Political Polarization and the Crisis of Korean Democracy

Political Polarization Revealed Through the Martial Law Crisis

On December 3, 2024, President Yoon Suk-yeol's declaration of martial law was a significant challenge to Korean democracy. This event, which directly threatened the constitutional order built since democratization in 1987, raised fundamental questions about the functioning of the Korean political system, going beyond mere political turmoil. Although the crisis was eventually resolved through the National Assembly's resolution to lift martial law, the President's impeachment, and the Constitutional Court's decision to dismiss him, Korean society faced extreme division and conflict in the process.

This book uses this political crisis as an opportunity to focus on the structural instability facing Korean democracy today and the phenomenon of political polarization as both its cause and effect. Based on public opinion survey data, it examines differences in political perceptions across gender, generation, and political ideology, and further reviews attitudes towards issues such as foreign policy and institutional reform.

The State of Korean Democracy Through the Eyes of Ten Political Scientists

In Chapter 1, Professor Kang Won-taek questions whether the hardline stances expressed during the martial law and impeachment period represent the overall public opinion of our society. The author analyzes detailed attitudinal differences not by relying solely on a conservative-progressive dichotomy, but by categorizing individuals within each camp into centrist, moderate, and hardline factions. The author demonstrates that political divisions are not as simple as they appear and that a wider range of positions and perceptions exist. This chapter reflects on why only hardline voices dominate the public sphere and how this relates to the structure of political participation.

In Chapter 2, Research Fellow Sung Ye-jin examines how citizens' perceptions of the martial law crisis are linked to their attitudes toward democracy and their positions on institutional reform. The author notes that citizens' interpretations of the causes of martial law influence their stances on presidential powers and electoral systems. Specifically, by analyzing how perceptions of democratic values and political identity affect these judgments, the chapter illuminates the process by which attitudes toward emergency situations extend to preferences for institutional reform.

In Chapter 3, Professor Park Beom-seop raises the question, “Who Supports Martial Law?” To answer this, he conducts four analyses. First, the author examines how support for martial law varies by socio-demographic factors and political orientation. Second, he analyzes the relationship between attitudes toward democracy and the justification of martial law, examining whether democratic dissatisfaction operates as a logic to legitimize authoritarian measures. Third, he confirms the association between levels of democratic perception and support for martial law. Fourth, he analyzes the impact of affective polarization on support for martial law. The author emphasizes that support for martial law is not merely a matter of the ruler's decision but depends on the societal conditions and citizens' political attitudes that accept it, providing important implications for the sustainability of democratic institutions and the direction of discussions on institutional reform.

In Chapter 4, Professor Kim Ji-hye analyzes how the controversy over electoral fairness, intensified after the martial law declaration, and the distrust in the National Election Commission were formed, and how these combine with political attitudes and conspiratorial beliefs. In a democratic society, trust in the fairness of elections is a core element supporting institutional legitimacy and regime support. However, in Korean society, allegations of electoral fraud are being used as a strategic means to secure political legitimacy, going beyond simple political dissatisfaction. The author focuses on the question, “Who believes in election fraud conspiracies?” and empirically analyzes the socio-psychological characteristics and political attitudes of these individuals. By focusing on perceptions of electoral fairness and levels of trust in the National Election Commission, the author seeks to find practical clues for restoring trust within the democratic system by elucidating the social context in which distrust in elections spreads and the micro-conditions of public opinion formation.

In Chapter 5, Professor Yoo Sung-jin examines the changes in Korean democracy by comparing the political crisis surrounding President Yoon Suk-yeol's declaration of martial law and impeachment in 2024 with the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye in 2016. Although both events share the common format of presidential impeachment, the flow of public opinion and the response of party support rates showed significantly different patterns. The author focuses on whether these differences are due to variations in the political environment or stem from changes in voters' perceptions of democracy and their attitudes toward electoral fairness. This chapter explores how trust in and fissures within democracy have changed in Korean politics through a comparison of these two periods.

In Chapter 6, Professor Kim Han-na examines the gender participation patterns in the rallies demanding President Yoon Suk-yeol's impeachment during the December 3 martial law crisis, focusing on the youth demographic. The author pays particular attention to the high participation rate of women in their 20s and analyzes the emotional factors connected to this participation beyond mere political interest. Through this case, which is distinct from previous large-scale rallies, the chapter aims to illuminate how gender-based differences in political attitudes are manifested within the youth demographic. This chapter explores how gender and political emotion intersect through the concrete act of rally participation.

In Chapter 7, Professor Jeong In-gwan explores how the elderly population, particularly those aged 60 and above, perceived and accepted the martial law after the December 3 declaration. Moving beyond simple explanations of conservative orientation, the author examines the various factors influencing the political attitudes of the elderly, such as party support, feelings toward politicians, and issues of trust in the electoral process, to understand how they justified such an emergency situation as martial law.

In Chapter 8, Professor Han Jun explores the extreme political polarization revealed by the December 3 martial law crisis, focusing on citizens' communication methods and interactions on social media. The author highlights the president's avoidance of dialogue with individuals who expressed dissenting opinions while actively engaging with those who supported his decisions, pointing out how current political polarization affects even personal communication styles. Specifically, using survey data, the chapter analyzes how citizens encounter diverse political opinions and react to them in everyday communication spaces like social media, and examines the relationship between these communication experiences and the functioning of democracy.

In Chapter 9, Professor Son Yeol focuses on the phenomenon of domestic political polarization extending to divisions in foreign policy. The author raises concerns that domestic factional conflicts, including the recent martial law and impeachment period, are impacting foreign policy issues and hindering the formation of bipartisan foreign policy strategies. Differences in perception between conservatives and progressives are evident across major foreign policy areas such as North Korea, Japan, and US policy, and this is interpreted not merely as an ideological difference but as an extension of domestic political confrontation. Based on public opinion data, this chapter provides a multi-layered analysis of the patterns of factional division in Korean foreign policy and illuminates the constraints they impose on diplomatic consistency and the formation of national strategy.

In Chapter 10, Professor Ha Sang-eung examines the patterns of political polarization in Korean politics at the voter level, as revealed through the December 3 martial law crisis and impeachment period. The author points out that feelings toward the opposing political camp are not mere antipathy but carry characteristics of avoidance and exclusion, suggesting that these sentiments can hinder political dialogue and compromise. Furthermore, attitudes toward political institutional reform are also differentiated by party affiliation, and discussions on constitutional amendments or power structure reforms tend to be accepted based on partisan interests. This chapter examines the tension between the emotional basis of polarization and discussions on institutional reform, posing questions about the possibility of political consensus.

Table of Contents

• Foreword _ 5
• Chapter 1 Martial Law and Political Ideology: What Does the “Quiet” Center Want? _ 11
  
  Kang Won-taek | Seoul National University
  
  
  
  Chapter 2 Perceptions of the Causes of Martial Law and Attitudes Toward Institutional Reform _ 41
  
  Sung Ye-jin | Sungkyunkwan University
  
  
  
  Chapter 3 Who Supports Martial Law? _ 71
  
  Park Beom-seop | Chung-Ang University
  
  
  
  Chapter 4 Why Can't We Trust?: Perceptions of Electoral Fairness and Trust in the National Election Commission _ 93
  
  Kim Ji-hye | Sogang University
  
  
  
  Chapter 5 2016 and 2024: What Has Changed and How? _ 113
  
  Yoo Sung-jin | Ewha Womans University
  
  
  
  Chapter 6 Why Were Women in Their 20s More Active in the Yoon Suk-yeol Impeachment Rallies?: Affective Polarization and Political Participation _ 137
  
  Kim Han-na | Jinju National University of Education
  
  Chapter 7 Attitudes of the Elderly Toward Martial Law _ 181
  
  Jeong In-gwan | Soongsil University
  
  
  
  Chapter 8 Everyday Communication, Social Media, and Affective Polarization _ 199
  
  Han Jun | EAI, Yonsei University
  
  
  
  Chapter 9 Polarization and Foreign Policy: Policy Consequences of Public Division _ 217
  
  Son Yeol | EAI, Yonsei University
  
  
  
  Chapter 10 Political Reform in the Age of Polarization _ 235
  
  Ha Sang-eung | Sogang University
  
  
  
  About the Contributors _ 259

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