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[EAI-NDI Capstone Roundtable] 韓国・米国議会民主主義パートナーシップ(第2セッション)

カテゴリー
マルチメディア
発行日
2024年7月18日

YouTubeリンク:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G52pbK5Q_pg

映像スクリプト

第二セッションとして、この懇談会は国会議員懇談会です。特に海外と協力する際、米議会との協力は非常に重要です。米下院内には超党派で「下院民主主義パートナーシップ(House Democracy Partnership, HDP)」という会があります。主に開発途上国の議会と協力しているので、韓国が会員国になるかはHDP議員たちと協議してみる必要があります。先日のラウンドテーブルにはHDP所属議員4、5名が参加し、韓米議員懇談会を行いました。今回は招集が急だったため、米議員を招くことができませんでした。代わりにNDIの理事であるサンティ・カラット氏が参加します。カラット氏はNDI理事も務め、私とは長年の知り合いです。特にバイデン大統領が民主主義サミットを開催した際、ホワイトハウス調整官として第1回サミットを組織・主導しました。

韓米議員協力の重要性と現状

世界の民主主義を保護・支援する方法に献身的に取り組んでおられます。韓米議員間の協力を議論する前に、韓国側議員2名にまずお話を伺いたいと思います。東アジア研究所と共にこの懇談会を共同主管してくださったキム・ヨンベ議員にまずお話を伺います。はい、こんにちは。キム・ヨンベ議員です。本日お目にかかれて嬉しく思います。簡単に申し上げます。人類普遍の価値であり規範であり、人類の未来を築く最も重要な原動力となる民主主義の制度と理念について、最近懸念が多く提起されています。政治的二極化というテーマが韓国でも非常に重要な話題として浮上し、懸念を招いています。大統領選挙、先日終わった総選挙、さらには若者のオンラインコミュニティでも政治的二極化の問題が大きな懸念事項となっています。

SNS技術の発展と共に提起されるこれらの問題は、先進国だけでなく人類全体にとっても今後重要な懸念事項であり、解決すべき課題です。今年米国でも大統領選挙があり、本日集まった国会議員の大半が8月頃シカゴで開催される民主党全国大会を訪問する予定です。

NDIと共にEAI、韓国の教授陣の協力を得てNDIとプログラムを組織する計画です。2点お願いしたいことがあります。第一に、今後継続的な協力が行われるよう、NDIと韓国の国会議員および各界の主体が協力を継続する方策について、引き続きご検討いただきたいと思います。積極的に共に考えるという提案兼お願いです。第二に、結局は人が行う仕事なので、人間関係と交流が非常に重要だと考えます。韓国がグローバル・トップ10リーダー国へと飛躍する時期ですので、韓国の政治家やリーダーたちと、米国の主要民主主義機関や議会関係者、すなわち下院議員や政党関係者との間で、継続的なチャネルを確保し、具体的な人的交流を行うことが非常に必要かつ重要だと考えます。

したがって、そのチャネルを確保し、継続化できるよう支援計画を持って進めていただきたいと思います。そこから出発してこそ、韓米議員間の具体的かつ強固な協力関係が継続され、それを基盤として韓国ができる民主主義支援と、全世界的な民主主義促進に貢献できる「呼び水」、すなわち「踏み石」が用意されるでしょう。米国と韓国の状況は大きく異なりますが、今から新しく作り上げるという気持ちで共に考えていきたいと思います。

このようなお願いを本日ぜひ申し上げたいです。後ほど米国でお会いできることを願っております。シカゴかワシントンDCでお会いできれば幸いです。以上です。ありがとうございました。はい、ありがとうございました、キム・ヨンベ議員。今おっしゃった通り、このセッションが終わった後、ご参加の5名の議員の方々はしばらく残ってNDIソウル事務所でブリーフィングを受ける予定です。私たちがNDIだけでなく、他の機関を訪問する際にも、様々なサイドイベントを組織するお手伝いをさせていただきます。

韓国民主主義の成果と国際的役割

先般、前所長のデレック・ミッチェル氏が来られた際、キム・ヨンベ議員とチェ・ヨン議員も会われました。チェ・ヨン議員にも一言お願いします。はい、本日は貴重な行事に参加させていただきありがとうございます。韓国こそ、米国が世界に広めようとした民主主義を成功裏に定着させ、我々国民は民主化闘争と民主化運動を通じて民主主義を達成しました。昨年は韓米同盟70周年を迎え、今年は新たに韓米同盟の新時代を開く元年です。このような時期に、韓国国会と米国議会、そして米国のNDIが共に世界の民主主義をどのように再定着させるか議論できることは、非常に意義深いと考えます。これこそが韓米同盟の真の価値ではないでしょうか。

国内でも民主主義の後退に対する懸念、政党民主主義の後退、そして二極化と非正常勢力の強化に対する懸念があります。また、選挙制度が民意と議席を正しく反映しているかについての深い議論もあります。いずれにせよ、成功した民主主義国家として米国が抱える問題を、共に肩を並べて考えを分かち合える時間になったと思います。特に今年、韓米議員連盟を韓国国会で発足させようとしております。

おそらく本日、米国にいらっしゃるキム・ジンピョ国会議長と韓国国会代表団が訪問中ですが、米国下院議長と会談しこの問題を協議し、まもなく第22代国会が発足すれば与野党の院内代表間の合意を経て、韓米議員連盟が発足すると考えます。この韓米議員連盟の重要な最初のテーマを世界の民主主義促進とすることになれば、非常に意味のある始まりとなるでしょう。振り返ってみれば、先ほどイ・ジュンソク代表がおっしゃったように、80年代初頭に大学に通っていた私たちの世代は、当時の米国の民主主義制度、民主主義機関、議会、ホワイトハウス、様々な人権団体からの監視と支援のおかげで、命を救うことができた時期がありました。国際社会における民主主義支援が、海外の民主主義にとってどれほど貴重なものであるかを私たちは実感しています。

ですから、私たちが本格的に米国と共にこの問題を全世界に広めることができる機会を得られたことを、本当に嬉しく思います。共に引き続き議論していきましょう。はい、チェ・ヨン議員ありがとうございます。私は実は、強力な同盟国である韓米間に議員連盟がまだ発足していないという事実に驚いた一人です。韓日議員連盟や韓中議員連盟はあると聞いていますが、なぜ米国とはなかったのかと思いました。今、そのような連盟を作るというので、うまくいくことを願っています。

米国の民主主義支援経験と議会の役割

NDIが米議員と韓国議員が出会う際に、多くの橋渡し役を果たしてくださるようお願いします。Let me speak for about 10 minutes. Well, thank you so much. Thank you to the East Asia Institute. Thank you especially to the members of the National Assembly, who I'm so gratified to see this active participation and hear from you already the importance of democracy. Um, you know, I think you probably heard and talked about this a little bit already, but we really see democracy in the US as key to security, key to stability, key to prosperity, and

ご存知のように、私は行政府で、行政府のスタッフとして、また大統領補佐官を務めました。しかし、行政府の観点から言えば、バイデン大統領が民主主義サミットを開催し、世界中の国々を集めて支持を表明するための新たな手段を創設したいと考えた主な理由の一つがそれです。そして、それは私たちの同盟にとって非常に重要であり、韓国と米国の同盟が強力である理由も、それが民主主義とのパートナーシップだからだと考えます。

そして、それは民主主義サミット全体、そして国家安全保障会議における私たちの全体的なアプローチにおいて、多くの異なる安全保障問題にわたって貫かれているものだと考えます。ですから、私たちは米国における民主主義を重要視していますが、民主主義の根幹をなすのは議会の役割、国会の役割です。それらはまさに世界中の民主主義の礎です。それらは、大統領や首相よりもずっと前から存在していました。それはまさに市民の集まりでした

自分たちのコミュニティを統治する役割を担うために。ですから、私たちは本当に議会に依存しており、民主主義のために国会に依存しています。そして、それはそれぞれの国における民主主義にとって重要であるだけでなく、世界中の民主主義を支援するためにも重要です。そして、米国自身の経験から言えば、米国連邦議会は世界中の民主主義を支援する上で信じられないほど重要な役割を果たしています。私たち自身の...設立されたのは...連邦議会が...現在の民主主義のための全国基金と関連組織を設立したのです

民主主義研究所のようなものです。それは...それは数世代にわたる物語です。そして実際、1960年代に連邦議会議員のダンテ氏が、連邦議会が世界中の民主主義を支援する原動力となるべきだと提案したことさえあります。そして、ご覧のとおり、彼の考えが実現するまでには時間がかかりました。そして、皆さんの国会が役割を果たすための具体的なアイデアを議論されているのは称賛に値すると考えます。それは多くの審議と

議論を必要とします。それは簡単なことではありません。しかし、そのような議論を始めること、...について話すことは、国会が役割を果たすことができると考えます。世界中の他の国々にも同様の例があります。例えば、英国では、ウェストミンスター民主主義財団が最終的に英国議会に責任を負っています。そして、それは外務省と関係があるものの、それは実際に...そして、世界を見渡せば、議会が民主主義の

支援のまさに要石となっている多くのモデルを見つけることができるでしょう。そして、それがこれほどまでに重要である理由は、これらの多くの事例において、このようなイニシアチブに対する超党派の支持だけでなく、多党の支持があることです。そして、私自身の経験、私たちの連邦議会から言えば、米国では残念ながら今日、非常に二極化していますが、私たちがお互いに協力できる一つの問題は、世界中の民主主義を促進するためのこの揺るぎない支持です。そして、それは、

それが国家安全保障にとって、私たちの同盟にとって重要であり、そしてそれは、多くの意味で、私たちが国内外で価値観をどのように生きるかの基盤であると、私は本当に考えています。ですから、韓国も民主主義を支援する上で国会の役割を探求し、拡大する可能性のある方法について、これが実りある、実りある探求となることを本当に願っています。そして、私は連邦議会議員や下院民主主義パートナーシップのメンバーを代表して話すことはできませんが、皆さんの何人かが、HDPとのより強固なコミュニケーションとパートナーシップを望んでいると聞いたことがあります。そして、米国だけでなく、世界中の他の民主主義議会とも、さらにこれらの

目的を推進するために、さまざまな方法で協力することを検討することを強くお勧めします。最後に、議会は、行政府や他の統治機関とは異なる方法で、人々の直接の声のチャネルとして機能するため、特に重要であると私は言いたいと思います。最高裁判所や他の種類の民主主義制度がありますが、議会は人々の声であるため、

世界中の民主主義原則と民主主義市民イニシアチブを支援する上で重要な役割を果たすことができると考えています。そして、それが市民社会の支援、市民主導のイニシアチブの支援、すべての人々の人権の支援における重要な連携があると私が考える理由です。だからこそ、これらの問題は議会にとって非常に共鳴するのだと思います。そして、それらは皆さんが今後、皆さんの審議で考えることができる問題であることを願っています。最終的に、皆さんは皆、認識しており、そして、

大統領制民主主義の挑戦と韓米協力策

this is a contribution to democracy that I think has shown leadership, and the future National Assembly will play an independent legislative role. I believe that Korea's support will be possible. Now, we will have a discussion session with Santi Kalat coordinator and professors. In this session, we will specifically discuss what are the cooperation agendas and methods between the Korean and US legislatures, and share what experiences the US has. For our program, we will call out the names of the four members of the National Assembly in alphabetical order. First, Representative Cho Jeong-eun, please. Yes, thank you. I am Representative Cho Jeong-eun. I am deeply grateful for the meaningful event created today.

I sincerely thank the East Asia Institute and the US NDI officials who have created such a meaningful event today. I am especially grateful to those who have participated from the US despite the late hour. The consideration of democracy partnership between Korea and the US will be of great significance to both countries. In particular, as a country that has chosen and operates a presidential system within its governance system, democracy, South Korea and the United States are among the few countries in the world that elect the president by the will of the people and operate a presidential system. However, in both countries, it seems that various worrying realities are continuously increasing, making it difficult to say that democracy is developing stably.

In South Korea's general election last month, many citizens expressed dissatisfaction with the election results due to institutional loopholes, and there are still claims of various problems referred to as fraudulent elections. Furthermore, as voter turnout and political apathy continue to increase, I feel, as someone who ran as a candidate, that politics is rapidly transforming from the exercise of rights by all citizens to the exercise of power by political elites. Political polarization is rapidly progressing along with socio-economic polarization, and the notion of '51% politics,' meaning winning by securing just 51%, is prevalent, leading to discussions of boldly discarding the remaining 49%. We all stand before the great question of whether politics can unite our citizens. I presume that the US is also experiencing similar problems, based on indirect information.

Therefore, it is very important to have a time to discuss democracy in Korea and the US, and for the attendees, as members of the legislature, political parties/organizations, and specialized research institutions, to put their heads together, share their experiences honestly and frankly, and consider whether a democracy based on the presidential system can contribute to the spread of democracy worldwide beyond the social development of both countries. I will also do my best to participate in this process, despite my shortcomings. Thank you. Thank you. Next, Representative Cheon Ha-ram, please. Yes, hello.

This is Cheon Ha-ram. I recall a line from the American drama 'The West Wing' that I watched a long time ago: 'The most dangerous export of the United States is the presidential system.' The drama suggested that cases of the presidential system succeeding globally are very rare, and that it often leads to temptations of dictatorship. Interestingly, South Korea is one of the few countries that has successfully established a presidential system similar to that of the United States. In the past, the relationship between Korea and the US was one where Korea had to follow and benchmark the US. Indeed, seeing democratically elected US presidents, even during Korea's authoritarian regime, we consistently sought to benchmark US systems for achieving direct presidential elections through constitutional amendments, and as Representative Choi Young-do and Representative Kim Young-bae mentioned, various US democratic institutions provided significant support for Korea's democratization. We are very grateful for that. However, I believe we have now reached a point where Korea and the US share the same problems.

I am a representative-elect from the fourth largest party in South Korea, holding 1% of the seats in the National Assembly. However, I am concerned that in both Korea and the US, the space for diverse political parties is increasingly shrinking under the presidential system and the de facto two-party system. I believe these are issues that we and the US must consider together, and I understand that such issues have been raised in the US for a long time. I recall an episode where Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (AOC) once said, 'If this were Europe, AOC and Biden would not be in the same party. We would have reorganized into different parties.' But now

In the United States, two major parties effectively occupy 90%, and in the US, almost 100%, of the political landscape. This structure, where the diverse will of the people cannot be represented, leads to intensified polarization within each camp and growing public distrust or apathy towards politics. Therefore, while promoting parliamentary diplomacy and cooperation between Korea and the US is important, as a party with 1% of the seats, we constantly question whether the US model is indeed the best. Given that the US is likely to have similar concerns, I hope this will be a good opportunity for exchange to jointly consider improvements to the parliamentary structure and electoral systems of both Korea and the US. Thank you. Next, Representative Kim Han-gyu. I believe there are several commonalities between Korea and the US, fundamentally that the democratic system is established and the people feel considerable pride in it.

It seems so. The democracy of the United States and the democracy of Korea have different aspects, and the Korean case is often suitable as a democratic model or development direction for various countries around the world. Because democracy was achieved in a compressed manner in a short period, the Korean case is a more recent example and is likely to be very helpful. In particular, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea has individuals like Representative Choi Young-doo and Representative Kim Young-bae who dedicated their youth to realizing democracy, so if the Korean National Assembly takes on such a role, it will be possible to share more vibrant experiences. Regarding the US NDI, I found that they have been engaged in such activities for over 20 years. If the Korean case is combined with the US case and transmitted to other countries, it will help them find effective democratic models and provide an opportunity for democracy to develop. Regardless of the presentation content, as mentioned in the opening remarks earlier,

It is surprising that there is no Korea-US Parliamentary Association, as mentioned in the opening remarks. There are parliamentary associations with many countries, but the absence of one with the US must have a reason. I believe the situation is now ripe for such an activity. The problem is that while I am a member of other parliamentary associations, they do not seem to have a specific purpose. Therefore, it is difficult to say that they have undertaken meaningful activities. If the Korea-US Parliamentary Association is formed, it should have a concrete goal, for example, contributing to the change in authoritarian countries where democracy is increasingly emerging, as we are discussing now, with the joint efforts of the Korean and US legislatures. Such a goal could attract the participation of many lawmakers and demonstrate concrete achievements. I hope today's event can be a meaningful start as part of that process. Thank you. Next, Representative Kim Han-gyu. There seem to be several commonalities between Korea and the US, fundamentally that the democratic system is established and the people feel considerable pride in it.

It seems so. However, the democracy of the United States and the democracy of Korea have different aspects, and the Korean case is often suitable as a democratic model or development direction for various countries around the world. Because democracy was achieved in a compressed manner in a short period, the Korean case is a more recent example and is likely to be very helpful. In particular, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea has individuals like Representative Choi Young-doo and Representative Kim Young-bae who dedicated their youth to realizing democracy, so if the Korean National Assembly takes on such a role, it will be possible to share more vibrant experiences. Regarding the US NDI, I found that they have been engaged in such activities for over 20 years. If the Korean case is combined with the US case and transmitted to other countries, it will help them find effective democratic models and provide an opportunity for democracy to develop. Regardless of the presentation content, as mentioned in the opening remarks earlier,

韓米民主主義の相互フィードバックと共通の脅威

It is surprising that there is no Korea-US Parliamentary Association, as mentioned in the opening remarks. There are parliamentary associations with many countries, but the absence of one with the US must have a reason. I believe the situation is now ripe for such an activity. The problem is that while I am a member of other parliamentary associations, they do not seem to have a specific purpose. Therefore, it is difficult to say that they have undertaken meaningful activities. If the Korea-US Parliamentary Association is formed, it should have a concrete goal, for example, contributing to the change in authoritarian countries where democracy is increasingly emerging, as we are discussing now, with the joint efforts of the Korean and US legislatures. Such a goal could attract the participation of many lawmakers and demonstrate concrete achievements. I hope today's event can be a meaningful start as part of that process. Thank you. Yes, thank you for your remarks, Representative Kim Han-gyu. What we truly hope for is that cooperation between Korea and the US for democracy support becomes an important role of the Korea-US Parliamentary Association. Now, Representative Lee Jun-seok, please. Yes. After independence, after liberation, our choice of a democratic system and the presidential system was, in a way, difficult to consider without the influence of the United States. Therefore, I believe that the democracies of Korea and the United States share many common points. Personally, when I started in politics, I was inspired by the speech of a freshman senator at the 2004 US Democratic National Convention and entered politics, and I was amazed watching his journey to the presidency. Beyond that, looking at the interactions between Korea and the US, the US has also recently elected a president who is an entrepreneur, not having served as a governor or a member of Congress, which is unusual. I believe this was possible because the American public, despite their long democratic experience, judged that experience in Congress is truly useless. However, similarly, in the last presidential election, perhaps referencing that experience, South Korea faced an unprecedented situation where two candidates with no congressional experience ran against each other. Furthermore, beyond the sharing of such experiences, I believe we are also sharing negative aspects of our democracy through mutual feedback. As mentioned earlier,

the president mentioned earlier lost the next election and then started claiming election fraud, and discussions about election fraud immediately flooded the Korean YouTube world. Therefore, I believe that South Korea and the United States are having a significant mutual feedback effect on their democracies. Because of this, I believe it is very important for us to respond to such common threats. I can say that these threats are ongoing. In fact, we are seeing various claims emerging in the US ahead of the presidential election. Some of these relate to Korea, and we encounter them through the media, but recently, it seems that the media and think tanks are no longer able to play a controlling role for certain candidates in the US. There are individuals who campaign using figures that are not logical or statistically accurate, and this reveals the most vulnerable aspect of democracy, demagoguery,

which is being further exposed. Similarly, this is also a threat to Korea. Therefore, for politics to always proceed in a rational and results-oriented common-sense manner, I hope that responsible legislative personnel in both countries can interact and consider how democracy can function without the legislative role being excluded. Above all, I hope we can jointly address the evolving threats in new forms. Therefore, I believe there is a need to strengthen exchanges and cooperation with members of the US legislature and many other stakeholders. Thank you. Next, I would like to ask Professor Kim Jeong of Kyungnam University, who is overseeing this program with me, to say a few words. Ah, yes. This is Kim Jeong from Kyungnam University, who was just introduced. First, as the coordinator of this program for the past year and a half, my first thought is that it is a relief that it has concluded without any major issues. During the past year and a half, I would like to mention a few points that I felt. First, as mentioned by NDI, there seems to be general agreement that a country's legislature should play a significant role in supporting global democracy. However, when we set the agenda and proceeded with this program, there seemed to be two very significant challenges. One is that it is very difficult to invite members of the Korean National Assembly. They are busy with elections, legislative activities, and various other matters, but it is indeed very difficult to create opportunities for them to gather around an issue that is not the most prominent at the current moment. The second is that even if we manage to gather them, it is very difficult to sustain their interest in this issue. This means that, as many representatives have mentioned, the legislature is the place that embodies the soul of the nation's people. Therefore, there seems to be a struggle related to what this content is, concerning the soul of the Korean people. Some may think that supporting global democracy is a natural and normative obligation, while others may believe that it should be resolved through rational calculations regarding whether it is still beneficial to Korea's national interest. Of course, various opinions coexist within a nation's legislature, and policies are implemented through the competition of opinions, so that is natural. However, over the past year and a half, personally, from a very vague idea at the beginning, listening to the words of the representatives who have come here today, I believe that everyone who participated in this project will feel that things have changed immensely over the past year and a half. We seem to have achieved the intended purpose. Representatives Kim Young-bae and Choi Young-do, who have continuously participated proactively, have also changed significantly in their statements and have become much more active. Furthermore, they have stated that they will show organizational efforts, such as the formation of a Korea-US Parliamentary Association, during their visit to the US, which is a very rewarding outcome for us who prepared the program. Thanks to this, there may be an opportunity to continue such projects in the future. We would greatly appreciate it if you could continue to show sustained interest and make time for us, even if we may seem bothersome. For those of us running this program, it would be a great help. And this help, accumulating one by one, will change the souls of Koreans and the souls of people worldwide, creating a mission-like belief that democracy can be more normatively internalized in the hearts of all people in the world. We would appreciate it if you could consider this. Thank you for your cooperation so far. Yes, Professor Kim Jeong has said everything I wanted to say. I have heard many words from the Korean representatives, and first, I would like to hear a brief feedback from Santi Kalat coordinator regarding their remarks, and although time is tight, we also have Korean professors and directors here, so I would like to hear some comments from them as well.

韓国議会のグローバル民主主義支援の役割

I think the reason is that the Korean people, who have experienced democracy, have a strong sense of pride in it. The democracy of the United States and the democracy of Korea have different aspects, and the Korean case is often suitable as a democratic model or development direction for various countries around the world. Because democracy was achieved in a compressed manner in a short period, the Korean case is a more recent example and is likely to be very helpful. In particular, the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea has individuals like Representative Choi Young-doo and Representative Kim Young-bae who dedicated their youth to realizing democracy, so if the Korean National Assembly takes on such a role, it will be possible to share more vibrant experiences. Regarding the US NDI, I found that they have been engaged in such activities for over 20 years. If the Korean case is combined with the US case and transmitted to other countries, it will help them find effective democratic models and provide an opportunity for democracy to develop. Regardless of the presentation content, as mentioned in the opening remarks earlier,

I would like to mention a few points that I felt. First, as mentioned by NDI, there seems to be general agreement that a country's legislature should play a significant role in supporting global democracy. However, when we set the agenda and proceeded with this program, there seemed to be two very significant challenges. One is that it is very difficult to invite members of the Korean National Assembly. They are busy with elections, legislative activities, and various other matters, but it is indeed very difficult to create opportunities for them to gather around an issue that is not the most prominent at the current moment. The second is that even if we manage to gather them, it is very difficult to sustain their interest in this issue. This means that, as many representatives have mentioned, the legislature is the place that embodies the soul of the nation's people. Therefore, there seems to be a struggle related to what this content is, concerning the soul of the Korean people. Some may think that supporting global democracy is a natural and normative obligation, while others may believe that it should be resolved through rational calculations regarding whether it is still beneficial to Korea's national interest. Of course, various opinions coexist within a nation's legislature, and policies are implemented through the competition of opinions, so that is natural. However, over the past year and a half, personally, from a very vague idea at the beginning, listening to the words of the representatives who have come here today, I believe that everyone who participated in this project will feel that things have changed immensely over the past year and a half. We seem to have achieved the intended purpose. Representatives Kim Young-bae and Choi Young-do, who have continuously participated proactively, have also changed significantly in their statements and have become much more active. Furthermore, they have stated that they will show organizational efforts, such as the formation of a Korea-US Parliamentary Association, during their visit to the US, which is a very rewarding outcome for us who prepared the program. Thanks to this, there may be an opportunity to continue such projects in the future. We would greatly appreciate it if you could continue to show sustained interest and make time for us, even if we may seem bothersome. For those of us running this program, it would be a great help. And this help, accumulating one by one, will change the souls of Koreans and the souls of people worldwide, creating a mission-like belief that democracy can be more normatively internalized in the hearts of all people in the world. We would appreciate it if you could consider this. Thank you for your cooperation so far. Yes, Professor Kim Jeong has said everything I wanted to say. I have heard many words from the Korean representatives, and first, I would like to hear a brief feedback from Santi Kalat coordinator regarding their remarks, and although time is tight, we also have Korean professors and directors here, so I would like to hear some comments from them as well.

the legislature is the place that embodies the soul of the nation's people. Therefore, there seems to be a struggle related to what this content is, concerning the soul of the Korean people. Some may think that supporting global democracy is a natural and normative obligation, while others may believe that it should be resolved through rational calculations regarding whether it is still beneficial to Korea's national interest. Of course, various opinions coexist within a nation's legislature, and policies are implemented through the competition of opinions, so that is natural. However, over the past year and a half, personally, from a very vague idea at the beginning, listening to the words of the representatives who have come here today, I believe that everyone who participated in this project will feel that things have changed immensely over the past year and a half. We seem to have achieved the intended purpose. Representatives Kim Young-bae and Choi Young-do, who have continuously participated proactively, have also changed significantly in their statements and have become much more active. Furthermore, they have stated that they will show organizational efforts, such as the formation of a Korea-US Parliamentary Association, during their visit to the US, which is a very rewarding outcome for us who prepared the program. Thanks to this, there may be an opportunity to continue such projects in the future. We would greatly appreciate it if you could continue to show sustained interest and make time for us, even if we may seem bothersome. For those of us running this program, it would be a great help. And this help, accumulating one by one, will change the souls of Koreans and the souls of people worldwide, creating a mission-like belief that democracy can be more normatively internalized in the hearts of all people in the world. We would appreciate it if you could consider this. Thank you for your cooperation so far. Yes, Professor Kim Jeong has said everything I wanted to say. I have heard many words from the Korean representatives, and first, I would like to hear a brief feedback from Santi Kalat coordinator regarding their remarks, and although time is tight, we also have Korean professors and directors here, so I would like to hear some comments from them as well.

and the soul of the Korean people. Some may think that supporting global democracy is a natural and normative obligation, while others may believe that it should be resolved through rational calculations regarding whether it is still beneficial to Korea's national interest. Of course, various opinions coexist within a nation's legislature, and policies are implemented through the competition of opinions, so that is natural. However, over the past year and a half, personally, from a very vague idea at the beginning, listening to the words of the representatives who have come here today, I believe that everyone who participated in this project will feel that things have changed immensely over the past year and a half. We seem to have achieved the intended purpose. Representatives Kim Young-bae and Choi Young-do, who have continuously participated proactively, have also changed significantly in their statements and have become much more active. Furthermore, they have stated that they will show organizational efforts, such as the formation of a Korea-US Parliamentary Association, during their visit to the US, which is a very rewarding outcome for us who prepared the program. Thanks to this, there may be an opportunity to continue such projects in the future. We would greatly appreciate it if you could continue to show sustained interest and make time for us, even if we may seem bothersome. For those of us running this program, it would be a great help. And this help, accumulating one by one, will change the souls of Koreans and the souls of people worldwide, creating a mission-like belief that democracy can be more normatively internalized in the hearts of all people in the world. We would appreciate it if you could consider this. Thank you for your cooperation so far. Yes, Professor Kim Jeong has said everything I wanted to say. I have heard many words from the Korean representatives, and first, I would like to hear a brief feedback from Santi Kalat coordinator regarding their remarks, and although time is tight, we also have Korean professors and directors here, so I would like to hear some comments from them as well.

and the souls of people worldwide, creating a mission-like belief that democracy can be more normatively internalized in the hearts of all people in the world. We would appreciate it if you could consider this. Thank you for your cooperation so far. Yes, Professor Kim Jeong has said everything I wanted to say. I have heard many words from the Korean representatives, and first, I would like to hear a brief feedback from Santi Kalat coordinator regarding their remarks, and although time is tight, we also have Korean professors and directors here, so I would like to hear some comments from them as well.

民主主義が課題を抱えていることを考え、そしてまた、私たちは民主主義なので、私たちの課題は透明であり、皆さんはそれらをすべて見ることができます。私たちは今、民主主義です。そして、皆さんのうち何人か、特に参加について、世界中で、私たちは本当に人々、特に若者が民主主義に積極的に参加しているのか、それとも民主主義から疎外されていると感じているのか、彼らの声が聞こえていないと感じているのか、といういくつかの重要な問題があります。最近、私は外交問題評議会で

国際情勢に関心のある多くの人々との間で民主主義について話していましたが、バイデン政権がなぜ民主主義をこれほど重要視しているのか、そしてなぜ民主主義が現在これほど危機に瀕しているのかについて、これらの多くの点を述べました。そして、彼らの多くは、あなたのお話は理解できますが、私たちには、私たちにとって民主主義は、そして私たちは不満を感じています。私たちは世界を変えるために全力を尽くしていますが、うまくいっていません。だから、私たちはもう参加しないかもしれません。そして、私は

They want democracy. Look at the young people in Central and Eastern Europe. They have come out to the streets to support democracy. So, I think we need to reconcile these two. In some democracies, I think, there are people in environments where they did not have such a tradition, and their freedoms and rights were taken away, and their aspirations were trampled upon. This has happened in Georgia, Poland, Guatemala, and other parts of Latin America. We have seen this in many countries this year.

We have seen this kind of regression. You have seen it recently. So, we talked about models, and even about how our own democracy can be problematic, and how we can go and say, 'Our model is good, so learn from us.' I think we also need to learn from others. I think we need to learn from the democratic models of others. So, it's not just about supporting democracy and providing resources and technical advice, but it's about listening to voices from abroad and learning from the lessons learned from them that creates change.

When I think about it, we can learn more from there. In the next forum we will start, we will cover youth, so we are preparing a lot of time for meetings and discussions with youth organizations abroad, not to mention domestic ones, and with members of the National Assembly. We don't have much time, but Professor Kang Woo-chan and Professor Kim Nam-gyu, who are participating online, and anyone else who wishes to speak further at the venue, please let us know. Yes, hello. This is Ko Gyo-chang. It is a meaningful occasion marking the completion of 18 months of activity, but by chance,

I came to New York on a business trip today and am participating remotely from New York. While working on the Election Integrity Project, there are many stories that I could not include in the report. As the representatives already know well, there were concerns within the team about whether 'exporting Korean democracy' is appropriate considering the situation of Korean democracy, and whether exporting democracy might be perceived as interference in internal affairs. Therefore, the report concluded only that the role of the National Assembly is important. Fortunately, I felt that the representatives already recognize these issues well. Also, as Dr. Kim Jeong, Professor Kim mentioned, it is fortunate that a consensus seems to have been formed on promoting democracy compared to the initial stages. As the professor mentioned, the next topic is youth, and I will also participate in that project, so I hope to have many discussions with the representatives through more opportunities in the future. Thank you. Yes, thank you. Professor Kang, Professor Kim Nam-gyu, and also from afar, are you in the US? Yes, I will speak.

As our representatives mentioned earlier, before the National Assembly takes a more active role in supporting democracy, a necessary process is to gain public consensus or persuade the public about 'why we need to do this and what benefits Korea will gain from doing so.' In reality, with the rise of populism, especially right-wing populism, in Europe, democracy is threatened. A key background to this is that while elites promote liberalism and human rights and engage in internationalization and global efforts, the general public strongly reacts by saying, 'Our country is struggling, so why are the elites pursuing the values they believe in?' Therefore, in the case of Korea as well, I believe that public consensus and open discussion are necessary to support democracy more continuously and actively. Also, regarding Korea-US parliamentary exchanges, the important thing is not just to create them but

앞서 우리 의원님께서 말씀하신 바와 같이, 국회가 민주주의 지원이라는 관점에서 좀 더 적극적인 역할을 수행하기에 앞서, 국민들에게 '왜 우리가 이러한 노력을 해야 하며, 한국이 이를 통해 어떤 혜택을 얻게 되는지'에 대한 국민적 공감대 형성 및 설득 과정이 선행되어야 한다고 생각합니다. 실제로 유럽에서는 현재 포퓰리즘, 특히 우익 포퓰리즘이 득세하면서 민주주의를 위협하는 상황인데, 그 배경에는 엘리트들이 자유주의와 인권을 증진시키며 국제화와 세계적 노력에 나서는 반면, 일반 국민들은 '나라가 어려운데 왜 엘리트들은 자신들이 믿는 가치를 추구하느냐'는 큰 반발을 하고 있습니다. 따라서 한국의 경우에도 좀 더 지속적이고 적극적으로 민주주의를 지원하기 위해서는 국민들과의 공감대 형성 및 공개적인 논의가 필요하다고 생각합니다. 그리고 한미 의원 교류와 관련해서도 결국 구축하는 것보다도

グローバル民主主義支援のリーダーシップ模索

to activate and sustain them. To that end, it would be good to create and maintain meetings between lawmakers focused on specialized fields. Yes, thank you. Well, time is running short, so we should move to the closing. For the past 18 months, the East Asia Institute (EAI) has actively collaborated with members of the National Assembly, scholars, and civil society stakeholders to strengthen domestic and regional cooperation for the promotion of democratic norms and values. Reflecting on our progress, this final capacity-building event aimed to bring together the members of the National Assembly and experts who participated in our initiative to explore ways in which Korea can exercise leadership in supporting global democracy.

During the second session, members of the National Assembly emphasized the urgent need for Korea and the US to cooperate in addressing the recent trend of democratic backsliding. This trend has been exacerbated by political polarization and populist movements. They expressed high expectations for the Korea-US parliamentary exchanges, which are scheduled to commence in the 22nd National Assembly. This initiative aims to formalize cooperation between the legislatures of both countries to further advance the shared goal of promoting global democracy.

Furthermore, I would like to propose the idea that there is an additional dimension related to democracy in alliances, and that we can further leverage this. Therefore, having more parliamentary exchanges is an excellent idea, and I hope we can take follow-up actions. I also believe that further dialogue with relevant ministries and departments regarding support is very important, and of course, the National Assembly can play a significant role in such dialogues. I am very pleased to see that this issue is being addressed with importance in an almost bipartisan manner. Finally, I believe that Korea brings a unique value to the dialogue. This is always an exchange of opinions, not a one-way conversation, and we can learn from each other. And Korea's experience of transition to democracy and its unique history are important for the world to understand. We must remember that other countries are struggling with their own democratic transitions and finding it difficult to balance transition and normalization. Therefore, it is important to bring these elements and remind ourselves that South Korea actually brings a unique value. And now is a time when many eyes are on Korea. Not just because of leadership

in democracy, and all the other things you have achieved, frankly, culturally too, Korean culture has captured the hearts of people around the world. Now is the time to connect these points. Without a vibrant democracy, if people cannot criticize freely, we would not have the Korean culture that is currently being exported worldwide. These are things that I think we need to continue to engage with and think critically about.

as we move forward. Therefore, thank you very much for allowing us to facilitate this dialogue. And we look forward to being able to continue this. Thank you very much. Mr. Manf Anand is in charge of NDI's Asia program, and he considers Korea's role very important, so he has cooperated and participated in many programs. Time is running out, so it's time to finish. As Professor Kim Jeong, Professor Kang Woo-chan, and Professor Kim Nam-gyu all mentioned earlier,

as those who planned and led this forum, it is very difficult to invite members of the National Assembly, and I have to make phone calls, send Telegram messages, and do various other things to succeed in inviting a few. Now, they are also trying to create Korea-US parliamentary exchanges, and they are very sympathetic to this cause, so we hope that from the fall, when we start the next program, we can invite not only members of the National Assembly but also those who sympathize with these issues, making this year a foundational year. In particular, as this concludes, Sarah Yoon from the NDI Seoul office will provide a briefing to the members visiting Chicago, and in connection with that, when we go to Washington, we will also meet with Mr. Manf and the new director appointed last year, a female scholar, and assist with various programs.

It is late evening in Washington, and it is daytime in Chicago. And to the members of the National Assembly who have joined us from early morning in Korea, Director Son Yeol, Professor Kim Jeong, and the professors participating online, thank you very much. Thank you very much. Thank you. Yes, thank you.

ご参加いただきありがとうございます。

過去18ヶ月間、東アジア研究所(EAI)は、民主主義の規範と価値の推進に向けた国内および地域レベルでの協力を強化するため、韓国国会議員、学者、市民社会関係者と積極的に協力してきました。この最終的な能力構築イベントは、私たちのイニシアチブに参加した国会議員や専門家を集め、韓国がグローバルな民主主義支援においてどのようにリーダーシップを発揮できるかを探求することを目的としています。

第2セッションでは、国会議員らは、韓国と米国が協力して対処すべき喫緊の課題として、民主主義の後退という最近の傾向を強調しました。これは、政治的分極化とポピュリズム運動によってさらに悪化しています。彼らは、第22代国会で開始される予定の韓国と米国の議員間の交流プログラムに大きな期待を表明しました。このイニシアチブは、両国の立法府間の協力を公式化し、グローバルな民主主義の推進という共通の目標をさらに発展させることを目指しています。

*この本文は英語で書かれた原文を AI で翻訳したものです。一部の翻訳やニュアンスに誤りがある場合があります。

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