hostile forces," indicating a worsening external environment for North Korea. In response, Kim Jong Un emphasizes the "common cause" of North Korea and China, which is "socialist construction." To this end, he stressed bilateral cooperation with expressions such as "defending the socialist cause of the two countries" and "comradely trust and militant superiority."

He also used the present tense, stating, "The traditional friendship between Korea and China is gaining new momentum and is being fully sublimated and developed to a higher stage in all fields, including politics, economy, military, and culture," reflecting the strengthening of current North Korea-China relations.

Meanwhile, Xi Jinping's congratulatory message uses the phrase "the greatest changes unseen in a century" to describe global changes, emphasizing the advent of an era of US-China competition, where China has emerged as a major power in the international community after 100 years since the founding of the Communist Party of China. Xi Jinping's message also evaluates recent North Korea-China summit talks as having reached "a series of important common understandings that enrich the contemporary content of China-Korea friendship."

However, Xi Jinping's statement, "I am willing to continue to develop China-Korea relations to bring benefits to the two countries and their peoples," expresses cooperation between North Korea and China in the future tense, indicating that bilateral cooperation has not yet been actively pursued. Xi Jinping's message emphasizes the groundwork laid for cooperation measures rather than the implementation of actual cooperative actions.

Therefore, the two congratulatory messages exchanged this time indicate that a common understanding for the defense of the socialist cause has been established in the era of US-China competition, and that 'strategic communication' is proceeding smoothly for this purpose. This can be interpreted as reflecting the strengthening of North Korea-China relations since 2018.

3. The Significance of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty in the Era of US-China Competition

The foreign policy of the Joe Biden administration is to strengthen pressure on China in cooperation with its allies. The United States and EU countries confirmed their cooperation on China policy at the NATO summit held in Brussels in June and the G7 summit held in London. Coupled with the theory of China's responsibility for the COVID-19 pandemic, the US and EU's policy of pressuring China is becoming increasingly visible.

China's external situation at this time is similar to the period after the "June Fourth Incident" (Tiananmen Square Massacre) in 1989. At that time, the United States and EU countries raised human rights issues, reduced economic relations with China, and pressured China. The policy China chose then was to strengthen relations with neighboring countries, and North Korea-China cooperation also intensified during this period.

With the intensification of US-China competition, China under Xi Jinping is concerned about the strengthening of the South Korea-US alliance, which aligns with North Korea's position. The heightened perception of threat from the US during the US-China competition era is providing space for cooperation between North Korea and China. Of course, security conflicts between North Korea and China due to the North Korean nuclear issue still exist. However, it is not difficult for North Korea and China to find common ground in their policies toward the US for their respective interests. The more the US raises human rights issues in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, and mentions socialist ideology, the more North Korea will emphasize the 'common cause,' and the space for cooperation between North Korea and China will expand.

The North Korea-China Friendship Treaty exists at the point where the interests of North Korea and China converge on the Korean Peninsula. The reason why North Korea and China have not abrogated or amended the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty is that its maintenance serves their respective interests. Both North Korea and China consider that the mere existence of the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty deters the US and South Korea from unilaterally handling Korean Peninsula issues, as they must consider China's involvement. Therefore, they argue that maintaining the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty contributes to stability on the Korean Peninsula. In other words, the common interest of North Korea and China is to deter the US and South Korea from unilaterally handling Korean Peninsula issues through the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty.

Furthermore, China has an additional objective of controlling North Korea's instability and securing justification for intervention in the event of a contingency on the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, China maintains the treaty even if the cost of maintaining it increases.

Consequently, North Korea and China maintain the treaty while maintaining ambiguity regarding its validity. While tensions and conflicts in North Korea-China relations will persist, they will at least attempt to control changes in the Korean Peninsula situation driven by the interests of the US and South Korea. Ultimately, the North Korea-China Friendship Treaty can be assessed as a means of preventing passive conflicts on the Korean Peninsula and maintaining minimal North Korea-China cooperation during the era of US-China competition.■

■Lee Sang-sookResearch Professor, Korea National Diplomatic Academy. Graduated from the Department of Chinese Language and Literature at Ewha Womans University, and holds Master's and Ph.D. degrees in Political Science from Dongguk University. She has served as a visiting scholar at Peking University and an adjunct professor at Dongguk University. Her primary research areas include international politics, North Korean politics, and North Korea-China relations. Her research includes "Formation of the North Korea-US-China Strategic Triangle and the Second North Korean Nuclear Crisis (2009)," "North Korea-China Relations during the Kim Jong Il-Hu Jintao Era (2010)," "The Korean Peninsula Crisis in the Mid-1970s and North Korea-China Relations (2010)," "Changes in North Korea's Diplomatic Environment in the Early 1980s and the Rangoon Bombing (2016)," and "North Korea's Military-First Politics (2019, co-authored)."

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