Conditions for Presidential Success Learned from German Politics

Since initiating the project "Conditions for Presidential Success" in 2002, the East Asia Institute (EAI) has explored institutionalization methods for the desirable roles, powers, and responsibilities of presidents in the post-democratization era through projects such as "Conditions for Successful Presidential Transitions" (2007) and "Conditions for the 2013 Presidency" (2012), conducted every five years. In 2016, on May 9th, the year of the presidential election, EAI hosted a sixth roundtable on "Conditions for the 2018 Presidency," inviting former Prime Minister Kim Hwang-sik.

Learning from German Politics

Germany has overcome division and achieved reunification. Despite committing grave offenses to humanity, it has regained the trust of the international community and is a model nation in many respects, leading the EU economically and enjoying prosperity. German prosperity is attributed to its politics, and political leaders, including the Chancellor, have played a significant role in this political success. The factors contributing to Germany's successful political evaluation are as follows:

Separation of Powers

The first characteristic of German politics is the separation of powers rather than the concentration of power. Germany adopts a federal system composed of the federal government and 16 state governments. The legislature is divided into the Bundestag and the Bundesrat. The Bundestag, as the representative body of the people, has 598 members. The Bundesrat, comprising 69 representatives from each state, regardless of population size but reflecting the size of the state, represents the interests of the state governments. Consequently, matters concerning the finances or powers of each state require the Bundesrat's consent. It is common for the ruling party at the state level to differ from the federal ruling party, and the Bundesrat plays a significant role in coordinating the interests of states and the central government. This prevents interests from being coordinated solely by a specific political party; even if the central and state branches of the same party have different interests, they must engage in dialogue and compromise. Power is not concentrated in any single party.

In Germany, the President is a figure of political respect, so each word spoken by the President carries significant weight. Therefore, unlike in other countries with parliamentary systems, the Chancellor in Germany does not possess exclusive authority. This is particularly evident in the relationship between federal ministers and the Chancellor. According to Article 65 of the German Basic Law, the Federal Chancellor can set guidelines for national policy, but federal ministers have independent authority over their specific areas of work. Consequently, the Federal Chancellor cannot arbitrarily interfere in the work of federal ministers. The judiciary, including the Constitutional Court, ordinary courts, and specialized courts, is also geographically dispersed nationwide. Power is thus fragmented and distributed. Furthermore, Germany's electoral system is multi-party, making it very difficult for a single party to obtain an absolute majority.

As a result, since 1949, coalition governments have been formed without exception. Coalition governments further distribute governmental power. The system is designed such that national administration cannot be conducted without coalitions, meaning without dialogue and compromise. The Chancellor operates within this framework, exercising power with considerable restraint and transferring a significant portion of it to others.

Policy Succession and Development

The second characteristic of German politics is that policies are succeeded, evolved, and developed rather than being interrupted by changes in government. In South Korea, whether it be unification policy or economic policy, there has been a repeated pattern of discontinuing the previous government's policies and starting anew with each change of administration. In Germany, policies from previous governments are continuously evolved and succeeded. For example, Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik was evolved and developed by subsequent center-right chancellors, and Chancellor Merkel of the CDU continued the Social Democratic Party's policies under Schröder. Moreover, because German politics involves coalition governments, one of the coalition partners is likely to remain in power. Germany's policy-making process is very deliberate. Policies are the result of dialogue and compromise not only among political parties but also among various policy stakeholders, making them difficult to change easily.

The national damage caused by policy discontinuity is substantial. Firstly, it leads to a loss of trust in international relations as the country adopts new positions different from those of the previous government. Secondly, from the perspective of the citizens, the vicious cycle of policies painstakingly developed by a supported party being abandoned after the party loses the next election can undermine national cohesion. This results in the consumption and waste of national resources.

Substantial Politics

The third characteristic is substantial politics. German politics is not superficial but deeply rooted and weighty. It does not pursue popularity-seeking or populism, and it is wary of approaches focused on how to increase approval ratings by catering to temporary support. In Germany, Chancellors or high-ranking officials do not suddenly emerge on the wave of popularity. Most Chancellors and ministers have prior experience in government or are proven individuals with diverse experience and a wealth of knowledge.

Once a Chancellor is appointed in Germany, the public tends to support them until the end. Chancellor Adenauer served for 14 years, Chancellor Kohl for 16 years, and Chancellor Merkel has been in office for 12 years. This is highly effective for implementing national policies that involve long-term vision.

German politicians consistently engage in politics that offers inspiration and lessons to the public. A prime example is Willy Brandt, who knelt and apologized at the Warsaw Ghetto on December 7, 1970. Furthermore, German politicians have continuously shown remorse and offered apologies to the international community, thereby demonstrating a form of politics that cautions the public against being swayed by misguided political actions.

The Need for Constitutional Amendment

The fact that the 1987 Constitution has remained unchanged for over 30 years is a cause for shame for our citizens and politicians. The current Constitution is not suited for a political system based on the separation of powers, dialogue, and compromise. It is not an appropriate system for developing the nation with a long-term national vision.

Given the changes brought about by the information society, environmental issues, refugee crises, and evolving perceptions of the right to life, the issue of fundamental rights needs re-examination. Various issues, including the local autonomy system, preparations for unification, the systems of the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court, and the independence of the Board of Audit and Inspection, require review.

Particularly concerning the issue of unification, we can glimpse German wisdom from their unification process. In 1949, when Germany drafted its constitution, intending it as a provisional unification constitution, they did not name it a constitution but designated it as a Basic Law and included two articles related to unification. Article 23 stipulated that states that were part of the German Federal Republic and wished to join the Federal Republic would be immediately incorporated, signifying an absorptive unification. Article 146, on the other hand, stipulated that upon German unification, general elections would be held, a constituent assembly convened, and a constitution drafted. Since establishing a constituent assembly to draft a constitution is a complex international matter, unification occurred through the revival of five states by the East German government under this provision, followed by their incorporation into the West German Federal Republic. By keeping both possibilities open, if unification had not occurred under Article 23, it would have been an extremely arduous process.

Presidential Philosophy and Conviction

The most crucial elements for a president are philosophy and conviction. This means establishing principles based on one's own philosophy and conviction, rather than yielding to popularity or wavering, to determine what is necessary for the nation's future and national interest. Early in President Eisenhower's term, Soviet Premier Stalin proposed unifying the divided Germany and making it a neutral country. This was a highly attractive proposal, supported by a significant portion of the public, including the opposition Social Democratic Party and even the ruling Christian Democratic Union. However, President Eisenhower, holding the conviction that Germany's future would be secured as a member of the Western world, within the Western economic system and military alliance, managed to quell public dissent. Had Eisenhower yielded to popularity, Germany's current leadership role in Western Europe would have been impossible. Upholding one's philosophy and conviction requires courage. Chasing populism or popularity may offer easy choices and immediate support, but in the long run, it wounds the nation and its people. As observed in German politics, a president must maintain an unpretentious demeanor, continuously learn and communicate, and possess the flexibility and inclusiveness to change their views when necessary. Consequently, they must be prepared to delegate presidential powers, responsibilities, and personnel authority in stages. In essence, the most important virtues for a politician are not to reign but to decentralize, share, and embrace.

Kim Hwang-sikFormer Prime Minister (currently a lawyer at the Kim Hwang-sik Law Firm) served as a High Court Judge, a researcher at the Supreme Court, Deputy Secretary-General of the Court Administration, Justice of the Supreme Court, and Chairman of the Board of Audit and Inspection.

Moderator

Lee Sook-jong, President of EAI, Professor at Sungkyunkwan University

Discussion

Kang Won-taek, Professor at Seoul National University

Kim Seok-ho, Professor at Seoul National University

Kim Jae-il, Professor at Dankook University

Kim Tae-young, Professor at Kyung Hee University

Na Tae-jun, Professor at Yonsei University

Park Won-ho, Professor at Seoul National University

Park Hyung-joon, Director of EAI Governance Center, Professor at Sungkyunkwan University

Lee Nae-young, Director of EAI Public Opinion Analysis Center, Professor at Korea University

Han Gyu-seop, Professor at Seoul National University

Han Seung-joon, Professor at Seoul Women's University

Han Jeong-hoon, Professor at Seoul National University

Bae Jin-seok, Senior Researcher at EAI

Kim Bo-mi, Senior Researcher at EAI