China's Foreign Policy and the Role of Civil Society Organizations: New Facilitators in Foreign Policy Development

EAI China Panel Report No. 11

Author

Lee, Jang-won_Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, College of Social Sciences, Chungbuk National University. He obtained a Ph.D. in Law (major in International Politics) from the School of International Studies, Peking University. His main research areas include China's foreign relations and civil society. Recent research includes “China’s Dilemma on the Korean Peninsula: Not an Alliance but a Security Dilemma” (2013, co-authored), “Reflections on the 20th Anniversary of Diplomatic Relations between Korea and China: Focusing on the Strategic Cooperative Partnership” (2012), “An Ideological Approach to China’s Foreign Policy” (2012), “Limitations and Prospects of Chinese Civil Society in Light of the Arab Civil Revolutions” (2012), “Political and Economic Implications of the Improvement of Cross-Strait Relations” (2012, co-authored), “China’s Public Diplomacy: Background, Goals, and Strategies” (2011), among others.

Abstract

This study examines the potential for the role and influence of Chinese civil society organizations to expand in the long term, based on empirical evidence suggesting that civil society is increasingly influential or at least involved in China's foreign policy decision-making process. The role and influence of Chinese civil society organizations in the policy-making process, particularly in foreign policy decision-making and implementation, can currently be described as sporadic and limited. Civil society organizations that engage in foreign policy primarily act as facilitators or complements to government policies, or as channels for China's communication and cooperation with the international community. They are also actively utilized as a means to enhance foreign negotiation capabilities by responding to external critical or hostile elements and acting as a public diplomacy tool to represent the government's position. Simultaneously, it cannot be denied that various factors, such as the activities of civil society organizations, are intervening and expanding within the foreign policy decision-making process, even under the characteristics of a party-state system where party affairs (黨務) and state affairs (政務) are highly integrated. If Chinese civil society's influence partially extends to the policy-making process, the possibility that it could affect China's foreign policy decision-making process and diplomatic behavior cannot be entirely ruled out. Even in a country with limited political openness like China, the existence and role of civil society organizations can be presented as a social variable indicating that the process of formulating and implementing China's foreign policy is becoming increasingly pluralistic.

I. Introduction

Regardless of the country, the foreign policy decision-making process is characterized by its limited transparency to external actors beyond a select group of policymakers. Consequently, governments, which bear ultimate responsibility for national governance, have traditionally been considered the sole actors in policy formulation and implementation. In other words, a small group of policymakers has monopolized the authority for policy decisions and execution by controlling information related to foreign policy.

However, with the development of international relations, the domestic and international factors influencing a nation's foreign policy have become more complex than in the past. Furthermore, with the advancement of globalization and democratization, it has become increasingly difficult for a small number of policymakers within the government to monopolize national information resources. Therefore, the influence of a broader range of domestic and international variables on the foreign policy decision-making process is growing, and the actors involved in this process are likely to diversify.

In the case of South Korea, the scope of foreign policy decision-making actors, which traditionally comprised government organizations, think tanks, and academics, appears to be expanding to include the participation of corporations and civil society. In particular, the activities of civil society organizations, represented by NGOs, in the foreign policy decision-making and implementation process are increasingly shaping public opinion to an extent that the government cannot ignore, thereby enhancing their potential to influence foreign policy. A prime example of this can be seen in the issue of additional troop deployment to Iraq during the Roh Moo-hyun administration. During the decision-making process for additional troop deployment to Iraq, critical public opinion emerged within South Korea, centered around civil society organizations, questioning the existence of weapons of mass destruction and links to Al-Qaeda, which the United States had presented as justification for its war in Iraq. Although the additional deployment bill was eventually passed by the National Assembly, the unfavorable domestic public opinion ultimately acted as pressure on the discussions between South Korea and the United States, leading to a different timeline and scale for the troop deployment than initially expected by the U.S. This can be viewed as a case of the expansion of the traditional, limited policy-making process. On December 13, 2013, at the '2013 Ministry of Foreign Affairs Policy Advisory Committee Plenary Meeting' held at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the ministry announced its intention to strengthen consultations to better reflect the experience and expertise of the private sector, including academia and NGOs, in the policy-making process. This also represents a changing trend, indicating that public opinion and civil society organizations, as key opinion leaders, cannot be disregarded in the foreign policy decision-making process.

China is a prime example of a country that has historically demonstrated a state-centric foreign policy decision-making process. The process has been understood primarily through inference based on limited information, as the institutions and actors involved in policy decisions have not been clearly revealed. Nevertheless, one clear aspect is that China's foreign policy decision-making process has consistently reflected the characteristics of a party-state system, where party affairs (黨務) and state affairs (政務) are highly integrated. In essence, the Communist Party holds absolute authority in China's foreign policy decision-making, with the Politburo of the Central Committee, particularly its Standing Committee, at the apex. The Central Foreign Affairs Leading Group and the division of labor system, known as the Gui Kou Management System (歸口管理制度), form the core decision-making lines for relevant tasks. Generally, the primary decision-making lines consist of the top leader of the Communist Party (General Secretary), the Politburo Standing Committee, the Premier of the State Council, dedicated State Councilors (such as the Vice Premier in charge of economy, the State Councilor in charge of foreign affairs), and the heads of the party, government, and military departments responsible for foreign affairs. Therefore, within this system, actors outside the traditional party, government, and military lines have had virtually no room to intervene in the foreign policy decision-making process.

However, claims are emerging that even this state-centric foreign policy decision-making process in China is undergoing some changes. As interests related to policy become more complex in China, the foreign policy decision-making process is becoming more specialized, and the number of participating actors has significantly expanded, leading to a more intricate process. In particular, the influence of government-affiliated think tanks, universities, private research institutions, and individual researchers is on the rise. Furthermore, some Chinese scholars argue that civil society's influence is intervening in the foreign policy decision-making and implementation process. For instance, Wang Yizhou argues that with the development of the internet in China, restrictions on information access have lessened, thereby increasing civil society's access to the foreign policy decision-making process and potentially influencing it due to the growing impact of global civil society domestically. Jin Canrong points out that new characteristics are emerging in China's foreign policy decision-making process, including the participation of non-governmental foreign affairs departments, the involvement of special interest groups, and the expanding influence of public opinion.

Therefore, is there empirical evidence to suggest that China's foreign policy decision-making process is indeed becoming pluralistic, and that civil society's influence is expanding or at least intervening within it? This study departs from this question to explore the role of Chinese civil society organizations as factors influencing the formulation and implementation of China's foreign policy. While the limitations of Chinese civil society in the current political context cannot be denied, this research aims to examine the potential for the role and influence of Chinese civil society organizations to expand in the long term. While previous studies have primarily focused on the domestic role of civil society organizations, this paper will primarily examine the possibility of Chinese civil society organizations influencing China's foreign policy process.

Regarding terminology, in academic discourse in China, terms such as 'non-governmental organizations (NGOs)', 'non-profit organizations (NPOs)', 'third sector organizations', 'volunteer organizations', 'charitable organizations', and 'private organizations' are used to refer to actors in the civil society sphere. The Ministry of Civil Affairs (民政部), which manages these entities, officially recognizes only those registered as 'social organizations (社會團體)', 'privately run non-enterprise units (民辦非企業單位)', and 'foundations (基金會)' as legitimate organizations within the civil society domain. However, in reality, numerous organizations operate without legal status, including non-governmental organizations functioning under the guise of corporations, informal networks, various salons, Chinese branches of overseas NGOs, and illegal religious groups. Considering these points, this paper will use the most comprehensive concept, 'Civil Society Organizations' as defined by the World Bank, to refer to these entities.

II. Discussion on the Pluralization of Actors in the Foreign Policy Decision-Making Process

In terms of the diversification of influencing variables in the foreign policy decision-making process, James N. Rosenau's research cannot be overlooked. Rosenau proposed five dimensions of factors influencing foreign policy behavior: individual variables, role variables, governmental variables, social variables, and systemic variables. He argued that the impact of these variables on foreign policy decision-making varies by country depending on factors such as country size, level of economic development, and political openness. According to his framework, social variables, which include societal value orientations, public opinion, the degree of industrialization, and the degree of ethnic cohesion, have the lowest level of influence, particularly in countries with limited political openness like China. Zhu Jaewoo applied this framework to China, analyzing the relative importance of major factors influencing foreign policy decision-making across different leadership periods from Mao Zedong to Hu Jintao. However, the social variable he employed was 'level of economic development,' making it impossible to assess the influence of civil society or public opinion. Yang Gap-yong also pointed out that "public opinion can influence foreign policy. The units producing China's foreign policy are gradually diversifying, as private diplomacy has become possible." However, his perspective still emphasizes the foreign policy decision-making process centered on the state's official organizations. This is also evident in the Diaoyu Islands dispute between China and Japan, which he uses as a case study. One significant point, however, is his observation that the nationalistic activities of civil society organizations in response to the Diaoyu Islands dispute helped enhance China's negotiating power with Japan. Following the collision between a Japan Coast Guard vessel and a Chinese fishing boat in the Diaoyu Islands waters on September 7, 2010, Japan arrested the Chinese captain and all crew members, as well as the vessel, citing violations of the 'Fisheries Law.' Yang Gap-yong notes that in addition to diplomatic negotiations by the Chinese government, civil society organizations such as the 'Chinese Civil Association for the Protection of the Diaoyu Islands' (中國民間保釣聯合會), China's largest hacker group 'ChinaHacker' (中國紅客聯盟), and the 'Hong Kong Action Committee for the Protection of the Diaoyu Islands' (香港保釣行動委員會) exerted pressure on Japan through various means, including attempts to attack Japanese websites and leading anti-Japanese protests, thereby enhancing China's diplomatic negotiating power. This point will be revisited later... (continued)