[Public Opinion Briefing Vol. 46-2] Euthanasia, Illegal/Violent Protests, Kaesong Industrial Complex, Private Education

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[Public Opinion Briefing Vol. 46] May Public Opinion Barometer

[Theme] Analysis of Political Mood and Party Ideological Basis through Public Opinion

[Issue] Euthanasia, Illegal/Violent Protests, Kaesong Industrial Complex, Private Education

[Tracking] May 2009 Presidential Approval Ratings and Party Support Ratings

Issue: Supreme Court's ruling recognizing euthanasia: 84.5% said it was a good decision, 12.6% said it was a bad decision.

Societal consensus exists on euthanasia, with no significant perception differences across social groups.

On May 21, the Supreme Court ruled in favor of the plaintiff in a lawsuit filed by the family of a terminally ill cancer patient, Mr. Kim, against Severance Hospital, seeking the removal of life-sustaining treatment devices, thus 'allowing euthanasia.' In its ruling, the court stated, "When death is clearly imminent within a short period, forcing life-sustaining treatment infringes upon human dignity; therefore, respecting the patient's decision protects human dignity and the right to pursue happiness." It further added, "While patients can express their wishes in advance through methods such as advance directives, even in their absence, life-sustaining treatment can be discontinued if it is objectively deemed to be in the patient's best interest, considering their values and beliefs." However, despite this Supreme Court ruling, debates continue regarding the distinction between euthanasia and assisted suicide based on the scope of life-sustaining treatment, the extent of the patient's right to self-determination, and the criteria for irreversible terminal stages. Concerns about the potential misuse of euthanasia due to the erosion of the sanctity of life or economic reasons are also being raised, intensifying not only religious and philosophical discussions but also socio-economic controversies surrounding this decision.

Despite these various controversies, public opinion regarding the Supreme Court's ruling on euthanasia (or 'passive euthanasia' in a general sense) was predominantly positive. The May EAI HRC Public Opinion Barometer survey results indicate that 83.5% of the Korean public believes the Supreme Court's decision was a good one (37.4% strongly good + 47.1% somewhat good). Conversely, only 12.6% considered it a bad decision (4.4% strongly bad + 8.2% somewhat bad). 2.9% were undecided or refused to answer.

[Figure 1] Pro/Con Response Rates (%) to the Supreme Court's Euthanasia Ruling

Despite religious opposition and philosophical debates, the perception differences among the public based on religion or ideology were not as significant as expected. Firstly, there were no clear differences based on religion. While Protestant believers showed a relatively lower percentage of positive evaluations compared to believers of other religions, 79.8% still responded that the Supreme Court's euthanasia ruling was a good decision. For Catholics, this figure was 82.2%, and for Buddhists, it was 85.7%. Of course, among those who answered they had no religion, the positive response was the highest at 87.9%. Regardless of religious affiliation, positive perceptions were dominant.

[Figure 2] Pro/Con Response Rates (%) to the Supreme Court's Euthanasia Ruling by Religion (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

No significant perception differences were found across socio-economic dimensions either. Age, gender, education level, and ideology were not significant variables in the pro/con perception of this ruling. Firstly, regarding age, the response rate for 'good decision' was 73.7% among those aged 19-29. For those in their 30s, it was 83.5%. For those in their 40s and 50s, the rates were relatively high at 91.8% and 86.8%, respectively. Generally, individuals under 30 showed a relatively lower positive view of the Supreme Court's ruling compared to those aged 40 and above. Older individuals were more likely to choose a dignified death over the extension of meaningless life. However, given that approximately 80% of younger individuals also gave positive evaluations, it is difficult to attribute excessive significance to the perception differences across age groups.

Gender showed similar trends. The response rate for 'good decision' was 83.3% for men and 85.7% for women. For 'bad decision,' the rates were 12.7% for men and 12.4% for women. These results indicate no significant difference. In terms of education, the response rate for 'good decision' was high at 84.3% among those with a middle school education or less. For those with an associate's degree or higher, the 'good decision' response rate was also high at 83.0%.

No clear tendency was found regarding ideology either. Whether respondents identified their ideology as progressive or conservative, the positive response rate was overwhelming. For progressives, it was 83.2%, and for conservatives, it was 83.4%. For moderates, it was 86.1%. Unlike in the United States, where conservatives tend to hold negative views on issues like abortion and euthanasia, and progressives tend to hold positive views, in Korea, euthanasia is not a differentiating factor for ideological identity.

Meanwhile, concerns have been raised that euthanasia might be misused, particularly by those struggling with the economic burden of life-sustaining treatment, leading to an easier abandonment of life. However, the survey results do not support the claim that economic factors significantly influence attitudes toward euthanasia. In fact, when comparing response rates based on monthly household income levels, it is difficult to identify significant differences in responses to the Supreme Court's decision. Rather, those in the relatively lower-income bracket (under 1 million KRW per month) showed a relatively higher proportion of negative views on the Supreme Court's ruling (78.8% good decision, 13.0% bad decision). Those in the relatively higher-income bracket (over 4.01 million KRW per month) showed a higher proportion of positive views (88.5% good decision + 10.4% bad decision).

[Figure 3] Pro/Con Response Rates (%) to the Supreme Court's Euthanasia Ruling by Income (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Government's Policy to Disallow Large-Scale Urban Protests and Perception of the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests

1. Perception of the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests in Korea: 65.7% perceive it as severe vs. 32.2% do not perceive it as severe.

The public appears to hold concerns regarding illegal and violent protests in Korea. The proportion of respondents who believe the level of violent/illegal protests is severe was 65.7% (29.6% very severe + 36.1% somewhat severe), approximately twice the proportion of those who believe it is not severe (32.2% not severe at all 3.6% + not very severe 28.6%). 2.0% were undecided or refused to answer.

[Figure 1] Response Rates (%) on the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests

Perceptions of the severity of illegal/violent protests varied by gender, age, and education level. Firstly, women reported a higher rate of perceiving the situation as severe. 74.4% of women stated it is severe, with only 23.5% responding it is not severe. In contrast, 56.9% of men responded it is severe, and 41.2% responded it is not severe.

Regarding age, individuals in their 30s and 40s reported a lower proportion of perceiving the level of illegal/violent protests as severe compared to other age groups. For those in their 30s, the 'severe' response rate was 56.1%. For those in their 40s, 55.9% considered it severe. The 'not severe' responses were 43.4% and 43.0% for those in their 30s and 40s, respectively. Conversely, the youngest age group, those in their 20s, showed a 'severe' response rate of 61.3% and a 'not severe' response rate of 38.7%. This indicates that individuals in their 20s perceive illegal/violent protests as more severe than those in their 30s and 40s. Among those aged 50 and above, the 'severe' response rate was very high at 80.9%. For this age group, the rate was 15.2 percentage points higher than the overall average of 65.7%, showing the highest sensitivity to illegal/violent protests. Only 14.3% of those aged 50 and above responded that it is not severe. This signifies a relatively clear difference in the perception of the severity of illegal/violent protests across age groups.

Differences were also observed in education levels. Generally, individuals with lower education levels showed a higher level of concern regarding illegal/violent protests. Among those with a middle school education or less, 76.9% perceived it as severe, with only 14.9% responding it is not severe. For high school graduates, the 'severe' response rate was 65.9%, and for those with an associate's degree or higher, it was 62.7%. Conversely, the 'not severe' response rates were 31.7% for high school graduates and 37.1% for those with an associate's degree or higher. Consequently, this implies that women aged 50 and above with a middle school education or less hold the highest level of concern regarding illegal/violent protests in Korean society. Simultaneously, it suggests that men in their 30s and 40s with an associate's degree or higher have the relatively lowest level of concern.

In addition to differences based on gender, age, and education, perceptions of the severity of illegal/violent protests also showed relatively distinct variations based on presidential approval ratings, party affiliation, and ideology. Firstly, among those with a positive evaluation of the government's performance, the 'severe' response rate reached 83.1%. Among those with a negative evaluation, it was 57.0%. For 'not severe,' the rate was 16.0% for positive evaluators, but 40.8% for negative evaluators.

[Figure 2] Response Rates (%) on the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests by Presidential Approval Rating (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Significant differences were also observed based on party affiliation. Supporters of the Grand National Party showed a high 'severe' response rate of 83.9% regarding illegal/violent protests. In contrast, 54.5% of Democratic Party supporters considered it severe. Among supporters of the Democratic Labor Party, the 'severe' response rate was 32.6%. This result indicates that even evaluations of Korea's protest culture reflect the political interests of the party being supported. Unaffiliated individuals, who do not support any particular party, are likely to be relatively free from political interests and thus serve as an important indicator for understanding the general public's opinion. For the general public, the 'severe' response rate for violent/illegal protests significantly exceeded half, at 64.0%.

Ideological identity also served as a criterion for viewing the severity of illegal/violent protests. Among respondents who identified as conservative, 75.9% considered it severe. Among moderates, 69.9% responded it is severe. However, among progressives, only 51.3% considered it severe. This finding supports the hypothesis that conservatives tend to be negative towards the observance of existing law and order and excessive collective action, while progressives tend to emphasize criticism of the existing order and the right to resist.

[Figure 3] Response Rates (%) on the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests by Party Affiliation (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

[Figure 4] Response Rates (%) on the Severity of Illegal/Violent Protests by Ideological Tendency (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

2. Stance on the Government's Policy to Disallow Large-Scale Urban Protests: 45.5% support the government's policy to disallow large-scale urban protests vs. 51.4% oppose it.

Following physical clashes during a rally by the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions (KCTU) in Daejeon on the 16th, the government announced a policy of strict enforcement and decided to disallow large-scale urban protests. Public opinion on this matter was divided, with opposition slightly outweighing support. Specifically, 45.5% of respondents supported the government's policy (25.0% strongly support + 20.5% somewhat support), while 51.4% opposed it (23.8% strongly oppose + 27.8% somewhat oppose). 3.1% were undecided or refused to answer.

[Figure 1] Pro/Con Response Rates (%) on the Policy to Disallow Large-Scale Urban Protests

Respondents who considered the level of illegal/violent protests in Korea to be severe showed a higher rate of support for the government's policy to prohibit large-scale urban protests. However, among those who stated it is not severe, the opposition to the government's policy was even higher. To elaborate, among those who deemed the situation severe, 59.5% supported the prohibition of large-scale urban protests, while 37.1% opposed it. Conversely, among those who stated it is not severe, only 18.2% supported the government's policy, while 81.4% opposed it.

[Figure 2] Comparison of Pro/Con Response Rates (%) on Government Policy by Perception of Illegal/Violent Protests (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Policy Direction for Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex: 33.9% expansion, 35.5% maintain current level, 25.2% reduction.

Regarding inter-Korean economic cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, the Korean public has called for either maintaining the current level or expanding it. The response rate for maintaining the current level was 35.5%, and for expansion, it was 33.9% (12.3% significant or full expansion + 21.6% partial expansion). The response rate for reduction was 25.2% (12.8% significant or full suspension + 12.5% partial reduction). 5.4% were undecided or refused to answer.

[Figure 1] Response Rates (%) on Perception of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex

Compared to the survey results from March for the same question, the increase in 'expansion' was greater than the increase in 'reduction' in the current results. For expansion, the March survey showed 29.2%, while the May survey showed 33.9%. For reduction, it was 24.8% in March and 25.2% in May. The increase in the 'expansion' response rate largely came from a shift away from the 'maintain current level' category. The proportion of respondents calling for maintaining the current level was 41.5% in the March survey, but it decreased to 35.5% in the May survey, a drop of 6.0 percentage points (P).

However, inter-Korean economic cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, remained a significant barometer dividing ideological orientations in Korean society. Among those with progressive ideology, the response rate calling for expansion was 47.7%. For moderates, it was 30.8%, and for conservatives, it was 28.4%. Regarding maintaining the current level, the rates were 32.8% for progressives, 39.7% for moderates, and 34.7% for conservatives. In contrast, the proportion calling for reduction was only 16.1% among progressives, but 26.4% among moderates and 31.8% among conservatives.

[Figure 2] Response Rates (%) on Perception of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, by Ideological Tendency (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Just as ideological tendency serves as a significant criterion for viewing inter-Korean economic cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, presidential approval ratings and party affiliation also serve as criteria. For those with a positive evaluation of the government's performance, the response rate calling for expansion was 28.3%. For those with a negative evaluation, it was 37.8%. Conversely, for those calling for reduction, the rate was 33.3% for positive evaluators but decreased to 20.8% for negative evaluators, a difference of 12.5 percentage points (p). For maintaining the current level, the rates were 31.9% for positive evaluators and 37.6% for negative evaluators.

[Figure 3] Response Rates (%) on Perception of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, by Presidential Approval Rating (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Party affiliation also serves as a differentiating criterion. Among supporters of the Grand National Party, the response rate calling for the expansion of inter-Korean economic cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, was 23.6%. However, among supporters of the Democratic Party, 46.1% called for expansion. Supporters of the Democratic Labor Party also called for expansion at a rate of 55.9%. Unaffiliated individuals showed a response rate of 31.7%. Regarding reduction, Grand National Party supporters showed a response rate of 34.0%. For the Democratic Party, it was 12.3%, and for the Democratic Labor Party, it was 18.8%. For maintaining the current level, the rates were 35.2% for the Grand National Party, 38.6% for the Democratic Party, and 25.4% for the Democratic Labor Party. The fact that opinions on inter-Korean economic cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, differ based on presidential approval and party affiliation implies that North Korea policy will become a subject of political contention within the political sphere and could also become a source of inter-Korean conflict among the public.

[Figure 4] Response Rates (%) on Perception of Inter-Korean Economic Cooperation, including the Kaesong Industrial Complex, by Party Affiliation (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Stance on the Government's Plan to Abolish the Ban on Academy Classes After 10 PM: 43.3% said it was a good decision vs. 50.3% said it was a bad decision.

The government and the ruling party have withdrawn their plan to ban academy classes after 10 PM. While the controversy was indeed triggered by a proposal from the Presidential Committee for Future Planning during the current administration, the National Youth Commission had previously requested provincial and metropolitan education offices in August 2007 to amend ordinances to restrict late-night academy classes after 10 PM, judging that such classes could infringe upon the health and human rights of adolescents. This indicates that the ban on academy classes after 10 PM is not a new social issue. As it is a long-standing issue, the divisions are deep. Consequently, a constitutional appeal has been filed against the restriction of academy class hours. The high school students and parents who filed the appeal argue, "While the legitimacy of the legislative purpose of protecting adolescent health is acknowledged, given the existence of self-study sessions and private tutoring within the current college entrance examination system, restricting academy class hours is not an appropriate method to achieve the legislative purpose." In response, the Constitutional Court has announced that it will hold a public hearing on July 9th to determine the constitutionality of the Seoul and Busan ordinances that restrict academy operating hours.

The general public sentiment is also quite divided. 50.3% of the public believes the withdrawal of the ban was a bad decision, while 43.3% considered it a good decision. 6.5% were undecided or refused to answer. Consequently, although public opinion is divided on the government and ruling party's decision, there is a general call for government regulation on academy classes. If banning academy classes after 10 PM is difficult, some effort to alleviate the burden of academy classes on the public through other measures seems necessary.

[Figure 1] Stance (%) on the Withdrawal of the Ban on Academy Classes After 10 PM

Differences in opinion regarding the withdrawal of the ban on academy classes after 10 PM were minimal across education and income levels. For 'good decision,' the response rates were 43.2% for those with a middle school education or less, 42.8% for high school graduates, and 43.1% for those with an associate's degree or higher. Differences based on education level were also not apparent for 'bad decision.' The rates were 50.1% for those with a middle school education or less, 48.9% for high school graduates, and 51.7% for those with an associate's degree or higher.

Income disparities also did not prove to be a significant variable. For households with a monthly income of 1 million KRW or less, the 'good decision' response rate was 46.1%. For the 1 million KRW range, it was 48.6%; for the 2 million KRW range, 41.1%; for the 3 million KRW range, 37.3%; and for the 4 million KRW range and above, it was 43.2%. For 'bad decision,' the response rates were 48.1% for the 1 million KRW or less bracket, 48.3% for the 1 million KRW range, 50.0% for the 2 million KRW range, 55.7% for the 3 million KRW range, and 51.1% for the 4 million KRW range and above. This indicates that the highest proportion of negative responses was observed in the 3 million KRW monthly household income bracket.

However, some differences were observed based on gender and age. Firstly, when comparing by gender, women showed a higher positive view ('good decision') towards this decision than men. 44.6% of women responded it was a good decision, while 41.8% of men did. For 'bad decision,' women's response rate was 52.6%, which was 4.6 percentage points higher than men's 48.0%.

[Figure 2] Stance (%) on the Withdrawal of the Ban on Academy Classes After 10 PM by Gender (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Age groups also cannot be considered a variable that causes significant differences in the results. Specifically, 47.5% of those in their 40s responded that the withdrawal of the ban on academy classes after 10 PM was a good decision, a figure closely matched by the 48.0% who considered it a bad decision. For those aged 19-29, the 'good decision' response rate was 44.1%, while the 'bad decision' response rate was 53.4%. For those in their 30s, the rates were 42.5% and 49.7%, respectively. For those aged 50 and above, the rates were 40.5% and 50.3%, respectively. This implies that individuals in their 40s, who are more likely to have children attending academy classes, held the most negative perception regarding the ban on academy classes after 10 PM.

[Figure 3] Stance (%) on the Withdrawal of the Ban on Academy Classes After 10 PM by Age Group (Excluding Undecided/No Response)

Conversely, it is noteworthy that differences based on presidential approval ratings, ideology, and party affiliation were not significant. For those with a positive evaluation of the government's performance, the 'good decision' response rate was 46.3%. For those with a negative evaluation, it was 42.3%. Among those identifying as progressive, the 'good decision' response rate was 42.7%. For conservatives, it was 46.2%, and for moderates, it was 42.5%. Examining differences based on party affiliation, supporters of the Grand National Party showed a 'good decision' response rate of 48.2%. For the Democratic Party, it was 46.3%, and for the Democratic Labor Party, it was 29.8%. Consequently, compared to other contentious issues, differences based on presidential approval ratings, ideology, and party affiliation were not significant for educational issues. This suggests that at least concerning educational reform, people are not approaching educational issues from a political perspective. It is necessary to be cautious about an excessive political approach to educational matters.