The Historical Mission and Political Leadership of the President

EAI has sought institutional measures regarding the desirable role, authority, and responsibilities of the president in the post-democratization era through projects such as "Conditions for a Successful Presidency" in 2002 and "Conditions for a Successful Presidential Transition" in 2007, in response to the historical demands arising from the progress of democratization in Korea. Now, there is an urgent need to establish stable institutions that can accommodate the growing demands for political participation and communication amidst the changing political landscape due to the spread of SNS technology.

Accordingly, EAI planned "Conditions for a Successful Presidency in 2013" to examine the achievements and methods of state administration by past governments and to explore the conditions for forming governability and successfully fulfilling the presidential duties in line with the new political environment.

On May 11, 2012, the 4th roundtable was held with former Senior Secretary Lee Won-jong, who served as Senior Secretary for Political Affairs for nearly four years under President Kim Young-sam during the civilian government. The main points of the meeting are summarized as follows.

The President Must Fulfill the Historical Mission

The five-year presidential term in Korea is equivalent to twenty years in other countries. Depending on how state affairs are managed during this five-year term, Korea can either lead the world in responding to global changes or fall significantly behind. This signifies the crucial role of the president. Broadly speaking, past presidents of Korea have, in their own ways, appropriately fulfilled important "historical missions." President Syngman Rhee fulfilled the mission of nation-building; President Park Chung-hee, the mission of industrialization; President Chun Doo-hwan, the mission of stabilizing the nation following the collapse of the Park Chung-hee regime; and President Roh Tae-woo, the mission of northern diplomacy. President Kim Young-sam organized and introduced new civilian values, departing from the military culture and values of the past 30 years. Based on this, President Kim Dae-jung shifted the paradigm of North Korean policy, advancing peaceful coexistence and unification discussions between the South and North. The Roh Moo-hyun administration created an environment for participatory democracy through de-authoritarian leadership. However, the historical mission of President Lee Myung-bak appears unclear. Although he successfully gained power by identifying the historical trend and advocating for an "economic president," it remains unknown what mission he pursued during his presidency.

What, then, is the historical mission of the next president? It is not easy to predict. The historical mission of a president is not simply given. What is clear is that it should not rely on populism as it does now. In this regard, a "sense of mission" is a crucial prerequisite for a successful president. Leadership is required from a president who possesses historical consciousness to read the trends of the times and a vision to foresee global changes. Furthermore, the president must seek the cooperation of the people to realize the historical mission. Our people have two types of sentiments: "han" (resentment) and "shinmyung" (exhilaration). While industrialization was achieved through the sentiment of "han," it is difficult to become an advanced nation solely on this basis. Politics must now invigorate the people. The core of leadership in the era of governance is to enable the excellent multitude to work with enthusiasm, hope, and excitement.

The Political Environment Must Change for a Successful Presidency

For a successful presidency, while individual factors and changes in the presidential office are important, reforms in the political environment and socio-cultural landscape must precede them. Specific changes and how to implement them will require continuous effort through active social discourse, followed by adjustments and refinements to fit reality. However, at this moment, the most crucial task is to establish democratic political parties that can function properly.

The backwardness of our political parties lies in their being person-centric. There are no ideological mass parties. Although they claim to be people's parties, they remain confined within the framework of regional parties. Since parties lack distinct ideologies or policies, the goals and visions of the individuals representing them become the party's goals and visions. This issue of supporting person-centric parties leads to regressive politics where policies are supported or opposed unconditionally based on support for or opposition to a specific individual, regardless of the policy itself. Under these conditions, it is difficult to produce a successful president. Parties must change first. If parties fail to fulfill their roles, the function of politics will be usurped by civic groups or other entities. To overcome this, parties must become issue-oriented, inclusive, and people's parties. Only then can democracy develop. The strength of democracy lies in its ability to find balance, much like a pendulum. Whether leaning left or right, when problems arise, it shifts to the other side to achieve balance and thus progress.

Furthermore, party reform is necessary to resolve communication issues. Communication begins with acknowledging the other party. To do so, one must know who the other party is, and if their identity is unclear, it is difficult to recognize or acknowledge them. In this regard, party identity must be clear. This will clarify the reasons why people support a particular party and separate it from mere personal support for a specific politician. Consequently, party accountability can be strengthened. And for the democratization of parties, the nomination system must be changed above all else. Instead of a top-down nomination system that causes politicians to focus only on influential party figures rather than the public, a genuine bottom-up nomination system must be practiced. To be reborn as a true people's party, a genuine open primary system, impervious to reverse selection, is essential. Only when democratic parties and a political environment conforming to the spirit of the Constitution are established will a successful presidency become possible.

The Presidential Secretariat Must Focus on Political Affairs

As the Blue House is the center and central nervous system of state administration, the success or failure of the president is influenced by the role and function of the secretariat. Fundamentally, the organizational structure of the Blue House can vary depending on the president's political orientation. The Roh Moo-hyun administration changed to a dual structure, separating the Presidential Office into a Secretariat and a Policy Planning Office. However, such a dual structure hinders the president's efficient state administration, as presidential actions are essentially political and policy actions are subordinate to political affairs.

What, then, is the role of the secretariat for a successful presidency? In principle, the secretariat should effectively convey the president's vision and political philosophy to the cabinet and ensure that ministers faithfully implement the president's policy intentions within their respective fields. Of course, monitoring whether government policies align with the president's philosophy of governance is also important. It should also inform the president of these matters. However, if the Blue House attempts to do everything, preventing the cabinet from acting, normal state administration cannot occur. The secretariat is not a power center; its duty is, quite literally, to assist the president. Secretariat or advisory staff should not pursue their own ideologies or interests. Internal management of the Blue House should, in principle, be aligned with the president's political philosophy through senior staff meetings. The experiences of past governments clearly show that failure to adhere to these principles leads to presidential failure.

The relationship between the president, political parties, and the National Assembly since democratization has become a crucial variable for successful state administration. Without establishing a cooperative partnership with the ruling party, there is little a president can do within the current power structure. The "imperial presidency" was a phenomenon of the past authoritarian era when the National Assembly was controlled through the ruling party. Now, if the president fails to gain the political support of the ruling party, they are bound to become a "lame duck" president. Therefore, it is extremely important to foster cooperation with the ruling party towards the president's state administration direction through political affairs functions. An appropriate role for the Blue House is also necessary in relations with the opposition party. In principle, relations with the opposition party should be handled by the ruling party. It is problematic for the Blue House to directly take the lead. Since the DJ administration, the Blue House has directly confronted opposition attacks, effectively neutralizing the ruling party's political affairs functions. As a result, instead of sharing responsibility for state affairs, the ruling party began to shift responsibility to the president and the Blue House when problems arose. This highlights the importance of political affairs functions.

The President Must Exercise Leadership with Infinite Responsibility

We are now in the full era of governance. Authoritarian leadership, which was effective until the YS and DJ administrations, no longer works. Political capacity for adjustment and integration is required. The ultimate goal of politics is to integrate and coordinate everything. Ultimately, the core of leadership lies in how effectively one can weave together diversified powers and varied interests.

All newly launched administrations promise reforms to address the flaws of existing governments or systems. However, achieving reform outcomes is not easy. This is because reform is a "public good" where the many who benefit do not act proactively, while the few vested interests who are harmed strongly resist. Early in their term, presidents find it easier to push for reforms based on high public support, but as popularity wanes and they become entangled in complex interests, the momentum for reform diminishes. Therefore, for reforms to yield results, the president's political leadership for adjustment and integration becomes the key.

Success is also difficult in relations with bureaucrats by relying on authoritarian leadership. Korean bureaucrats are competent but possess an exclusive nature. Therefore, while bureaucratic cooperation is an indispensable condition for successful state administration, it is not easily secured. However, bureaucrats should not be simply labeled as "objects of reform" or "enemies." Leadership that can utilize their capabilities, even when problems exist, is necessary. Overcoming bureaucratic resistance is difficult for the president alone. It is necessary to delegate to the cabinet and support the head of the cabinet. In this regard, appropriate delegation of authority is required. Ultimately, however, all responsibility must be borne by the president, who has received a mandate from the people. While it is possible for the prime minister to be fully delegated state administration authority, as President Roh Moo-hyun did, the responsibility must ultimately rest with the president. The prime minister should not become a means of evading responsibility, as in authoritarian governments. Power without responsibility is merely violence.

The issue of corruption among close associates should also be approached from this perspective. The misfortune of past presidents stemmed mostly not from policy failures but from corruption among their close associates. It is simplistic to view corruption among a president's close associates as a personal problem or to believe that it can be resolved through institutional mechanisms. We must be vigilant about the fact that corruption can always occur among a president's close associates because power is the ultimate resource in our society. The occurrence of state manipulation or power corruption by relatives or close associates is a breach of trust from the people. Therefore, the president must possess a strong sense of responsibility, recognizing that they can never evade the responsibility entrusted by the people under any circumstances.■

Former Senior Secretary Lee Won-jong graduated from Korea University with a degree in Economics. He served as press secretary to Kim Young-sam, president of the New Democratic Party, in 1976, and as special advisor for press affairs to the president of the Reunification Democratic Party in 1987. After serving as Vice Minister of Information in 1993, he worked as Senior Secretary for Political Affairs in the Presidential Secretariat. During his nearly four years as Senior Secretary in the civilian government, he was known as a "shadow aide" who faithfully performed only his role in assisting the president. He is currently the chairman of the OurNuri Foundation and lectures at universities as a visiting professor at Inha University and Myongji University, and as a distinguished professor at Hanyang University.

Moderator

Lee Sook-jong, President of EAI, Professor at Sungkyunkwan University

Participants

Kim Jeong, Secretary General of EAI

Lee Gon-soo, Head of EAI Governance Research Team

Lee Jae-youl, Professor at Seoul National University

Jang Yong-seok, Professor at Yonsei University

Jeong Won-chil, Senior Researcher at EAI Public Opinion Analysis Center

Jeong Han-ul, Deputy Director of EAI Public Opinion Analysis Center

Han Kyu-seop, Professor at Seoul National University