[EAI Online Seminar] Democracy Cooperation Series 3. Strengthening Democratic Partnerships in the Indo-Pacific

YouTube Link: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3XLY3jlFIxc

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The East Asia Institute (EAI), led by President Yeol Sohn, hosted the third online seminar series on democracy cooperation, titled 'Strengthening Democratic Partnerships in the Indo-Pacific.' In this meeting, EAI discussed visions and challenges for democratic cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region with scholars from six democratic countries—the United States, India, Indonesia, Japan, the Philippines, and South Korea—and proposed measures to enhance democratic cooperation.

• Date and Time: September 18, 2020, 10:00-11:30 (KST)
• Speakers: Teresita Quintos Deles (Co-Founder and Chair, International Center for Innovation, Transformation and Excellence in Governance), Michael J. Green (Senior Vice President for Asia and Japan Chair, CSIS; Director of Asian Studies, School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University), Dhruva Jaishankar (Director, U.S. Initiative, Observer Research Foundation), Marty Natalegawa (Former Foreign Minister of Indonesia), Yukio Takasu (Chairman of the Study Team on the Future of Democracy, Japan Center for International Exchange; Former Permanent Representative of Japan to the United Nations)
• Moderator: Sook Jong Lee (Professor, Sungkyunkwan University; Senior Fellow, East Asia Institute)

I. Democratic Threats Facing the Indo-Pacific Region·

The decline of democracy has been a persistent global phenomenon since the mid-2000s. Compounding this, the COVID-19 pandemic has placed additional burdens on democratic principles and resilience worldwide. The Indo-Pacific region, characterized by authoritarian rule and populist politics, is no exception and has recently shown even more rapid democratic backsliding due to the COVID-19 crisis. Protecting and advancing democracy in the Indo-Pacific, a key strategic region in the U.S.-China power competition and recently exacerbated by the pandemic, is a critical task for mitigating regional geopolitical crises.

II. National Perspectives on Democratic Cooperation

Shifting U.S. Stance on Democracy

• Currently, the American public and leadership are more passionate than ever about stabilizing their own democracy while simultaneously promoting democratic values globally. A strong conviction to protect American values from the threats posed by Russia and China has united Americans and politicians. Public and intellectual support for strengthening alliances and partnerships is at an all-time high. The younger generation in the U.S., having directly witnessed the success of democratization in Asia, is now willing to support targeted sanctions to advance democratic values and human rights in Asia. This contrasts sharply with the past, when public disappointment with democracy promotion grew following the significant failure of counter-insurgency campaigns on the island of Mindanao.

The Importance of Democracy, Regardless of Trump or Biden's Outcome

• In his articles in 'Foreign Affairs'and major speeches, presidential candidate Biden clearly articulated democracy as the core of his foreign policy, indicating that democracy would be a central focus under a Biden administration. Following this trend, even a second Trump administration would need to recognize the importance of democratic norms and reflect them in its foreign policy, departing from its previous anti-democratic tendencies. Otherwise, this zero-sum ideological framework risks hindering past U.S. foreign policy efforts to strengthen democratic governance.

The Philippines: A Nation Blossoming Through Democratic Cooperation

• Having transitioned to a democratic system after the Marcos dictatorship, the Philippine government has continuously upheld democratic values through active regional and international solidarity. Democratic cooperation holds significant value for the Philippines, fostering a regional network and collaboration for democracy that enhances a shared understanding of threats to democracy, facilitates the exchange of experiences and knowledge among nations for the protection of democratic values, and amplifies regional and global voices of resistance.
• However, the recent rise of populism and fundamentalism in the Philippines, coupled with Chinese interference, has begun to shake its democracy. To prevent democratic backsliding, solutions must be sought through multi-dimensional approaches—regional, national, organizational, and individual—implementing all feasible policies.

India, the World's Largest Democracy

• India's democratic cooperation primarily consists of three elements: ① coordination and norm-setting, ② development cooperation, and ③ technical and training support. However, as India's current democratic cooperation is mainly conducted bilaterally, it needs to make more proactive efforts to pursue joint projects with other countries such as the United States, Japan, and Europe to promote democracy.

Indonesia's Dilemma: Democracy vs. Non-Interference, Can Both Be Achieved?

• As part of its efforts to balance the promotion of democracy with the principle of non-interference in internal affairs, Indonesia envisioned the establishment of the ASEAN Political-Security Community (APSC). Indonesia's concept for the APSC is based on the necessity of inter-state cooperation not only in economics but also in the areas of democratic development, governance, and human rights protection. However, Indonesia currently faces the challenge of demonstrating the firm leadership required to implement this vision and execute programs for democratic advancement. Furthermore, it is in a dilemma of protecting and, moreover, promoting democratic values without violating the principle of non-interference in internal affairs.

Japan Must Do More to Prevent Global Democratic Regression

• Since 2016, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has promoted the vision of a Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) based on three pillars: ① democracy, ② economic prosperity, and ③ peace and stability. However, unlike the latter two pillars, Japan's efforts on the democratic front have been limited due to political and historical sensitivities and Japan's adherence to a 'government-to-government principle' that responds only to requests from individual countries. Nevertheless, it is Japan's responsibility and obligation to strive to prevent the regression of democratic governance, free trade, and the rules-based international order. Especially in light of the recent trend of democratic decline exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, Japan must devote the same level of attention to the area of democracy as it does to economic prosperity and peace and stability.

III. Vision for Democratic Cooperation

Embrace Democratic Diversity and Pursue Common Goals Among Like-Minded Democracies

• Dr. Michael J. Green emphasized that no democratic system is monolithic and that all exhibit eclectic characteristics. He advocated for the necessity of a space (caucus) for like-minded democratic nations to pursue common goals. Existing platforms such as the East Asia Summit (EAS), Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) can serve this purpose. These caucuses should establish common strategic objectives within the Indo-Pacific region, explore methods (matrix of tools) to leverage each country's strengths, and simultaneously embrace the diversity of democracies.
• Director Dhruva Jaishankar stressed that democratic cooperation in developing countries must begin with a shared recognition of the diverse challenges and threats to democracy. This is because, unlike the homogeneous society of Japan, countries like India and Indonesia have more pluralistic communities, possessing different democratic traditions. He further predicted that effective democratic cooperation would be implemented in a form intermediate between the European Union and ASEAN. He argued for the importance of sharing 'small d' democracy paradigms that each country excels at.
• Minister Marty Natalegawa argued that partnership 'on' democracy should precede partnership 'of' democratic countries, and that non-democratic countries should also be included. The former type of partnership is more inclusive and encompasses the diverse views on democracy and varying stages of democratic transition of different nations. Such inclusivity is expected to bring about positive contagion and multiplier effects, as demonstrated by the democratization cases in Myanmar, Fiji, and some Pacific island nations. Democratic cooperation will offer effective solutions to various societal problems through democratic means, rather than authoritarian ones. He also argued that democratic cooperation should be led by Asia, not by the United States.
• Ambassador Yukio Takasu emphasized the pursuit of 'partnership' in democratic governance rather than 'unity,' and stated that 'support' for democratic governance is needed rather than its 'promotion.' This implies the importance of recognizing the diverse forms of democracy, fostering inclusive partnerships rather than exclusive ones, and avoiding the pursuit of homogeneous democratic models. While each nation has the right to choose its political system suitable for its society, universal values including good governance, accountability and transparency, equality, the rule of law, and freedom of expression must be protected.

Political Leadership Driving Democratic Cooperation

• Representative Teresita Quintos-Deles argued that in the case of the Philippines, where the greatest threats to democracy originate internally, Philippine democratic forces must build solidarity with democratizing governments and civil society. Furthermore, government officials must recognize that the regression of Philippine democracy could lead to the failure of various economic cooperation projects, not just democratization efforts.
• Minister Marty Natalegawa issued a warning to current leaders who exhibit 'incapability' by maintaining a 'deafening silence' in situations that clearly violate principles agreed upon by ASEAN nations. For successful democratic cooperation, the issues of a lack of state-to-state leadership and the absence of civil society partnerships must be addressed.

Civil Society Leadership Alongside National Leadership

• Representative Teresita Quintos-Deles emphasized the importance of promoting the participation of marginalized groups and youth and amplifying their voices. This is because the demands of marginalized groups are less likely to be met when democracy projects are led by formal organizations and elite leadership. Simultaneously, the younger generation needs to take a leading role in participating in the discourse and overcoming the constraints on democratic development.
• Ambassador Yukio Takasu stated that democratic cooperation should be pursued not only at the government level but also in various other domains, including think tanks, academia, and especially civil society. Currently, Japan is making diverse efforts to promote democratic cooperation, including garnering political support from political party organizations, and furthermore, building partnerships with research institutions and collaborating with civil society organizations.

Regional cooperation led by Asia, not by the United States

• Ambassador Yukio Takasuemphasized that regional partnerships should be promoted by Asian countries, not by the United States. Cooperation on democracy should be based on the common vision of Asian countries to 'promote partnerships,' rather than on the U.S. intention to seek a balance of power against China's threat.
• Michael J. Green Ph.D.explained that democracy is under attack by China since the era of information warfare, and emphasized that Asian countries must play a more proactive role to defend democratic values. However, the United States invests the largest budget for the promotion of democracy and has accumulated years of experience with both successes and failures, thus it will continue to be an important actor in promoting democracy. ■

IV. Speaker and Moderator Biographies

■ Lee Sook-jong_ Senior Fellow and Director, East Asia Institute (EAI); Professor, Department of Public Administration, Sungkyunkwan University; Co-chair, Asia Democracy Research Network. She holds a Ph.D. in Sociology from Harvard University. She has served as a Research Fellow at the Sejong Institute, a Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Institution, a Lecturer at Johns Hopkins University, President of the Association for Japanese Studies, a policy advisor to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Director of EAI. Her recent publications include Transforming Global Governance with Middle Power Diplomacy: South Korea’s Role in the 21st Century (ed.), Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia (co-ed.), The Second Act of Globalization: Korean-style Globalization and New Designs (co-ed.), and Conditions for the Success of the 2017 President (co-ed.).

■ Teresita Quintos-Deles_ A social activist and public official leading peace initiatives in the Philippines. She was the first woman appointed as Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (PAPP) in the Philippines, serving from 2003 to 2005 and again from 2010 to 2016. Under her supervision, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) was signed in 2014. From 1991 to 1994, she served as an expert member of the UN Committee on the Elimination of Discrimination against Women (UNCEDAW). In 2017, she served as a Senior Mediation Advisor to the UN, with a particular focus on 'gender' and 'inclusion.' She is currently the President of the International Center on Innovation, Transformation and Excellence in Governance (INCITEGov), which she co-founded in 2005, and chairs the women's coalition EveryWoman.

■ Michael J. Green_ Senior Vice President and Japan Chair, Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS); Director, Asian Studies Program, Walsh School of Foreign Service, Georgetown University. He served on the National Security Council (NSC) from 2001 to 2005. He is the author of numerous books and articles on East Asian security, including By More Than Providence: Grand Strategy and American Power in the Asia Pacific Since 1783 (Columbia University Press, 2017). He holds M.A. and Ph.D. degrees from the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies and was a postdoctoral fellow at the University of Tokyo and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He graduated summa cum laude with a B.A. from Kenyon College.

■Dhruva Jaishankar_ Non-resident Fellow, Lowy Institute; Director, U.S. Initiative, Observer Research Foundation. He is a former Fellow at Brookings India and the Brookings Institution. His research focuses on India's relations with the United States, Asia, the Indo-Pacific, and Europe, as well as the role of India in the international system and the impact of international developments on India's politics, economy, and society. Jaishankar holds a B.A. in History and Classics from Macalester College and an M.A. in Security Studies from Georgetown University.

■ Marty Natalegawa_ Former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Indonesia (2009-2014), Former Permanent Representative of Indonesia to the United Nations (2007-2009), and Former Ambassador to the United Kingdom and Ireland (2005-2007). His major publication includes Does ASEAN Matter? A View from Within (2018). He serves as a member of the High-Level Advisory Panel on Mediation to the UN Secretary-General, the International Academic Advisory Committee of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies, the Advisory Committee on Southeast Asia at CSIS, the Board of Trustees of the International Crisis Group, the Global Advisory Committee of the Jeju Forum, the Advisory Board of the Public Policy Institute at the University of Western Australia, and the Board of Directors of the Global Centre for Pluralism. He is an Honorary Board Member and Distinguished Research Fellow at the Bank of Indonesia Institute, a member of the Advisory Board on Disarmament to the UN Secretary-General, and a member of the Board of Directors of the UN Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR). He holds a Ph.D. from the Australian National University, an M.A. from the University of Cambridge, and a B.A. from the London School of Economics and Political Science.

■ Yukio Takasu_ Special Advisor to the UN Secretary-General on Human Security. He previously served as Under-Secretary-General for Management and as Japan's Ambassador to the UN. He is currently leading the 'Future of Democracy' research project (2018-2022) at the Japan Center for International Exchange (JCIE) on expanding support for democratic governance in Asia. He was a visiting professor at Ritsumeikan University and held teaching positions at Harvard University and the University of Tokyo's Graduate Policy School. He earned degrees from the University of Tokyo (Faculty of Law) and Merton College, Oxford University. His recent book is SDGs and Japan: Human Security Index of Japan (2019).

■ Managed and Edited by: Lim Hyun-jin, EAI Research Fellow

Inquiries: 02-2277-1683 (ext. 203) hjyim@eai.or.kr