[2020 KF Korea Workshop: 조민효]

YouTube 링크 : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kaSfqOFS8Lg

EAI는 한국국제교류재단(Korea Foundation: KF)과 함께 주한 외국인을 대상으로 한국에 대한 이해 증진과 공감대 형성을 확대하고자 [2020 KF 코리아 워크숍]을 진행합니다. [2020 KF 코리아 워크숍]은 다음과 같은 세 개의 클러스터로 이루어져 있습니다: 클러스터 E (External & Domestic Affairs), 클러스터 A (Arts & Culture), 클러스터 I (Industry & IT).

[2020 KF 코리아 워크숍] 클러스터 E의 세 번째 순서로는 "한국의 다문화 정책"에 대한 조민효 성균관대 교수의 강연을 진행했습니다. 강연 후에 질의응답 시간은 한국의 이민정책, 문화 적응, 다문화 사회 등에 대한 다양한 질의와 토론이 활발히 이루어지는 유익한 시간이었습니다.

영상 스크립트

hello everyone it's uh great to meet you actually um and thank you for my introduction so um i'm actually very excited to be able to come here and talk to you about immigration in korea so as you see in my title slide i want to talk to you about immigration in general but also i want to talk about three broad themes specifically so let me just begin right ahead right you know i'm just going to begin with the talk right ahead and so the first topic that i want to talk to you about is overall kind of

policy strategy that the korean government took in terms of immigration and i know uh you know i could take it could take weeks for me to actually explain all details of immigration policy but i want to focus on korean government strategy to address domestic needs actually two strands of needs uh and how they uh kind of created categories of visas to accommodate these domestic needs so i'll talk about that that's specifically and then the next the second theme i want to talk about is after having learned about uh korean

incorporation policy in general i want to talk a little bit about how native koreans citizen attitudes toward immigration has changed over time and this is important because when immigration policy is set it not only affects the immigrants who are coming to reside in korea but it also affects korean natives perspective about this phenomenon and the eai actually has done multi-year surveys every five years regarding this and so i'm going to show you the most recent 2020 data and compare it to earlier years of data

and show you the trajectory and change in attitude and then the final third theme that i would like to talk about is my own research about given then the immigration policy given then the native korean attitude toward immigration i want us to think about how this may affect the immigrants themselves and specifically i did some research on the adjustment of children from multi-ethnic families multi-ethnic families would be a marriage between a korean and a foreigner non-korean and so there are quite a few

of that go that there are quite a there's quite a bit of international marriages occurring in korea and i'll talk about that more so but anyways i wanted to show you how their children's educational outcomes as well as psychological outcomes look like in terms of korea and maybe compare it to what you would expect to see in more western multicultural contexts okay so let me move right on just as an introduction i want to give you you know this is just a graph that you could find off of the website of the korean office of

statistics you know maybe you already know these numbers so the number of foreigners residing in korea every year has been increasing not surprisingly uh currently by december 2019 roughly 2.5 million foreigners were residing in korea that's about a little less than five percent of total population in korea i know for those of you who are coming from very uh international multicultural countries like maybe in the western especially in the western hemisphere you might feel like this percentage is very small

however you need to take into consideration that korea used to be a very homogenous society for a long time and the rate and increase of the foreigners is considered to be for us quite rapid and we're feeling the impacts of immigration more and more so now than maybe 20 30 years ago another attribute i want to that that i show in this slide is the the country of origin of these foreigners so when we talk about immigration in korea it's usually going to be about asian immigrants because that's about 87

percent of total immigration uh the second largest group is north america about seven percent and then the third would be europe so for koreans especially from the state perspective when we think about immigration really we're talking about immigrants from china and southeast asia like vietnamese filipinos thailand et cetera et cetera this is a i think uh interesting graph for you probably if you didn't know these statistics this is the percentage of international marriages we call them also slash multi-ethnic marriages in

south korea so this would be a marriage between a korean citizen ethnic versus and and i'm sorry not versus and an international foreigner now if you look in the beginning of the graph it's 1993 less than two percent of total marriages in korea were international multi-ethnic but by 2005 you can see that more than 13 of all marriages in korea becomes multi-ethnic now i don't have much time to explain to you the very details of this but for those of you who know in the early 1990s international marriages began and kind

of was encouraged by the government because there was a lack of korean brides for specifically rural men most of them were farmers and they were having difficulty finding korean brides and so a lot of these foreign brides were imported in some sense to become their wives and bear children and serve the traditional korean role that but however now no longer is it limited to rural korea now this phenomenon of multi-ethnic marriages is found all over a lot in urban areas now and if you look at the percentage urban is actually

higher than rural but the point is that once international marriages began it really increased at a fast rate and all the way in 2019 you're going to see that about one out of every 10 marriage in korea is multi-ethnic okay so i'm going to move oh one other important point here is so the black solid line is total marriage right the red dotted line look at that that's the rate of a korean husband with a foreign wife so this graph shows you that about 70 to 80 of these multi-ethnic marriages are actually for a foreign bride coming to

marry a korean man and so it really relates to the policies we have for marriage migrants because about 80 percent of marriage migrant visas are issued to females and so that means when the government talks about marriage migration we're really talking about female brides coming from foreign countries to marry korean men okay moving on i don't have time to actually read through all of the history of immigration so i'm going to try to just lay out what i wanted to say in terms of immigration so if you step for those of you are

interested in this because i know a lot of your students if you start studying korean immigration policy you're going to notice immediately that korea has some characteristics and the first point that i want to raise is that korean government has a two-track system for skilled labor versus unskilled labor and this is not just unique to korea a lot of countries actually do this i mean not surprisingly a lot of nations and governments try to encourage professional skilled labor to come and migrate to their countries

whereas they try to control and restrict unskilled labor uh to make manage it in a way where you know not too many come at all at the same time and so korea also follows that kind of just differentiated uh immigration policy but what is really interesting in korea's case uh regarding labor migration is that um it concentrated heavily on inducing co-ethnics to come to korea so that's a little bit of a difference acro from maybe european or american countries so what what i mean by co-ethnics is um so maybe so there were a lot of

korean ethnics who themselves or their parents or earlier generations migrated to another country and therefore their citizenship is not korean yet ethnically they are and so korean government tried to induce migration of these co-ethnics both being skilled or unskilled didn't matter to come back as foreign labor to korea and so that's one track of immigration policy that you see um in in the korean system and then the second uh characteristic that's interesting to korea is the fact that korea has a specific policy for marriage

migration and i kind of just explained to you this marriage migration policy track is kind of unique it's gender biased because it's unique to female brides coming to korea so that's kind of the overview and if i kind of go through this slide that you see um the first then immigration policy that was set in place in korea was called the industrial technical training program system uh industrial training program ittp um this was for unskilled labor uh and the purpose of this was to serve short-term demand

uh and therefore their legal stay was only one year but you can imagine this was a short time period it ended up inducing a lot of these unskilled labor to become illegal workers and it had a lot of problems and so what happened was in 2004 the government introduced a new program called the employment permit system where unskilled labor had longer you know they had three years of time period to stay and then they could renew it also um they were guaranteed standard labor rights and so that's um that's kind of the history of

labor policy moving on to marriage migration by 2006 you just saw in the earlier slide 2005 we had about 14 13 of international marriages occurring and so the following year the government recognized they needed a law some kind of policy support some kind of policy to support this population and as a result a bunch of acts were passed and it's really interesting because these acts were passed to to kind of smooth the incorporation of these foreign female migrants to sum up so i know i laid a lot of

information to you just now just so to sum up if you look at the final phrase here the korean state has differentiated incorporation policies to migrants like i said and that led to a growth of multiple visa categories not surprisingly and the state's selective response it wasn't random it was actually very strategic to meet domestic labor demands as well as demographic pressures so the domestic labor demands relates to like i said earlier the labor shortages especially in uh manufacturing and service

industries and korean government utilized the immigration of co-ethnic workers in this strategy so today i'm going to talk to you give you a little bit more detail about the co-ethnic visa policy and then secondly the demographic pressures were addressed by encouraging incorporation of female marriage migrants got it okay moving on um this is just the the the types of visa categories that exist in korea um i couldn't put down every single one so i limited two visa categories that had at least two percent or more

i you know you can later you can maybe view this slide more carefully i just want to point out that in this talk i'm going to focus on two types of visas one the co-ethnic visas to the marriage migrant visas the co-ethnic visas are two kinds here the overseas korean f4 the green one here and the h2 working visit visa which would be the dark gray here these two are only for co-ethnics but it's interesting you might be wondering why do they have two types of visa for co-ethnics when you know when they

could just have given one the same one to everyone well that that is again related to korea's strategy strategy kind of strategy of trying to differentiate skilled and unskilled labor and and and etc uh so we'll talk about the difference between these two and compare it to other types of visas and then i want to talk to you about marriage migrant visa which is the purple it's about five percent of all visas but again this is 82 or 81 percent of them are all females okay moving on now so the overseas

korean visa f4 that i just showed you that was the green line here which had about more than 18 okay so the overseas f4 visa was introduced because uh in 1999 uh the korean state proposes uh the purpose of this uh um the overseas act was to create a global korean community and the real target for the f4 visas were u.s korean-americans and that was because uh it was believed that these u.s korean-americans could bring in um english-speaking professionals to korea as well as foreign capital that was much

needed at the time following the financial crisis of 1997 in 1998. however the problem was at the time the largest group co-ethnic immigrants in korea weren't u.s americans it was actually co-ethnics from china but under the f-4 visa immigrants from china and the former soviet union were not eligible because of this clause that said they would they had to have left korean peninsula after the founding of the republic of korea in 1948.

the problem here is that a lot of the migrants that went to china and former soviet union left during the colonization period of korea uh and this one and korea was emancipated in 1945 so a lot of them had left much earlier than 1948. so this was discriminatory and this provision was lifted later but still you can kind of see that the creation of the f4 was more targeted towards skilled labor skilled co-ethnics as and and therefore the government in 2007 created a new visa category called the h2 working visit visa and it was

exclusively for koreans from china and soviet union now the thing here is then uh when you think about the h2 working visit visa it's it's quite different from the f4 and that uh the the f4 visa visa immigrants were not pro were prohibited from working in manual labor and so this again was more of a skilled type of visa for co-ethnics the h2 working visa was an unskilled visa for co-ethnics and if you compare that to just regular unskilled visa that that foreigners get that are not co-ethnic the e9 visas

the h2 did get some preferential treatment and this table kind of explains the difference in treatment across these three groups of data i'm sorry three groups of visa categories so that so if you see here the top the overseas korean visa uh like i explained all of this but the associated rights is quite expansive they have property rights investment rights all sorts of insurance eligibilities and whatnot and the duration is three years but they can multiply they can renew it continuously there's no restriction to this

on the other hand the visa for ethnic koreans from china and the ussr for them the duration is they're limited in terms of renewal so they can only renew their visa once however employment restriction they don't have any their rights are limited to just labor rights that uh korean laborers would get by the law and so they don't really have property rights or investment rights like the earlier group however if you compare them to just regular unskilled immigrants then they're much more they have much more freedom in their

employment because if you come through a e-9 unskilled visa in korea then you have restrictions in terms of your industry and change in employment which is quite uh restrictive uh in in a lot of ways and so um i so just in a nutshell uh when you think about the labor categories in korea you would you could classify basically that the foreign overseas i'm sorry the overseas korean f4 visa would be the top uh and right below that would be h2 working visit for the unskilled co-ethnics and then really at the bottom

would be the unskilled e9 for the rest of the foreigners who are not co-ethnics so that would be kind of the treatment now next moving to the marriage migrant visas like i said and since 2005 korea has been you know having serious fertility issues and we are known as one of the fastest aging populations in the world unfortunately and under this circumstance the korean government actually viewed marriage migrants as kind of helping to solve this problem because again marriage migrants were predominantly females and they were

coming to marry korean men and half korean children and so as a result in 2011 the marriage migrant visa f6 visa was created and the treatment of the f6 visa was comparable to the high skilled professional visas and the overseas korean visa so their treatment was much better than co-ethnics from china or the former soviet union that's kind of an interesting attribute here however even though they got very good treatment in terms of an you know immigration policy uh by being labeled as a you know

marriage migrant in korea and and based on the fact that they were serving the traditional korean woman's role as a mother and as a daughter-in-law you know and as a wife uh they had um you know the idea of their role of bearing korean children you know caring for their asian korean in-laws and becoming korean citizens and this is all kind of towards assimilating towards the korean culture it was really strong and so marriage migrants who who failed to follow this role would probably you can imagine

not having easy time here in the society and so this is the visa category again the same table but the bottom row here describes the rights and treatments of female migrant of the marriage migrants predominantly female notice here that they again have no employment restrictions just like the co-ethnic h2 visas but their associated rights is expensive enough just like the overseas korean visas and the duration again is they have no restriction in renewal they can renew it every time and so among you know among all visa

categories the marriage migrant visa category is in some sense the best uh in terms of treatment they are most they're they get the best of the most preferential treatment from the korean government and then you can imagine the unskilled labor category would be much uh the treatment is much worse compared to the rest of the groups now okay so this is the last slide for the policy i know i i threw a lot of information on you and i was speaking at a very fast pace but to sum it up korean government like i said has

differentiated policy tracks for skilled unskilled labor even among co-ethnics and they give the best treatment to marriage migrants because these migrants are considered to be serving uh quite an important role in regard to korean demographics the change in korean demographics okay so moving on then i want to show you some survey results uh regarding korean citizen attitudes toward multiculturalism and immigration in general so this survey that i talked about earlier was is conducted by you know the east asian institute uh and

it has been occurring since 2005. now the first question survey result i want to show you uh is about when they asked to native koreans it's a random sample of native koreans do you think korea should be a monoethnic and a monocultural country or do you think it should be a multi-ethnic multicultural country they asked this question and the survey reply let's look at the graph here so those of the people who answered you know i think korea should remain a mono ethnic monocultural society was around 37 39 in years 2010

15 and 20. so what this indicates to me is about for less a little less than 40 percent of koreans wanted to be you know a mono ethnic country but this ratio hasn't changed in the past 10 years what's interesting here is the multi-ethnic category so about in 2010 more than half 60 percent of koreans said i think korea should become a multicultural society so this is very optimistic when you consider a korean attitude and i want you to go back to what i showed you about policy change if you recall the first policy for

multicultural families for marriage migrants occurred in 2006 and 2008. this is a period where rapidly international marriages were growing and the frame kind of the dominant frame regarding immigrants in korea was about marriage migrants and how they're coming to help korean society in many ways kind of serving the traditional role and so the korean citizens perspective of immigrants at the time was actually quite paternalistic if you would say and it was definitely more positive and so they were open to this

concept of foreigners coming in to help korea however with time by 2015 and 20 the idea of koreans wanting a multicultural society has dropped a lot and so by 2020 only 44 of koreans say they want a multicultural society now this drop is not linked to an increase in mo in their preference towards multimono cultural rather it's due to the increase in people who have become uncertain so a lot of people are now saying i'm not really sure i don't know and so kind of that's an interesting change now i want us to look at um the table

that i show you here and so this is a survey question of the following questions i mean the following statements asking people do you agree or you know do we disagree um and so if you look here um i'm actually sorry let me i can't see the full slide sorry oh okay great okay so the first um so the we have five statements here and you can see the first statement is you know racial religious cultural diversity enhances national competitiveness uh having more immigrants enriches korea's culture there are limitations to

receiving foreigners should come and assimilate to korean society by abandoning culture and habits and then finally we should provide equal voting rights and social security benefits to naturalized citizens so these are the five statements and i'm just going to show you the results right here it's really interesting because if you look at the results you're going to see that um the the idea that the the proportion of korean natives who are you know acknowledging the positive side of multiculturalism

by saying competitiveness has increased and it enriches culture has actually increased over the three years so the solid black line is 20 20. so it's gotten higher but again there's also some negative attitude that has increased over the three three um over the decade actually over the three uh survey periods which is more people are saying that there are immigrations i'm sorry immigrations have limitations uh there are also more people saying that they think foreigners should abandon their own culture and assimilate

to korean culture and there are also less koreans who are saying let's give more benefits to naturalized citizens so if you kind of combine these results together it seems that the attitude toward immigration in korea is becoming not uniform but multifaceted it seems that koreans are becoming more open to immigrants in from a cultural perspective but they are becoming more worrisome about immigration at the same time regarding kind of economic materialistic attributes as well as institutional dimensions

and materialistic kind of attributes may include you know competition of jobs increased taxes uh because due to you know more self welfare spending and etc things like that this is a a table that kind of just shows you uh very similar results from the earlier slide where the red comments are the comments where over the 15 years we see an increase in positive attitude attitude towards immigration where more people are saying you know korea is a good country for foreigners to reside in also over the time we've

seen that people are less likely to oppose their child marrying a foreigner so they're more open to international marriages and we also find that people don't believe now less less and less they're believing that immigration leads to more crime so these things are changes positive changes and becoming more open to multiculturalism but at the same time there are also negative attitudes increasing let me show you here so some more and more people are saying that they feel different toward foreigners depending on their country of

religion and korea has been known to have differences in attitude but based on country of religion where they're more they're more welcoming to foreigners from developed countries but less welcoming to country to foreigners from developing countries and so this type of dual ethnic bias we call it this dual ethnic bias has gotten worse over time again koreans are more likely to say that the jobs are korea of koreans are being threatened by foreigners over time past 15 years has increased and finally

less and less people are agreeing to the idea that we should make it easier for foreigners to obtain citizenship and so like i said in a nutshell i guess you know comparing these kind of changes over time you can see that the multi-faceted attitude really kind of is different in that koreans tend to display growing acceptance and tolerance on issues relating to cultural benefits of multiculturalism and international marriages however their attitudes are becoming more exclusionary on things that pose

real economic threats such as you know competing for jobs benefits and social services so this is a very complicated picture that i'm showing you um and so this is a lot of scholars are analyzing this as koreans becoming you know they're no longer naive about immigration because it's been going on for you know more than a decade now for several decades and now they're actually kind of showing attributes that are i think quite commonly seen in european or other countries that have large immigrations

okay the next graph i want to show you is about korean feelings of closeness by different immigration immigrant groups so if you see here the dotted blue is 2010 dotted red 2015 black solid is 2020. you can see that across all five groups which are north korean defectors labor migrants marriage migrants children of you know multi-ethnic marriages and then finally chinese korean co-ethnics from china so korean chinese if you look across all five groups you're going to see that across these 10 across these three

survey periods so over the 10-year period korean closeness feelings of closeness has dropped significantly and so this means that korean natives are feeling you know less and less close to these groups and in terms of if you see the ordering uh you you you see that they the koreans tend to feel the greatest affinity toward children of international couples followed by north korean defectors marriage migrants korean chinese and labor markets so koreans tend to feel closer to native koreans co-ethnics when

they have a bloodline a common common bloodline and they and then if you have a potential to compete for scarce resources like the labor migrants affinity is the least so you see that okay now uh a lot of time has passed so this is the third theme that i wanted to talk to you about little showing you my my study on exploring the acculturation profiles and adaptation of children of again these international migration international marriages by marriage migrants okay so the conceptual framework here is

based on two theories um and the first is called the berries model where uh immigrant youth uh so barry this very famous scholar barry uh hypothesized and actually proved that immigrant youth acculturation strategy is really determined by two main factors and one is the main the whether how much this immigrant youth maintains the culture of heritage in this case for marriage migrants the children it would be the mother's heritage and and the degree to which how much they embrace the host culture

in this case how much they embrace the korean culture now when you think about multi-ethnic children in korea it's unique because generally in western context or other contexts immigrant families migrate as a family unit and so there's really no mixed race it's like all mexicans or all you know all chinese all koreans but in the multi-ethnic children case this is a mixed-race couple where the migrant comes from a different country to the korean society so just keeping that in mind still i'm going to try to

see how korean ethnic children multi-ethnic children how much of them maintain their mother's heritage culture as well as how much of them are really embraced in the korean culture and based on these four degrees of you know acculturation barry said that immigrant youth generally fall into one of the four categories which is the assimilation category integration separation and marginalization just to briefly explain the assimilation category would mean a child a child abandons the the culture of

heritage in this case the mother's culture but embraces the host culture and so it completely becomes korean and avoids or um doesn't really relate any to the mother's heritage the integration category would be the case where they embrace both cultures okay the separation would be when the child only embraces the mother's heritage but abandons korean culture and the final marginalization category would be the case where the child is not really adjusted in any culture and so it's really marginalized

now in general there's actually a lot of research done about acculturation so if you are interested just type acculturation google scholar you'll find a lot uh in general if you a lot of these studies have been done in a western context and so these are multicultural countries right so in general the largest category group that scholars find is the integration group and so in general children of these you know multi-ethnic kind of families generally have they they tend to embrace both cultures and generally the

integration group has the best outcomes in terms of education labor market outcomes et cetera um but and the marginalization and the marginalization group has the worst outcomes which is not too surprising okay now the second theory i wanted to kind of explain a little bit about is the segmented assimilation theory which is again looking at second generation immigrants and says that immigrant youth outcome is determined by the context of reception and context of reception here includes three main

factors first is the policy of the host government which in case is korea's government second is the attitude of the native population we just examined both of these and the third is the size of the size and i guess the power of the co-ethnic community that exists in this host society now if we talk about the context of reception in korea we just talked about korean government for marriage migrants here right if you remember they're actually given a lot of benefits compared to other migrants but i told you a lot of these benefits

are kind of encouraging the woman and the children to become korean meaning assimilate to korean society to kind of learn korean language learn the culture become a korean model citizen and so the assimilation type of strategy that the korean government policy has for korea for children these children is i think very important how it influences their acculturation secondly the attitude of native koreans toward migrants is like i said earlier they they're they're known to have a dual ethnic bias and so generally they're more

sympathetic toward foreigners from advanced developed nations but a lot of antagonistic attitude toward ethnic minorities from less developed countries have been reported in korea over and over and lastly the size of the co-ethnic community is considered to be important in western context because it's supposed to provide some kind of buffer for these immigrant families you know by helping them find jobs or you know encourage their incorporation into society but in korea's context this is less of a factor

because the immigrant population is still very small compared to the total population and it's not just immigrant population but we're talking about co-ethnics so for example the same race from the same country type of community that really buffers these immigrants so this is really small when you look at it by co-ethnic community and so overall the south korean context of reception appears to be very different from the western context and in fact i set three distinct hypotheses because of the the difference in reception of

context context of reception sorry so the first hypothesis was if you recall the separation profile which is the profile in this case that would uh that would um only that would only embrace the mother's heritage culture but avoid and abandon korean culture so the hypothesis here was the separation profile probably is very small in korea or maybe doesn't even exist because it would be very hard for the child to survive in this context if you're abandoning korean culture and only embracing the mother's culture

when all of your family except for your mother is korean and you're born and raised in korea and so the separation profile in korea would probably be very small second hypothesis is that the positive effects of the integration strategy may not be as strong as for korean multi-ethnics as compared to the western context because generally the reason integration strategy is very positive has positive outcomes is because they can draw on resources from both cultures and it's very useful in in a multicultural society

but because korea is as i just told you it has a very strong assimilation kind of policy towards these families maybe you know being able to embrace both culture is not affiliated with such you know positive outcomes and then the third hypothesis i set was acculturation profiles may vary across maternal ethnicity and i actually thought probably children with a mother or you know with a mother from developed nation may be adjusting a little better than children from developing countries who knows

but you know it was worth exploring because of this strong dual ethnic bias going on so these were the three hypotheses that i wanted to test and using data uh it's a nationally representative data of children from multi-ethnic marriages i first classified youth into different acculturation profiles by using a method called latent class cluster and latent class analysis not going to talk about the method here you can study that later but basically i categorized youth into acculturation categories like profiles

using seven items but basically three important variables looking at their language proficiency looking at the desire to maintain and learn about their mother's heritage culture and finally how much they identify to their marriage their to their mother's native culture and so the result here was very interesting because the results revealed that korean multi-ethnic youth could be classified into four distinct profiles clusters the largest profile was cluster one and i labeled them as assimilated cluster

so these are children that looked to me had assimilated to the korean society and had very little um kind of embracement of their mother's heritage culture look so this is about 42 percent of youth um and you can see that their korean language proficiency is almost perfect but almost none of them can speak or understand their mother's language their desire to learn about their mother's language is very low you know it's about total about only 30 percent and their interest in learning about their mother's native country is also

very low they're also not proud of others finding out that their mother is a foreigner so this group of koreans who are multi-ethnic seem to be completely assimilated to be actually just koreans the second cluster is comprises about 38 of the sample it's also a very large cluster but they're very interesting because they are again korean language is perfect for them but they almost speak no mother language but the difference here from the assimilated is that they want to learn about their mothers

language and heritage culture so if you see their desire to learn about their mother's language and culture is very strong and they're actually proud of others finding out that their mother is a foreigner so these two groups look very similar in their language so they're language linguistically assimilated but they're very different in identity and you know um kind of maintaining pride in their mother's heritage culture and so i call them psychologically diffused what it means is that they they lack so

they have this desire to learn about their mother's heritage culture yet they lack the means because they don't speak the language so they're a little bit diffused in in in this kind of attribute the third cluster is integrated and like i said in if you look at western data sets this cluster is usually the largest but in korea only 13 of the sample is integrated and again both these groups speak both the mother's language and korean language really well and their desire to learn about their mother's culture is pretty high

so this is kind of like the best group if you would say you know they're doing well in terms of both cultures the final cluster four is the marginalized this is a really sad group it's about seven percent of the sample where they don't speak the korean language despite being born and raised in korea they don't they speak a little bit of their mother's language but not really well and they're not really you know showing much interest or pride in their mother's heritage culture so this is a very disadvantaged cluster

because they can't draw resources from either culture it's a it's a it's a definitely a cluster that government policy should be worried about okay so this is just a summary of what i explained very carefully um to give you a little more detail about the characteristics of youth by clusters so if you look at maternal ethnicity if you recall cluster one was the simulated group so the assimilated children's mothers are generally chinese chinese korean and other asian so these are the typical marriage migrant groups

the cluster two if you recall these were the kids that spoke korean perfectly they didn't speak mother tongue but they wanted to learn about it they were predominantly japanese very interesting cluster three was the integrated a lot of them were more likely to be japanese and north american and european finally cluster four was the marginalized not doing really well again they were japanese and other asian countries mother's education level is also very different if you look here cluster one the simulated group have

lower maternal education level than the other clusters and cluster two and three have higher maternal education levels actually marginalized group also has low education level for their mothers it's not too surprising here finally um i wanted to show you quality of parent-child relationship for these clusters so if you notice the parent-child relationship is lowest for the marginalized group not too surprising but the funny thing is is the highest satisfaction generally comes from the two groups of

cluster two and three which is the integrated group and the group that is linguistically uh assimilated but psychologically diffused and the simulated group has you know just i would say average maternal and paternal relationship results okay so this is the final result for the um the uh study which was showing me which was showing which is showing you right now across these four clusters are they how are they doing in terms of expressing difficulty in school in terms of saying that you know i want

to go to a four-year college showing high educational aspiration and finally in terms of saying that you know they have depressive symptoms and so and showing depressive symptoms so the the this is a logistic regression so to interpret this you need to compare the results against the omitted group which is cluster one so i'll just interpret this for you so the diffused group if you recall cluster two is more likely actually is less likely to say that they have no difficulty in school compared to the assimilated group so

what this means is that the diffuse group are having more difficulty in school than the completely assimilated group cluster one but they're not more likely to say they have more depressive symptoms or they're not you know more likely they're not less likely to have high educational aspirations cluster three if you recall was the integrated group so this means that the integrated group is not different from the assimilated group across all three outcomes this is a difference from the western studies because remember integrated

groups are known to be showing higher outcomes than the assimilated group in general for multicultural western societies but we don't see that in korea rather it seems that they're doing just basically just the same than the similar as the assimilated groups and then cluster four is the marginalized group and they are doing actually much worse off than the assimilated group they're much more likely to show depressive symptoms they're much more likely to say they're having difficulty at school and they're much less likely to have

high educational aspirations so this is definitely a group that we were worried with that we should be worried about and so the height you know all three hypotheses if you recall are actually accepted because if you see in the clusters we don't really have a separation profile so there's no group of children in korea that refuses the korean language in the korean culture and only takes on the mother's language and the mother's culture and probably that's because of the uniqueness of marriage migrants

hypothesis two about integration profile not showing as you know strong positive effects than the other assimilated profile was again true in korea uh also and then hypothesis three which is acculturation profiles varies across maternal ethnicity you kind of saw that in the earlier table where assimilated and marginalized clusters have a larger fraction of mothers from asian countries so that was accepted and so um i'm going to kind of conclude here this is the references i used for today's presentation and i'll give you a

chance to ask me questions i hope you enjoyed this talk okay okay has the recent success in the spread of korean culture around the world positively or negatively affected the visibility of foreigners within the korean society um well okay i guess the spread of kate i guess you're talking about k-pop and k-dramas um i'm not sure how that would have affected the visibility of foreigners in korea what we what i should what i see though is if you notice in korean media we have more and more foreigners appearing on

korean tv have you noticed that and so that served a role in changing korean attitude toward foreigners because before foreigners were um on tv this way a lot of koreans thought when they immediately thought of of foreigners they thought of illegal migrant workers or you know migrant workers who were who were unskilled and or they thought of marriage migrants who were you know maybe abused by their korean husband or they were having difficulty and they were you know like kind of sad images of foreigners but because of

this shift in the media the influence of media is enormous now koreans perceive foreigners to be much more a much more diverse group than uh than earlier so i couldn't say that the next question uh south korea is referred to as a baby exporter country yes we we have um you're talking about adoption rates i know that okay so i'm given to understand that most korean people are unwilling to adopt a baby due to so-called different bloodlines what is the what is the government doing to tackle this issue

so i'll i'll give you some um facts about adoption so currently in korea um babies i guess you know children who are below the age of one um are almost unless they have a disability the adoption rate for them is almost close to zero so there's a uh a list a waiting list to adopt very young children so the kids who are being exported to these western cultural countries are generally kids that are older who who you know come into the system foster system at a much older age or who have disabilities and so

um the the adoption rate of very young children have drastically dropped in korea that's that's one change now the korean government regarding adoption i don't want i guess it's beyond the scope of this um talk but laws have been changing and so there's a lot more protection of for these um adoptions uh and so yeah that's i guess the question um for someone whose parents are both foreigners but he or she was born raised and educated in korea does do they qualify to be a korean citizen no um no that's my that's the way i know

it i so the thing is you in order for you to obtain korean citizenship uh you automatically obtain it if either one of your parents hold a korean citizenship and you're considered a co-ethnic you have that bloodline just by being born and raised here for example like if your parents are illegal immigrants in korea legal workers you're born in korea you're raised here you don't get automatic citizenship like you would in the u.s it's so citizenship is not given by birth in this country okay did there are issues about marriage

agents who are buying wives for from korean for korean men yes do you how do you consider their assimilation to korean culture since the divorce rate is very high so that is the future see uh i didn't have time to really talk about this but you're right um so the history of marriage migration is very i guess complicated because in the early years if you recall the graph in the 1990s when marriage migration first began it was somewhat encouraged by the government because this started like i said to solve the issue of lack of brides for

rural korean men right and so the korean local government actually uh encouraged these brokers to introduce korean men foreign brides but because of this um kind of encouragement without the appropriate regulations there was a lot of side effect and one of these side effects was like you said here it was um divorce high divorce rate domestic violence issues all sorts of problems emerged and as a result um the korean government has been putting more and more i guess restrictions toward qualification of immigrants especially

in the vietnamese case you have to pay pass a korean language test to you know obtain the marriage migrant visa but there are side effects to this too because um you can't you can't really stop a korean citizen from marrying someone right but you can stop them from getting a visa that's all the government can do so a lot of the side effect was koreans continued to marry vietnamese women but because their visa was not issued because these vietnamese women couldn't speak korean enough uh they ended up just being separated if

you know what i mean so the woman remained in vietnam and the men would come back to korea and so it just produced a lot of problems so um in terms of preventing domestic violence this language test uh i don't think is doing a great job but if you think about um other aspects where in the marriage migration visa table if you go back to my earlier presentation there are three ways of obtaining marriage migrant visa and and it used to be only one way it used to be only one way which was you're married to your husband and your husband

agrees to be your sponsor but the problem with that is uh the woman could be abused because of this constraint right because they would even if she was abused she was afraid to divorce him because then she couldn't get her visa and but the korean law was amended to acknowledge that she could get her visa either as a wife or as a mother of a korean child or as a divorcee especially under these cases of domestic violence and so these policies have been uh revised because of the problems uh that were acknowledged okay is there

a follow-up question slightly off tangent but what is the main reason that this certain group lack women to marry locally oh that's a very good question actually it's not off tangent it's because it's related to korea's rapid economic development because a lot of people left the rural area to come to urban spaces and not not just unique to korea urbanization was rapidly occurring and women tend to leave the rural area faster than men and and this is also not unique to korea so women would come to urban

areas more so and the the young men who were farmers there kind of didn't have any appropriate korean bride and so that's how it started in the very beginning i hope that answers your question um now why has the proportion of koreans who want their country to be multicultural has decreased since 2010 what discouraged them this is sad especially since the perception of foreigners among koreans has improved yeah you know what i've been giving this a lot of thought too and the reason that i've been able to come up with uh

through the readings is that like i said earlier in 2010 uh you know like the high rate of approval about 60 i thought i think is abnormal it's abnormal because koreans at the time didn't really know what multiculturalism meant or is because you got to remember the history of increased immigration for korea is very short compared to other countries and so at the time if you if you read the newspapers at the time multiculturalism was kind of boosted by government it was a top-down approach it was not

it was not kind of shared and embraced by having a neighbor who's a foreigner or having a friend who's a foreigner rather there was very there was a very small fraction of foreigners in korea but the government propaganda was about you know we should embrace uh female marriage migrants who are coming to our society you know to bear korean children they're serving the korean traditional role also you know these poor labor migrants are getting abused by korean you know factory owners and we need to

you know give them more rights so this kind of uh kind of language was really paternalistic the majority of korean people at the time i don't think really understood what it meant to have more immigration and so i think we see that there's a downward trend in people wanting multiculturalism but rather than just saying that you know very simplistically this is a negative thing i think people are getting smarter so they i think they're thinking you know multiculturalism is a very important yet complicated thing uh we

need to view this in many different aspects and and consider immigration for for everything that it is i think in the 2010 year period it was a government top-down propaganda and people really didn't understand what it meant for them uh i think that's what the scholars and experts are arguing and i i kind of agree with that okay so do do ethnic koreans particularly those coming from former soviet republics yeah assimilate into the korean society from my observation they mostly reside in russian districts that are an

equivalent of chinatown and have problems with language learning integration what is the government's politician yeah this is a very uh important question um so how so if you think about assimilation so you remember in the talk i said um korean government provides a lot of services for marriage migrants and this is including marriage migrants from the ussr so there's actually a lot of assimilation programs for marriage migrants like about you know teaching them korean language teaching them how to cook korean food

teaching them about korean culture and etc but there aren't that many government-sponsored programs for foreign laborers a lot of the programs for foreign laborers are coming from non-profit organization it's not directly it's not directly provided and managed like it is for marriage migrants and so that's why i said preferential treatment here is the word for marriage migrants and a lot of effort and money is spent towards assimilating them but much less so for labor migrants do you understand and

so that's why when you say you see a lot of um you know immigrants from these ussr countries i want to ask you probably their their migrant workers their their laborers they're not probably marriage migrants because if they were they would probably be getting a lot of support in learning the culture and assimilating i i wonder if that answers your question but yeah oh there's another question those korean culture victories abroad uh those korean culture victories abroad wouldn't they encourage the idea that

whoever is in korea should learn and adapt to korean culture because this gives a sense of korean culture being superior oh i guess you're saying because korean culture is now so popular in the world um maybe assimilation should be the propaganda i guess that's your question i disagree but that's my personal opinion the reason i disagree is i think imposing or encouraging too much of an assimilation perspective to foreigners it could have a side effect and also when you think about especially the children of these like

the second generation immigrants coming from this assimilation approach i don't necessarily think it would produce positive outcomes because the research in all parts of the world are not are suggesting that in order to encourage encouraging children and families to embrace these differences in culture and be able to you know draw resources and be able to kind of function in both cultures is better than kind of imposing just one culture altogether but that's my personal opinion that's me okay uh victoria what is the

impact of an economic slowdown on immigration especially in the context of coven 19 korea's over education underemployment and unemployment that's a very good question you know what honestly the impact of economic slowdown you have to think of it in terms of the type of labor i think so remember korea is very open to bringing in high skilled labor the type of labor that they need so if you think about coven 19 i would bet you right now a area of of expertise that korea would die for would be related to uh ict inter

you know uh technology about a.i uh you know things that are related to the fourth industrial revolution i bet it would be much easier to come to korea now regarding unskilled labor um with coven 19 there have been a lot of media reports that um a lot of the labor migrants were sent back home and so korean industry is suffering because of lack of labor for these uh specific you know manufacturing service industries and farming and et cetera and so it is um it is a pr i guess the coven 19 and the future

will definitely affect the type of immigration that occurs and how it affects korean society but i don't think it will be uniform i think it will really be based on demand and the future needs okay how do south koreans perceive ethnic koreans as foreigners or fellow koreans does the perception differ depending on age of population yeah that's a very good question so um there have been some studies about how koreans perceive ethnic you know remember remember the graph of the feelings of closeness

so the korean chinese are the ethnic koreans actually so these are um ethnic koreans who are chinese citizens but coming to korea to work and really surprisingly um the feeling of closeness for them used to be very high but it's been dropping over the past 10 years and so i think more and more koreans are feeling that they're actually more chinese than korean based on the statistics and so depending on the age of population i haven't actually looked at that but that's a good question but overall in terms of age um we find

that the younger generation are definitely more open to multiculturalism whereas those who are 40 and above seem to be definitely much more um uh kind of conservative in this in this aspect yeah okay you know what i i just heard that we are out of time i hope you enjoyed this talk i feel like i rushed things so much and i'm sorry if i talked really fast but i wanted to give you as much information as possible thank you