[2020 KF Korea Workshop: 曺旻孝]

YouTube 链接 : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kaSfqOFS8Lg

EAI 与韩国国际交流财团（Korea Foundation: KF）合作，为在韩外国人举办“2020 KF 韩国研讨会”，旨在增进其对韩国的理解并扩大共鸣。 “2020 KF 韩国研讨会”由三个集群组成：集群 E（外交与国内事务）、集群 A（艺术与文化）和集群 I（产业与信息技术）。

在“2020 KF 韩国研讨会”集群 E 的第三场活动中，成均馆大学曺旻孝教授就“韩国的多文化政策”进行了讲座。讲座后的问答环节，就韩国的移民政策、文化适应、多文化社会等问题进行了热烈讨论，是一次富有成效的交流。

视频脚本

大家好，很高兴见到大家。谢谢您的介绍。我非常兴奋能来到这里和大家谈论韩国的移民问题。正如我的标题页所示，我想谈谈移民的总体情况，但也想重点讨论三个广泛的主题。那么，我就直接开始吧。我首先想谈谈的是总体

韩国政府在移民方面的政策策略。我知道，要详细解释移民政策可能需要几周的时间，但我想重点关注韩国政府为满足国内需求而制定的策略，具体来说是两种需求。以及他们如何制定签证类别来满足这些国内需求。我将重点介绍这一点。然后，第二点我想谈的是，在了解了韩国

的总体融合政策后，我想稍微谈谈韩国本土公民对移民的态度是如何随时间变化的。这一点很重要，因为移民政策的制定不仅影响到前来韩国居住的移民，也影响到韩国本土居民对这一现象的看法。EAI 每五年进行一次多年期调查，我将展示 2020 年的最新数据，并与早期数据进行比较，

展示态度的轨迹和变化。然后，我想谈论的最后一个主题是我自己的研究，即考虑到移民政策以及韩国本土居民对移民的态度，我想让我们思考一下这可能如何影响移民本身。具体来说，我做了一些关于跨文化家庭子女适应情况的研究。跨文化家庭是指韩国人与外国人（非韩国人）的婚姻。因此，有相当多的

这种情况。在韩国，国际婚姻相当普遍。我稍后会更详细地介绍这一点。但总之，我想向大家展示这些子女在教育成果和心理成果方面在韩国的情况，也许可以与您在更西方的多文化背景下所期望看到的情况进行比较。好的，那么我继续。作为引言，我想向大家展示一张图表，您可以在韩国统计局的网站上找到。

您可能已经知道这些数字了。每年居住在韩国的外国人数量都在增加，这并不奇怪。目前，截至 2019 年 12 月，约有 250 万外国人居住在韩国，占韩国总人口的不到 5%。我知道，对于来自非常国际化、多文化国家的人来说，比如在西方，尤其是在西半球，您可能会觉得这个比例非常小。

然而，您需要考虑到，韩国长期以来一直是一个非常同质化的社会，外国人的增加速度被认为是相当快的。与 20-30 年前相比，我们现在感受到的移民影响越来越大。另一项我想在这张幻灯片中展示的属性是这些外国人的来源国。因此，当我们谈论韩国的移民时，通常是指亚洲移民，因为这占了移民总数的约 87%。

第二大群体是北美，约占 7%，第三大群体是欧洲。因此，对于韩国人来说，特别是从美国的角度来看，当我们想到移民时，我们实际上是在谈论来自中国和东南亚的移民，如越南、菲律宾、泰国等。我认为这张图表可能很有趣，如果您不知道这些统计数据的话。这是韩国国际婚姻的百分比，我们也称之为跨文化婚姻。

在韩国。这意味着韩国公民与外国人的婚姻。如果您看图表的开头，是 1993 年，韩国的国际婚姻不到 2%，但到 2005 年，您可以看到超过 13% 的韩国婚姻成为跨文化婚姻。现在我没有太多时间向您详细解释这一点，但对于那些了解的人来说，在 1990 年代初期，国际婚姻开始并得到政府的鼓励，因为韩国新娘短缺，特别是对于农村男性。他们中的大多数是农民，他们很难找到韩国新娘，因此，在某种意义上，许多外国新娘被引进，成为他们的妻子并生育子女，并承担传统的韩国角色。但现在，这种情况不再局限于韩国农村。现在，跨文化婚姻这种现象在城市地区也很普遍。如果您看百分比，城市地区实际上

高于农村地区。但关键是，一旦国际婚姻开始，它就以惊人的速度增加。一直到 2019 年，您会发现韩国每 10 对婚姻中大约有 1 对是跨文化婚姻。好的，我将继续。哦，这里还有一点很重要。黑实线是总婚姻数量。红点线，看那里，是韩国丈夫娶外国妻子的比率。这张图表显示，大约 70% 到 80% 的跨文化婚姻实际上是外国新娘嫁给韩国男性。因此，这确实与我们为婚姻移民制定的政策有关，因为大约 80% 的婚姻移民签证发给了女性。因此，当政府谈论婚姻移民时，我们实际上是在谈论来自外国的女性新娘嫁给韩国男性。

好的，继续。我没有时间详细介绍移民的历史，所以我将尝试只概述我想说的关于移民的内容。所以，如果您有兴趣研究韩国移民政策，您会立即注意到韩国的一些特点。我想提出的第一点是，韩国政府对技术劳工和非技术劳工实行双轨制。这一点并不只在韩国存在，很多国家也是如此。也就是说，很多国家和政府都试图鼓励专业技术人才来本国移民。

而他们试图控制和限制非技术劳工的流入，以某种方式进行管理，确保不过多涌入。因此，韩国也遵循这种差异化的移民政策。但就劳务移民而言，韩国的情况确实很有趣的是，它集中于吸引同族移民来到韩国。这与欧洲或美国国家可能有所不同。所以，我所说的同族是指，曾经有很多

韩裔族人，他们自己或他们的父母或祖辈移民到另一个国家，因此他们的国籍不是韩国人，但他们是韩裔。因此，韩国政府试图吸引这些同族移民回国，无论他们是技术工人还是非技术工人，都作为外国劳工来到韩国。这就是您在韩国体系中看到的移民政策的一条轨道。第二个有趣的特点是，韩国有针对婚姻的特定政策。

移民。我刚才已经解释过，这条婚姻移民政策轨道有点独特，它存在性别偏见，因为它只针对来韩国的外国新娘。这就是大致情况。如果我回顾一下您看到的这张幻灯片，韩国制定的第一项移民政策被称为产业技术培训计划（Industrial Technical Training Program: ITTP）。这是针对非技术劳动力的，目的是满足短期需求。

因此，他们的合法停留期只有一年。但您可以想象，这是一个很短的时间，结果导致许多非技术工人非法滞留，并引发了许多问题。因此，在 2004 年，政府推出了一项名为就业许可制度（Employment Permit System）的新计划，允许非技术劳工停留更长时间，为期三年，然后可以续签。他们还享有标准的劳动权利。所以，这基本上是

劳务政策的历史。转向婚姻移民。到 2006 年，正如您在上一张幻灯片中看到的，2005 年有大约 13-14% 的国际婚姻发生。因此，在接下来的几年里，政府认识到需要一部法律，某种政策支持，某种政策来支持这一群体。因此，通过了一系列法案。有趣的是，这些法案的通过是为了帮助这些外国女性移民更好地融入社会。总而言之，我知道我刚才向您传达了大量信息。

信息。所以，总而言之，如果您看最后的这句话，韩国政府对移民实行差异化的融合政策，正如我所说，这导致了多种签证类别的增长，这并不奇怪。政府的选择性回应并非随意，而是非常战略性的，旨在满足国内劳动力需求和人口压力。因此，国内劳动力需求与我之前提到的制造业和服务业的劳动力短缺有关。

韩国政府利用同族工人的移民来制定这一战略。因此，今天我将向您详细介绍同族签证政策。其次，通过鼓励女性婚姻移民的融合来应对人口压力。明白了？好的，继续。这只是韩国现有的签证类别。我无法列出所有签证，所以我只列出了占 2% 或以上的签证类别。

您可以稍后更仔细地查看此幻灯片。我只想指出，在本次讲座中，我将重点介绍两种签证：一是同族签证，二是婚姻移民签证。同族签证有两种：海外韩国人 F4 签证（绿色）和 H2 工作访问签证（深灰色）。这两种签证仅适用于同族。但有趣的是，您可能会想，为什么会有两种同族签证，而他们

可以只给所有人一种相同的签证呢？这再次与韩国区分技术和非技术劳工的战略有关。所以，我们将讨论这两种签证的区别，并与其他签证类型进行比较。然后我想谈谈婚姻移民签证（紫色），约占所有签证的 5%。但再次强调，其中 81% 或 82% 都是女性。

好的，继续。我刚才提到的海外韩国人 F4 签证，那是绿线，占 18% 以上。因此，F4 签证的引入是因为在 1999 年，韩国政府提议制定一项“海外韩国人法案”，目的是创建一个全球韩裔社区。F4 签证的真正目标是美籍韩裔。这是因为人们认为，这些美籍韩裔可以为韩国带来急需的讲英语的专业人士和外国资本，特别是在 1997 年金融危机之后。

然而，当时韩国最大的同族移民群体并不是美籍韩裔，而是来自中国的同族移民。但在 F4 签证下，来自中国和前苏联的移民不符合资格，因为有一项规定称，他们必须在 1948 年大韩民国成立后离开朝鲜半岛。

问题是，许多移民到中国和前苏联的人是在朝鲜殖民时期离开的。朝鲜于 1945 年获得解放，因此许多人离开的时间远早于 1948 年。所以，这是歧视性的。后来这项规定被取消了。但您仍然可以看到，F4 签证的设立更多地是针对技术工人、技术同族移民。因此，政府在 2007 年创建了一个新的签证类别，称为 H2 工作访问签证，它

专门针对来自中国和苏联的韩裔。现在，这里的问题是，当您考虑 H2 工作访问签证时，它与 F4 签证有很大的不同。F4 签证的移民被禁止从事体力劳动。因此，这仍然是针对同族的技术类签证。H2 工作签证是针对同族非技术工人的。如果将其与非同族外国人获得的普通非技术签证（E9 签证）进行比较，

H2 签证确实获得了一些优惠待遇。这张表格解释了这三类签证之间的待遇差异。所以，如果您在这里看到，最上面是海外韩国人签证，正如我解释的那样，所有这些都与权利相关。它们拥有财产权、投资权、各种保险资格等等。有效期为三年，但可以多次续签，没有限制。

另一方面，来自中国和苏联的韩裔签证，他们的有效期和续签次数有限，只能续签一次。然而，就业限制方面，他们没有任何限制。他们的权利仅限于韩国法律规定的劳动者权利。因此，他们不像前一组那样拥有财产权或投资权。然而，如果将他们与普通非技术移民进行比较，他们拥有更多的就业自由。因为如果您通过 E9 非技术签证来到韩国，您在行业和就业变更方面会受到限制，这在很多方面都相当严格。因此，

简而言之，当您考虑韩国的劳务类别时，您可以基本上将海外韩国人 F4 签证归类为最高级别。紧随其后的是 H2 工作访问签证，适用于非技术同族工人。然后是真正底层的

E9 非技术签证，适用于其他非同族外国人。这就是待遇情况。接下来，我们转向婚姻移民签证。正如我所说，自 2005 年以来，韩国一直面临严重的生育问题，不幸的是，我们是世界上人口老龄化最快的国家之一。在这种情况下，韩国政府实际上将婚姻移民视为解决这一问题的方法，因为婚姻移民主要是女性，她们

来到韩国与韩国男性结婚并生育韩裔子女。因此，在 2011 年，设立了 F6 婚姻移民签证。F6 签证的待遇与高技能专业人士签证和海外韩国人签证相当。因此，她们的待遇比来自中国或前苏联的同族人要好得多。这是这里一个有趣的特点。然而，尽管她们在移民政策方面获得了非常好的待遇，但被贴上“婚姻移民”的标签，并且基于她们扮演着传统韩国女性的角色——母亲、儿媳、妻子，她们有

生育韩国子女、照顾韩国公婆、成为韩国公民的期望。所有这些都是为了融入韩国文化。因此，未能履行这些角色的婚姻移民，可以想象，在这个社会中会遇到困难。这是签证类别，还是同一张表格。但最下面一行描述了婚姻移民（主要是女性）的权利和待遇。请注意，她们与 H2 同族签证一样，没有就业限制。但她们的权利与海外韩国人签证一样广泛。有效期同样没有续签限制，可以随时续签。因此，在所有签证类别中，

嫁给韩国男性的移民和韩裔子女，因此，2011年，韩国创设了婚姻移民签证F6签证。F6签证的待遇与高技能专业人士签证和海外韩国人签证相当，其待遇远优于来自中国或前苏联的同族移民。这是一个有趣的特点。然而，尽管他们在移民政策中获得了很好的待遇，并且被贴上了“婚姻移民”的标签，但基于他们扮演着传统韩国女性的角色——作为母亲、儿媳和妻子——他们承担着生育韩国子女、照顾韩国公婆、融入韩国社会并最终成为韩国公民的期望。所有这些都是为了同化于韩国文化。如果婚姻移民未能履行这些角色，那么可以想象……

……在韩国，并且基于他们扮演着传统韩国女性的角色——作为母亲、儿媳和妻子——他们承担着生育韩国子女、照顾韩国公婆、融入韩国社会并最终成为韩国公民的期望。所有这些都是为了同化于韩国文化。如果婚姻移民未能履行这些角色，那么可以想象……

它自 2005 年开始进行。现在，我想展示的第一个调查结果是关于询问韩国本土居民：您认为韩国应该是一个单一民族、单一文化的国家，还是应该成为一个多民族、多文化的国家？他们问了这个问题，调查结果，让我们看看图表。那些回答“我认为韩国应该保持单一民族、单一文化社会”的人，在 2010 年、2015 年和 2020 年的比例约为 37%-39%。

这对我来说意味着，不到 40% 的韩国人希望保持一个单一民族国家。但这个比例在过去十年里没有改变。有趣的是多民族类别。因此，在 2010 年，超过一半（60%）的韩国人表示，我认为韩国应该成为一个多文化社会。考虑到韩国人的态度，这是非常乐观的。我想让您回顾一下我之前展示的政策变化。如果您还记得，针对婚姻移民的多文化家庭的第一项政策发生在 2006 年和 2008 年。这是国际婚姻快速增长的时期，当时韩国社会对移民的主流看法是关于婚姻移民如何帮助韩国社会，在很多方面扮演着传统角色。因此，当时韩国公民对移民的看法实际上相当父权制，如果可以这么说的话，而且肯定更加积极。因此，他们对外国人来帮助韩国的概念持开放态度。然而，随着时间的推移，到 2015 年和 2020 年，韩国人希望建立一个多文化社会的想法急剧下降。因此，到 2020 年，只有 44% 的韩国人表示希望建立一个多文化社会。这种下降并非与他们偏好单一文化社会的人数增加有关，而是由于不确定的人数增加。现在很多人说，我不太确定，我不知道。所以，这是一个有趣的变化。现在我想让大家看看我在这里展示的表格。

这是调查问题。以下陈述询问人们是否同意或不同意。所以，如果您看这里，我实际上很抱歉，我看不清整个幻灯片。哦，好的，太好了。所以，第一个……所以，这里有五个陈述，您可以看到第一个陈述是：种族、宗教、文化多样性增强了国家竞争力。更多的移民丰富了韩国的文化。接收外国人存在局限性。外国人应该放弃自己的文化和习惯，融入韩国社会。最后，我们应该给予归化公民平等的投票权和社会保障福利。

因此，这五个陈述，我将展示这里的结果。这非常有趣，因为如果您看结果，您会发现，认为多元文化主义的积极方面，即竞争力增加和丰富文化，在过去三年中有所增加。实线黑色是 2020 年。所以，它变得更高了。但也有一些负面态度在过去十年中有所增加，在三个调查时期中都有增加。也就是说，越来越多的人说，移民……我感到抱歉，移民存在局限性。也有越来越多的人认为外国人应该放弃自己的文化，融入

韩国文化。并且越来越少的韩国人说，让我们给予归化公民更多的福利。所以，如果您将这些结果结合起来，似乎韩国人对移民的态度变得不再是单一的，而是多方面的。似乎韩国人对移民在文化上变得更加开放，但他们同时对移民感到更加担忧，这与经济、物质方面以及制度层面有关。

物质方面可能包括工作竞争、因福利支出增加而导致的税收增加等。这是一张表格，它展示了与前面一张幻灯片非常相似的结果。红色评论是过去 15 年来积极的移民态度有所增加的评论，更多的人说，韩国是一个外国人居住的好地方。同时，我们也看到，人们越来越不反对自己的孩子与外国人结婚，他们对国际婚姻更加开放。我们还发现，人们不再相信移民会导致更多犯罪。这些都是积极的变化，人们越来越接受多文化主义。

但同时，负面态度也在增加。让我向您展示一些。越来越多的人说，他们对外国人的感觉因其国籍和宗教而异。韩国一直存在态度差异，基于国籍和宗教。他们更欢迎来自发达国家的外国人，但不太欢迎来自发展中国家的外国人。因此，这种双重民族偏见，我们称之为双重民族偏见，随着时间的推移而加剧。再次，韩国人更有可能说，韩国人的工作受到外国人的威胁，在过去 15 年里这种说法有所增加。最后，

越来越少的人同意我们应该让外国人更容易获得公民身份的观点。所以，正如我所说，总而言之，我认为，通过比较这些随时间的变化，您可以看到多方面态度确实有所不同。韩国人在文化多元化的文化效益和国际婚姻问题上倾向于表现出日益增长的接受度和宽容度。然而，在那些构成实际经济威胁的问题上，例如争夺工作、福利和社会服务方面，他们的态度变得更加排外。

因此，这是一个非常复杂的情况。许多学者正在分析，韩国人不再对移民天真，因为移民已经持续了几十年了。现在他们实际上表现出了我认为在欧洲或其他有大量移民的国家中很常见的特征。

竞争力有所提高，文化更加丰富，在三年内有所增长。实心黑线代表2020年，可见有所提高。但同时，在过去十年，也就是三个调查周期中，也出现了一些负面态度，更多人认为移民……抱歉，是移民……存在局限性。也有更多人认为外国人应放弃自身文化并进行同化。

好的，下一张图表我想向您展示的是韩国人对不同移民群体的亲近感。如果您看这里，蓝色虚线是 2010 年，红色虚线是 2015 年，黑色实线是 2020 年。您可以看到，在所有五个群体中——朝鲜脱北者、劳务移民、婚姻移民、跨文化家庭子女，以及最后是中国朝鲜族——如果您看这三个

调查时期，也就是 10 年间，韩国人对所有这五个群体的亲近感都显著下降。这意味着韩国本土居民对这些群体的亲近感越来越低。在排序方面，您会看到，韩国人对国际夫妇的子女感觉最亲近，其次是朝鲜脱北者、婚姻移民、中国朝鲜族和劳务移民。因此，韩国人倾向于对具有共同血统的本土韩国人、同族人感觉更亲近。

当他们与可能争夺稀缺资源（如劳务移民）的人相比时，亲近感最低。您看到了。好的，现在时间过得很快。这是我想向您介绍的第三个主题，我将展示我关于探索跨文化适应模式和适应情况的研究，研究对象是再次是国际移民、国际婚姻的子女。好的，这里的概念框架

宗教，韩国在态度上一直存在差异，但基于宗教来源国，他们对发达国家的外籍人士更受欢迎，而对发展中国家的外籍人士则不太受欢迎。这种双重族裔偏见，我们称之为双重族裔偏见，随着时间的推移而加剧。韩国人更有可能认为，在过去15年里，韩国人的就业机会受到外国人的威胁，这一比例有所上升。最后，

基于两个理论。第一个是巴里的模型，巴里是一位著名的学者，他假设并证明了移民青年适应策略确实由两个主要因素决定。一个是如何保持移民青年对其文化遗产的认同，在这种情况下，对于婚姻移民的子女来说，就是母亲的文化遗产。以及他们接受东道主文化的程度。

在这种情况下，他们接受韩国文化的程度如何？现在，当您想到韩国的跨文化儿童时，这是独特的，因为通常在西方或其他背景下，移民家庭作为一个整体单位迁移。所以，没有真正的混血，都是墨西哥人，或者都是中国人，都是韩国人。但在跨文化儿童的情况下，这是一个混血夫妇，移民来自不同国家来到韩国社会。所以，请记住这一点，我仍然会尝试

看看韩国的跨文化儿童，他们保留母亲的文化遗产的程度如何，以及他们接受韩国文化的程度如何。根据这四个适应程度，巴里说，移民青年通常属于以下四类之一：同化、融合、分离和边缘化。简而言之，同化类别是指儿童放弃其文化。

调查周期。因此，在过去十年中，韩国人对这些群体的亲近感显著下降。这意味着韩国本土居民对这些群体的亲近感越来越低。从排序来看，韩国人对国际夫妇子女的亲近感最高，其次是朝鲜脱北者、婚姻移民、韩裔中国人，最后是劳务移民。韩国人倾向于对具有共同血缘的本土韩国人、同族人感到更亲近。

当他们拥有共同的血缘时，并且当存在争夺稀缺资源的潜在竞争时，例如劳务移民，亲近感最低。所以可以看到，好的，时间已经过去很久了。这是我要讲的第三个主题，我将向您展示我的研究，探讨这些国际婚姻、婚姻移民子女的文化适应模式和适应情况。所以，这里的概念框架是

基于两个理论。第一个是“巴里的模型”，其中移民青年……巴里这位著名的学者巴里……假设并证明了移民青年的文化适应策略主要由两个因素决定。一个是移民青年维持其母语文化（在这种情况下，对于婚姻移民的子女来说，就是母亲的文化）的程度，另一个是他们拥抱东道主文化的程度。

母亲的文化遗产，并完全接受东道主文化。融合类别是指儿童既保持其文化遗产，又接受东道主文化。分离类别是指儿童拒绝东道主文化，但保留其文化遗产。最后，边缘化类别是指儿童既不保持其文化遗产，也不接受东道主文化。因此，这是基于巴里模型的概念框架。

第二个理论是关于文化适应策略的。它认为，移民青年可以通过四种策略来适应东道主文化：同化、融合、分离和边缘化。同化是指放弃自己的文化，完全接受东道主文化。融合是指保持自己的文化，同时接受东道主文化。分离是指保留自己的文化，但拒绝东道主文化。边缘化是指既不保留自己的文化，也不接受东道主文化。因此，这是我的研究基于的两个理论。

heritage in this case the mother's culture but embraces the host culture and so it completely becomes korean and avoids or um doesn't really relate any to the mother's heritage the integration category would be the case where they embrace both cultures okay the separation would be when the child only embraces the mother's heritage but abandons korean culture and the final marginalization category would be the case where the child is not really adjusted in any culture and so it's really marginalized

now in general there's actually a lot of research done about acculturation so if you are interested just type acculturation google scholar you'll find a lot uh in general if you a lot of these studies have been done in a western context and so these are multicultural countries right so in general the largest category group that scholars find is the integration group and so in general children of these you know multi-ethnic kind of families generally have they they tend to embrace both cultures and generally the

integration group has the best outcomes in terms of education labor market outcomes et cetera um but and the marginalization and the marginalization group has the worst outcomes which is not too surprising okay now the second theory i wanted to kind of explain a little bit about is the segmented assimilation theory which is again looking at second generation immigrants and says that immigrant youth outcome is determined by the context of reception and context of reception here includes three main

factors first is the policy of the host government which in case is korea's government second is the attitude of the native population we just examined both of these and the third is the size of the size and i guess the power of the co-ethnic community that exists in this host society now if we talk about the context of reception in korea we just talked about korean government for marriage migrants here right if you remember they're actually given a lot of benefits compared to other migrants but i told you a lot of these benefits

are kind of encouraging the woman and the children to become korean meaning assimilate to korean society to kind of learn korean language learn the culture become a korean model citizen and so the assimilation type of strategy that the korean government policy has for korea for children these children is i think very important how it influences their acculturation secondly the attitude of native koreans toward migrants is like i said earlier they they're they're known to have a dual ethnic bias and so generally they're more

sympathetic toward foreigners from advanced developed nations but a lot of antagonistic attitude toward ethnic minorities from less developed countries have been reported in korea over and over and lastly the size of the co-ethnic community is considered to be important in western context because it's supposed to provide some kind of buffer for these immigrant families you know by helping them find jobs or you know encourage their incorporation into society but in korea's context this is less of a factor

because the immigrant population is still very small compared to the total population and it's not just immigrant population but we're talking about co-ethnics so for example the same race from the same country type of community that really buffers these immigrants so this is really small when you look at it by co-ethnic community and so overall the south korean context of reception appears to be very different from the western context and in fact i set three distinct hypotheses because of the the difference in reception of

context context of reception sorry so the first hypothesis was if you recall the separation profile which is the profile in this case that would uh that would um only that would only embrace the mother's heritage culture but avoid and abandon korean culture so the hypothesis here was the separation profile probably is very small in korea or maybe doesn't even exist because it would be very hard for the child to survive in this context if you're abandoning korean culture and only embracing the mother's culture

when all of your family except for your mother is korean and you're born and raised in korea and so the separation profile in korea would probably be very small second hypothesis is that the positive effects of the integration strategy may not be as strong as for korean multi-ethnics as compared to the western context because generally the reason integration strategy is very positive has positive outcomes is because they can draw on resources from both cultures and it's very useful in in a multicultural society

but because korea is as i just told you it has a very strong assimilation kind of policy towards these families maybe you know being able to embrace both culture is not affiliated with such you know positive outcomes and then the third hypothesis i set was acculturation profiles may vary across maternal ethnicity and i actually thought probably children with a mother or you know with a mother from developed nation may be adjusting a little better than children from developing countries who knows

but you know it was worth exploring because of this strong dual ethnic bias going on so these were the three hypotheses that i wanted to test and using data uh it's a nationally representative data of children from multi-ethnic marriages i first classified youth into different acculturation profiles by using a method called latent class cluster and latent class analysis not going to talk about the method here you can study that later but basically i categorized youth into acculturation categories like profiles

using seven items but basically three important variables looking at their language proficiency looking at the desire to maintain and learn about their mother's heritage culture and finally how much they identify to their marriage their to their mother's native culture and so the result here was very interesting because the results revealed that korean multi-ethnic youth could be classified into four distinct profiles clusters the largest profile was cluster one and i labeled them as assimilated cluster

so these are children that looked to me had assimilated to the korean society and had very little um kind of embracement of their mother's heritage culture look so this is about 42 percent of youth um and you can see that their korean language proficiency is almost perfect but almost none of them can speak or understand their mother's language their desire to learn about their mother's language is very low you know it's about total about only 30 percent and their interest in learning about their mother's native country is also

very low they're also not proud of others finding out that their mother is a foreigner so this group of koreans who are multi-ethnic seem to be completely assimilated to be actually just koreans the second cluster is comprises about 38 of the sample it's also a very large cluster but they're very interesting because they are again korean language is perfect for them but they almost speak no mother language but the difference here from the assimilated is that they want to learn about their mothers

language and heritage culture so if you see their desire to learn about their mother's language and culture is very strong and they're actually proud of others finding out that their mother is a foreigner so these two groups look very similar in their language so they're language linguistically assimilated but they're very different in identity and you know um kind of maintaining pride in their mother's heritage culture and so i call them psychologically diffused what it means is that they they lack so

they have this desire to learn about their mother's heritage culture yet they lack the means because they don't speak the language so they're a little bit diffused in in in this kind of attribute the third cluster is integrated and like i said in if you look at western data sets this cluster is usually the largest but in korea only 13 of the sample is integrated and again both these groups speak both the mother's language and korean language really well and their desire to learn about their mother's culture is pretty high

so this is kind of like the best group if you would say you know they're doing well in terms of both cultures the final cluster four is the marginalized this is a really sad group it's about seven percent of the sample where they don't speak the korean language despite being born and raised in korea they don't they speak a little bit of their mother's language but not really well and they're not really you know showing much interest or pride in their mother's heritage culture so this is a very disadvantaged cluster

because they can't draw resources from either culture it's a it's a it's a definitely a cluster that government policy should be worried about okay so this is just a summary of what i explained very carefully um to give you a little more detail about the characteristics of youth by clusters so if you look at maternal ethnicity if you recall cluster one was the simulated group so the assimilated children's mothers are generally chinese chinese korean and other asian so these are the typical marriage migrant groups

the cluster two if you recall these were the kids that spoke korean perfectly they didn't speak mother tongue but they wanted to learn about it they were predominantly japanese very interesting cluster three was the integrated a lot of them were more likely to be japanese and north american and european finally cluster four was the marginalized not doing really well again they were japanese and other asian countries mother's education level is also very different if you look here cluster one the simulated group have

lower maternal education level than the other clusters and cluster two and three have higher maternal education levels actually marginalized group also has low education level for their mothers it's not too surprising here finally um i wanted to show you quality of parent-child relationship for these clusters so if you notice the parent-child relationship is lowest for the marginalized group not too surprising but the funny thing is is the highest satisfaction generally comes from the two groups of

cluster two and three which is the integrated group and the group that is linguistically uh assimilated but psychologically diffused and the simulated group has you know just i would say average maternal and paternal relationship results okay so this is the final result for the um the uh study which was showing me which was showing which is showing you right now across these four clusters are they how are they doing in terms of expressing difficulty in school in terms of saying that you know i want

to go to a four-year college showing high educational aspiration and finally in terms of saying that you know they have depressive symptoms and so and showing depressive symptoms so the the this is a logistic regression so to interpret this you need to compare the results against the omitted group which is cluster one so i'll just interpret this for you so the diffused group if you recall cluster two is more likely actually is less likely to say that they have no difficulty in school compared to the assimilated group so

what this means is that the diffuse group are having more difficulty in school than the completely assimilated group cluster one but they're not more likely to say they have more depressive symptoms or they're not you know more likely they're not less likely to have high educational aspirations cluster three if you recall was the integrated group so this means that the integrated group is not different from the assimilated group across all three outcomes this is a difference from the western studies because remember integrated

groups are known to be showing higher outcomes than the assimilated group in general for multicultural western societies but we don't see that in korea rather it seems that they're doing just basically just the same than the similar as the assimilated groups and then cluster four is the marginalized group and they are doing actually much worse off than the assimilated group they're much more likely to show depressive symptoms they're much more likely to say they're having difficulty at school and they're much less likely to have

high educational aspirations so this is definitely a group that we were worried with that we should be worried about and so the height you know all three hypotheses if you recall are actually accepted because if you see in the clusters we don't really have a separation profile so there's no group of children in korea that refuses the korean language in the korean culture and only takes on the mother's language and the mother's culture and probably that's because of the uniqueness of marriage migrants

hypothesis two about integration profile not showing as you know strong positive effects than the other assimilated profile was again true in korea uh also and then hypothesis three which is acculturation profiles varies across maternal ethnicity you kind of saw that in the earlier table where assimilated and marginalized clusters have a larger fraction of mothers from asian countries so that was accepted and so um i'm going to kind of conclude here this is the references i used for today's presentation and i'll give you a

chance to ask me questions i hope you enjoyed this talk okay okay has the recent success in the spread of korean culture around the world positively or negatively affected the visibility of foreigners within the korean society um well okay i guess the spread of kate i guess you're talking about k-pop and k-dramas um i'm not sure how that would have affected the visibility of foreigners in korea what we what i see though is if you notice in korean media we have more and more foreigners appearing on

korean tv have you noticed that and so that served a role in changing korean attitude toward foreigners because before foreigners were um on tv this way a lot of koreans thought when they immediately thought of of foreigners they thought of illegal migrant workers or you know migrant workers who were who were unskilled and or they thought of marriage migrants who were you know maybe abused by their korean husband or they were having difficulty and they were you know like kind of sad images of foreigners but because of

this shift in the media the influence of media is enormous now koreans perceive foreigners to be much more a much more diverse group than uh than earlier so i couldn't say that the next question uh south korea is referred to as a baby exporter country yes we we have um you're talking about adoption rates i know that okay so i'm given to understand that most korean people are unwilling to adopt a baby due to so-called different bloodlines what is the what is the government doing to tackle this issue

so i'll i'll give you some um facts about adoption so currently in korea um babies i guess you know children who are below the age of one um are almost unless they have a disability the adoption rate for them is almost close to zero so there's a uh a list a waiting list to adopt very young children so the kids who are being exported to these western cultural countries are generally kids that are older who who you know come into the foster system at a much older age or who have disabilities and so

um the the adoption rate of very young children have drastically dropped in korea that's that's one change now the korean government regarding adoption i don't want i guess it's beyond the scope of this um talk but laws have been changing and so there's a lot more protection of for these um adoptions uh and so yeah that's i guess the question um for someone whose parents are both foreigners but he or she was born raised and educated in korea does do they qualify to be a korean citizen no um no that's my that's the way i know

it i so the thing is you in order for you to obtain korean citizenship uh you automatically obtain it if either one of your parents hold a korean citizenship and you're considered a co-ethnic you have that bloodline just by being born and raised here for example like if your parents are illegal immigrants in korea legal workers you're born in korea you're raised here you don't get automatic citizenship like you would in the u.s it's so citizenship is not given by birth in this country okay did there are issues about marriage

agents who are buying wives for from korean for korean men yes do you how do you consider their assimilation to korean culture since the divorce rate is very high so that is the future see uh i didn't have time to really talk about this but you're right um so the history of marriage migration is very i guess complicated because in the early years if you recall the graph in the 1990s when marriage migration first began it was somewhat encouraged by the government because this started like i said to solve the issue of lack of brides for

rural korean men right and so the korean local government actually uh encouraged these brokers to introduce korean men foreign brides but because of this um kind of encouragement without the appropriate regulations there was a lot of side effect and one of these side effects was like you said here it was um divorce high divorce rate domestic violence issues all sorts of problems emerged and as a result um the korean government has been putting more and more i guess restrictions toward qualification of immigrants especially

in the vietnamese case you have to pay pass a korean language test to you know obtain the marriage migrant visa but there are side effects to this too because um you can't you can't really stop a korean citizen from marrying someone right but you can stop them from getting a visa that's all the government can do so a lot of the side effect was koreans continued to marry vietnamese women but because their visa was not issued because these vietnamese women couldn't speak korean enough uh they ended up just being separated if

you know what i mean so the woman remained in vietnam and the men would come back to korea and so it just produced a lot of problems so um in terms of preventing domestic violence this language test uh i don't think is doing a great job but if you think about um other aspects where in the marriage migration visa table if you go back to my earlier presentation there are three ways of obtaining marriage migrant visa and and it used to be only one way it used to be only one way which was you're married to your husband and your husband

agrees to be your sponsor but the problem with that is uh the woman could be abused because of this constraint right because they would even if she was abused she was afraid to divorce him because then she couldn't get her visa and but the korean law was amended to acknowledge that she could get her visa either as a wife or as a mother of a korean child or as a divorcee especially under these cases of domestic violence and so these policies have been uh revised because of the problems uh that were acknowledged okay is there

a follow-up question slightly off tangent but what is the main reason that this certain group lack women to marry locally oh that's a very good question actually it's not off tangent it's because it's related to korea's rapid economic development because a lot of people left the rural area to come to urban spaces and not not just unique to korea urbanization was rapidly occurring and women tend to leave the rural area faster than men and and this is also not unique to korea so women would come to urban

areas more so and the the young men who were farmers there kind of didn't have any appropriate korean bride and so that's how it started in the very beginning i hope that answers your question um now why has the proportion of koreans who want their country to be multicultural has decreased since 2010 what discouraged them this is sad especially since the perception of foreigners among koreans has improved yeah you know what i've been giving this a lot of thought too and the reason that i've been able to come up with uh

through the readings is that like i said earlier in 2010 uh you know like the high rate of approval about 60 i thought i think is abnormal it's abnormal because koreans at the time didn't really know what multiculturalism meant or is because you got to remember the history of increased immigration for korea is very short compared to other countries and so at the time if you if you read the newspapers at the time multiculturalism was kind of boosted by government it was a top-down approach it was not

it was not kind of shared and embraced by having a neighbor who's a foreigner or having a friend who's a foreigner rather there was very there was a very small fraction of foreigners in korea but the government propaganda was about you know we should embrace uh female marriage migrants who are coming to our society you know to bear korean children they're serving the korean traditional role also you know these poor labor migrants are getting abused by korean you know factory owners and we need to

you know give them more rights so this kind of uh kind of language was really paternalistic the majority of korean people at the time i don't think really understood what it meant to have more immigration and so i think we see that there's a downward trend in people wanting multiculturalism but rather than just saying that you know very simplistically this is a negative thing i think people are getting smarter so they i think they're thinking you know multiculturalism is a very important yet complicated thing uh we

need to view this in many different aspects and and consider immigration for for everything that it is i think in the 2010 year period it was a government top-down propaganda and people really didn't understand what it meant for them uh i think that's what the scholars and experts are arguing and i i kind of agree with that okay so do do ethnic koreans particularly those coming from former soviet republics yeah assimilate into the korean society from my observation they mostly reside in russian districts that are an

equivalent of chinatown and have problems with language learning integration what is the government's politician yeah this is a very uh important question um so how so if you think about assimilation so you remember in the talk i said um korean government provides a lot of services for marriage migrants and this is including marriage migrants from the ussr so there's actually a lot of assimilation programs for marriage migrants like about you know teaching them korean language teaching them how to cook korean food

teaching them about korean culture and etc but there aren't that many government-sponsored programs for foreign laborers a lot of the programs for foreign laborers are coming from non-profit organization it's not directly it's not directly provided and managed like it is for marriage migrants and so that's why i said preferential treatment here is the word for marriage migrants and a lot of effort and money is spent towards assimilating them but much less so for labor migrants do you understand and

so that's why when you say you see a lot of um you know immigrants from these ussr countries i want to ask you probably their their migrant workers their their laborers they're not probably marriage migrants because if they were they would probably be getting a lot of support in learning the culture and assimilating i i wonder if that answers your question but yeah oh there's another question those korean culture victories abroad uh those korean culture victories abroad wouldn't they encourage the idea that

whoever is in korea should learn and adapt to korean culture because this gives a sense of korean culture being superior oh i guess you're saying because korean culture is now so popular in the world um maybe assimilation should be the propaganda i guess that's your question i disagree but that's my personal opinion the reason i disagree is i think imposing or encouraging too much of an assimilation perspective to foreigners it could have a side effect and also when you think about especially the children of these like

the second generation immigrants coming from this assimilation approach i don't necessarily think it would produce positive outcomes because the research in all parts of the world are not are suggesting that in order to encourage encouraging children and families to embrace these differences in culture and be able to you know draw resources and be able to kind of function in both cultures is better than kind of imposing just one culture altogether but that's my personal opinion that's me okay uh victoria what is the

impact of an economic slowdown on immigration especially in the context of coven 19 korea's over education underemployment and unemployment that's a very good question you know what honestly the impact of economic slowdown you have to think of it in terms of the type of labor i think so remember korea is very open to bringing in high skilled labor the type of labor that they need so if you think about coven 19 i would bet you right now a area of of expertise that korea would die for would be related to uh ict inter

you know uh technology about a.i uh you know things that are related to the fourth industrial revolution i bet it would be much easier to come to korea now regarding unskilled labor um with coven 19 there have been a lot of media reports that um a lot of the labor migrants were sent back home and so korean industry is suffering because of lack of labor for these uh specific you know manufacturing service industries and farming and et cetera and so it is um it is a pr i guess the coven 19 and the future

will definitely affect the type of immigration that occurs and how it affects korean society but i don't think it will be uniform i think it will really be based on demand and the future needs okay how do south koreans perceive ethnic koreans as foreigners or fellow koreans does the perception differ depending on age of population yeah that's a very good question so um there have been some studies about how koreans perceive ethnic you know remember remember the graph of the feelings of closeness

so the korean chinese are the ethnic koreans actually so these are um ethnic koreans who are chinese citizens but coming to korea to work and really surprisingly um the feeling of closeness for them used to be very high but it's been dropping over the past 10 years and so i think more and more koreans are feeling that they're actually more chinese than korean based on the statistics and so depending on the age of population i haven't actually looked at that but that's a good question but overall in terms of age um we find

that the younger generation are definitely more open to multiculturalism whereas those who are 40 and above seem to be definitely much more um uh kind of conservative in this in this aspect yeah okay you know what i i just heard that we are out of time i hope you enjoyed this talk i feel like i rushed things so much and i'm sorry if i talked really fast but i wanted to give you as much information as possible thank you