India's Strategic Partnership Building in East Asia and Korea

The East Asia Institute (EAI) is conducting research on the potential of "middle power diplomacy" as a future vision for Korean diplomacy. Middle power diplomacy refers not only to the diplomacy of countries classified as middle powers based on national strength, but also to diplomacy that pursues universal values alongside narrow national interests through its foreign policy characteristics, and diplomacy that significantly influences regional and global architectures. Middle power diplomacy can be a strategic option for Korean diplomacy that can contribute to resolving regional instability, which is increasing due to shifts in the balance of power between the US and China.

As part of this research, the East Asia Institute hosted the second Ambassador's Roundtable with foreign ambassadors to Korea on July 15, 2013, inviting H.E. Vishnu Prakash, Ambassador of India to Korea, on the theme "India's Strategic Partnership Building in East Asia and Korea." Ambassador Prakash presented on India's foreign policy strategy rooted in its historical experience, followed by a Q&A session with the discussants. The main discussion points are as follows.

India's Experience

Although India is located in West Asia, it can be considered an East Asian country from a historical and strategic perspective. Geographically, it shares borders with Myanmar and China, and is only 90 nautical miles away from Indonesia. As a result, for thousands of years, it has maintained a high level of political, economic, and cultural exchange with countries in Southeast and Northeast Asia, and Indian religion, language, culture, and food have deeply influenced countries in the East Asian region. Records in the *Samguk Yusa* stating that a princess from the Ayodhya kingdom of India married King Suro of Gaya, and the *Record of Travels in the Five Indian Regions* left by the Silla monk Hyecho after his pilgrimage to India, demonstrate that India has had close ties with Korea since ancient times.

With its vast territory, India possesses a complex socio-cultural identity due to its close connections with diverse and heterogeneous nations and cultural spheres. In a 1950 opinion poll, only 17 percent of the total population identified themselves as Indian, indicating that most Indians define their identity based on race, religion, or region. However, a similar poll conducted in 2010 found that 41 percent of respondents identified as Indian, suggesting a significant trend of synthesis within Indian society. Nationally, India is the world's second-most populous democracy with 1.2 billion people, a leading emerging power within BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China) growing at a rapid pace (average annual GDP growth rate of 6-8 percent), and the world's 10th-largest economy. On the other hand, in terms of poverty rate and per capita income, it remains a developing country with a low level of development, exhibiting a large gap between its economic scale and quality of life. Diplomatically, it is the dominant power in South Asia and a middle power that has led non-aligned diplomacy in multilateral forums like the UN. Historically, India has experienced numerous invasions and dominations by foreign powers such as Macedonia, Persia, Portugal, France, and Britain for over 2,500 years. Economically, it experienced a decline that overshadowed its past prosperity at the time of its establishment as a modern nation; according to Angus Maddison, a prominent British economic historian, the Indian economy, which accounted for about 23 percent of global Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1820, had fallen to just 1 percent by the time of its independence in 1947, making it one of the poorest countries. This historical background led India to prioritize the attainment of strategic independence and sustained economic development as its primary national objectives. With economic development at the core of its national goals, India naturally began pursuing a "Look East Policy" in the 1990s, turning its attention to East Asia, which had achieved successful economic growth. In practice, India has been actively involved in the East Asian region since becoming a member of the East Asia Summit (EAS) in 2005, which comprises 16 countries, and by signing comprehensive economic partnership agreements with East Asian countries such as Japan and Korea.

India's Foreign Strategy

India's foreign policy can be understood as an extension of its domestic policy. Job creation, particularly to provide employment for its young population, makes sustained economic development crucial for India's national interests. In this regard, India's most important strategic objective is to achieve sustainable economic development, and consequently, India's foreign strategy is focused on creating a surrounding international environment conducive to economic growth. Over the past two decades, India has achieved an average annual GDP growth rate of 6 percent, with its GDP size based on purchasing power parity increasing sixfold. However, its per capita GDP remains below $1,500. For sustained economic growth, it is essential to manage regional stability without getting entangled in conflicts with neighboring countries while remaining closely connected to the global economy. In this context, India is not only implementing a foreign aid program worth $2 million for neighboring countries such as Afghanistan, Bhutan, and Bangladesh, but also actively pursuing cooperation with its neighbors, fulfilling its responsibilities as a major regional power even in situations where symmetrical reciprocal relations are difficult to establish.

Simultaneously, as a reaction to its history of prolonged colonial rule and invasions by external powers, India places great importance on securing strategic autonomy in its security policy. Nuclear weapons development can be understood in this context. Given that India shares a long border of 4,000 kilometers with China, with whom it has had territorial disputes since the Sino-Indian War of 1962, and that Pakistan, with whom it has historical and religious conflicts, is pursuing nuclear armament, India's development of nuclear weapons was inevitable to build credible deterrence and defense capabilities. However, India strictly adheres to the principles of "No First Use" and not using nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states.

India is a prominent status quo power in the region. According to an international opinion poll conducted by the Center for Strategic and International Studies in 2009, only 3 percent of respondents identified India as the most threatening country in Asia, ranking it third, after South Korea (0.5 percent) and Japan (2 percent), as a country that does not pose a security threat to the region. Having experienced colonial rule itself, India is reluctant to interfere in the domestic political affairs of other countries. Simultaneously, unlike China, it operates a democratic system and therefore is unlikely to seek to exert influence over neighboring countries based on its economic power. The democratic system will continue to act as a structural factor guiding India's foreign policy towards contributing to regional order stability and peace.

Recommendations for Korean Diplomacy

1. In an era of "coopetition" (a portmanteau of cooperation and competition), flexible diplomacy is needed to reduce differences and expand common ground with neighboring countries, centered on considerations of national interest.During the Cold War, India led the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), striving to secure strategic flexibility through a non-aligned path that did not align with either the United States or the Soviet Union. In this context, even in the post-Cold War era, India continues to pursue partnerships that are not aimed at containing or countering specific powers through non-aligned diplomacy. Today's global politics exhibit complex patterns of mixed cooperation and competition; in such a situation, diplomacy that seeks to counter opposing forces based on alliances with specific powers is anachronistic. Foreign policy must always prioritize national interests. Efforts to reduce conflicts of interest with neighboring countries and expand common areas are essential to realize one's own national interests. Korean middle power diplomacy should also be pursued as part of these efforts, and it is necessary to benchmark the multilateral diplomacy of ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) countries, which demonstrate the most successful models in the region.

2. To institutionalize regional security cooperation, a phased approach is necessary, starting with areas where cooperation is feasible and gradually expanding the scope.The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) demonstrates that countries in the East Asian region are developing close economic ties. To continue developing regional economic cooperation in the future, new multilateral institutions are needed to discuss common challenges facing the region, such as terrorism, piracy, climate change, and disasters, beyond the economic sphere. In particular, efforts are urgently needed to institutionalize fragile security cooperation within the East Asian region. To this end, a phased approach is important, focusing initially on issues where cooperation is relatively easy, such as cultural exchange, and gradually expanding the scope. Korea and India need to play a leading role in this gradual expansion of regional cooperation.

3. In terms of identity, economy, and security, Korea should further develop its strategic partnership with India.Korea and India need to further develop their relationship as strategic partners, sharing not only identity but also various economic and security interests. Both countries operate democratic systems and respect the rule of law, thus sharing many commonalities in terms of identity. Economically, India possesses a high savings rate and a robust domestic market. Furthermore, its demographic trend of aging is progressing at the slowest rate among emerging powers in the region, making it an attractive partner for cooperation due to its high growth sustainability. The Korea-India Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA), signed in 2009, should be revised into a higher-level Free Trade Agreement (FTA) to deepen economic cooperation. Moreover, in terms of security, India shares many aspects with Korea. Continuous strengthening of cooperation with the United States, a key security partner for both countries, is necessary, while simultaneously deepening friendly relations with China, an economic power and neighboring country. Therefore, there is no reason to choose between the US and China amidst their relationship dynamics; both India and Korea should cooperate with both countries according to their national interests. Meanwhile, the fact that China is attempting to expand its influence over Korea through its relationship with North Korea, similar to how it uses its relationship with Pakistan to contain India, serves as a significant incentive for Korea and India to expand their comprehensive cooperation.■

Speaker
H.E. Vishnu Prakash joined the Indian Ministry of External Affairs in 1981 and served in Moscow and New Delhi, and handled economic and commercial affairs in New York. He served as Consul General in Vladivostok in 1992, during which time numerous Indian companies were established in the Russian Far East, opening avenues for direct trade. From 1994 to 1997, he was the Desk Officer for Nepal and Bhutan at the Ministry of External Affairs, and during this period, he took a sabbatical for three months at the Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawaii. From 1997 to 2000, he served as Political Counselor in Tokyo, and from 2001 in Islamabad, respectively. In 2002, he served as Minister for Economic and Commercial Affairs in Egypt, where he worked to promote Indian investment in Egypt. After serving as Consul General in Shanghai for eight months, he was appointed Director and Spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs, serving in New Delhi until January 2012. He assumed his post as Ambassador of India to Korea on January 12, 2012.

Moderator

Lee Sook-jong, President of the East Asia Institute

Discussants

Kang Chan-ho, Political Editor, JoongAng Sunday

Kim Joong-gon, Professor, Sogang University; Former Ambassador to India

Son Yeol, Dean, Graduate School of International Studies, Yonsei University

Jeon Jae-sung, Professor, Seoul National University

Chung Koo-hyun, Chairman, Seoul Forum for International Affairs

Cho Chung-je, Head, India and South Asia Team, Korea Development Institute (KDI)