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The World Order View of Interpreter Kim Jin-nam
EAI Sarangbang 11th Cohort Kyushu Expedition: Dreaming of Asia's Future in Kyushu
Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange · Jeon Jae-eun · Ewha Womans University
Introduction
The last event of the second day of the Kyushu trip for Sarangbang 11 was a visit to the Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange. After visiting the Yi Sam-pyeong Shrine, the Pottery Museum, and the Sasebo Maritime Self-Defense Force Museum, we arrived at the Saga Prefectural Nagoya Castle Museum, which Sarangbang refers to as the 'Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange.' While researching the Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange, I learned that its exhibitions present a neutral, third-party perspective on Korean-Japanese relations, rather than a Japanese one. Specifically, it defines Toyotomi Hideyoshi's invasion of Joseon in the late 16th century as an "invasion war." This knowledge heightened my expectations, especially after being disappointed by the Atomic Bomb Museum and the Maritime Self-Defense Force Museum, which portrayed Japan as a victim.
The main functions of the Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange are the preservation of Nagoya Castle, the exhibition of Korean-Japanese exchange history, and the support of Korean-Japanese exchange projects. This support for exchange projects seems to be a continuation of the cultural, medical, and technological exchanges that occurred through envoys during the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties. Arriving at the Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange after an hour and a half drive, we were greeted by a clear blue sky and fresh air. Before entering the museum, we enjoyed ice cream and chatted at a cafe in front of the museum. It was a moment to pause from our packed Kyushu itinerary and share conversations we hadn't had during a semester of intense discussions and study.
After eating ice cream, we headed to the Museum of Korean-Japanese Exchange. Having read previous trip reports and blog posts indicating that few people visit the museum and that some visitors leave without seeing anyone else, I was delighted to see a Japanese family leaving the museum. In the current climate of strained Korean-Japanese relations, it would have been deeply regrettable if visitor numbers were low, but fortunately, we encountered a surprisingly large number of Japanese tourists while exploring the museum, which made me feel proud and happy.
Throughout the two days of our trip, I was reminded of the importance of 'perspective.' This led me to reconsider Kim Jin-nam's perspective and his view of the world order. As mentioned earlier, I realized how differently the same things can appear depending on whose viewpoint is adopted, particularly from the narratives centered on Japan and the portrayal of Japan solely as a victim of the atomic bombings. The fact that what we learned as the Russo-Japanese War or Sino-Japanese War is referred to in Japan as the Japanese-Russo War or Japanese-Sino War, which are uncomfortable to read, further illustrates this Japanese-centric narrative. Kim Jin-nam, however, evaluated Japan based on a worldview that was not centered on Japan.
Kim Jin-nam's Life and Knowledge
Born in 1654, Kim Jin-nam passed the interpreter examination at the age of 18 in 1672. He honed his skills as an interpreter at the Yeokgwonwon (Office of Foreign Languages), learning various languages. He specialized in Classical Chinese and was significantly influenced by the Sinocentric world order of his time. In 1682, he joined a diplomatic mission to Japan as an interpreter. Initially, he served as a Classical Chinese interpreter, but he later took on the role of Apmultongsa (a high-ranking envoy). During this mission, Kim Jin-nam meticulously recorded his observations and experiences over 96 days, from departure to return, in his work <Dongsa Ilrok> (Diary of a Journey to the East). This work, which details his conversations, observations of post stations, and the Japanese landscape and facilities, remains a valuable historical source.
In the same year, Kim Jin-nam also traveled to Qing China as part of a diplomatic mission, actively engaging in his role as an interpreter. Furthermore, in 1712, Kim Jin-nam played a crucial role in establishing the Baekdusan Boundary Stele, which demarcated the border between Joseon and Qing China. Leveraging his exceptional linguistic skills and knowledge, he successfully persuaded the Qing court to establish the border based on the summit of Baekdusan, an achievement for which he is still recognized today.
Subsequently, drawing upon his experiences as an interpreter, Kim Jin-nam compiled 《Tongmun Kwanji》, a diplomatic treatise that organized Joseon's foreign relations and trade. Recognizing the limitations posed by Joseon's geographical location, bordering China, Japan, and the Jurchens, and the scarcity of documented diplomatic protocols and negotiation cases due to wars, which hindered the verification of precedents, he compiled 《Tongmun Kwanji》, as stated in its preface (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website). The text systematically describes Joseon's tributary diplomacy with China and its neighborly diplomacy with Japan and other surrounding nations, including records of trade and diplomatic disputes, and the verification of precedents. 《Tongmun Kwanji》 is a vital source that reflects the tributary and neighborly diplomacy of the era and offers a clear depiction of the international order at the time.
Kim Jin-nam's active career as an interpreter continued until his death in 1714. Moreover, five of his sons also passed the interpreter examination, continuing the legacy of his interpreter family, solidifying Kim Jin-nam's position as one of Joseon's preeminent interpreters. Through his writings, 《Tongmun Kwanji》 and <Dongsa Ilrok>, this study aims to explore the world order of the 17th-18th centuries and Kim Jin-nam's dual perspective on Japan.
《Tongmun Kwanji》 and the World Order of the 17th-18th Centuries
The tributary and neighborly diplomacy sections of 《Tongmun Kwanji》 reveal the world order and the etiquette of tributary and neighborly relations in the 17th-18th centuries. Through these, we can understand the positions of Joseon and Japan within the prevailing world order. Kim Jin-nam's perspective on Japan's status is particularly evident in the neighborly diplomacy section. While the tributary section describes Joseon's unconditional acceptance and adherence to China's requests as propriety and law, the neighborly diplomacy section depicts Japan making requests to Joseon, a contrasting scenario.
1 Special Envoy, 2 Special Envoy, 3 Special Envoy, and Deputy Special Envoy each accompanied only their respective vessels.
They did not bring other ships. In the middle, four ships, referred to as 'supply ships' and 'timber ships,' were brought annually.
However, Joseon rejected them, stating they were outside the prescribed vessels, and did not permit their reception.
The Japanese then earnestly pleaded through various channels, expressing their reluctance to return to Japan.
Consequently, the Dongnae-bu (Dongnae Prefecture) requested permission to entertain them according to convenience, with a directive that this should not happen in the future (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
The Japanese earnestly pleaded for permission to be entertained, and the Dongnae-bu granted permission for their reception.
This situation, where the Japanese earnestly pleaded for reception and the Dongnae-bu granted permission, reveals a different dynamic compared to the hierarchical structure with China. While China enforced its hierarchy through power, Japan had to earnestly request what it desired. Furthermore, the Japanese began to view Joseon with apprehension after witnessing Joseon's conquest of Tsushima Island. According to Yongjaechonghwa, 'During the late Goryeo period, pirates were rampant, so after the founding of Joseon, military commanders and naval officers were stationed at strategic coastal locations. Consequently, the pirate raids somewhat subsided. However, when further incidents occurred, King Sejong ordered the conquest of Tsushima Island. Although it was not a decisive victory, the Japanese also came to fear Joseon's military might (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).'
This indicates that Joseon did not view Japan as an equal in terms of international order, as evidenced by the bowing ritual for Japanese envoys in the neighborly diplomacy (Part 1) section.
website).
In the year Manryeok Giyu (1585), Kanpaku's envoy Genso and Hirakyo Jiki came and said, 'Since we cannot pay homage at the palace, we request that bowing before the general's banner substitute for the ceremony within the palace.' Therefore, our court permitted this and arranged for it to be conducted at the Gyeoksa (official guesthouse) in Busan, uniformly adopting the palace ceremony. Upon arriving outside Busan Castle, the Japanese dismounted and entered the courtyard of the guesthouse to perform the ritual, kneeling on the ground. For decades, they did not dare to violate this practice.
However, when Hirakyo Seong and Hirakyo Cho fell out, they sought to expose Hirakyo Jiki's wrongdoings. Thus, in the year Sungjeong Jeongchuk (1637), they sent the envoy Hirakyo Seong, who stated, 'Joseon's envoys perform their rituals on the veranda of the Kangho, while we bow in the courtyard. This is entirely unfair to both sides. We request that the ceremony be performed on the platform.' However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted. When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
This is in contrast to the elaborate reception accorded to Joseon's diplomatic missions to Japan, which traveled as far as Kyoto, even after the Imjin War. Joseon, mindful of Ming China's stance, not only prevented Japanese envoys from traveling to the capital but also required them to perform the bowing ritual in Busan. Furthermore, there were other restrictions and conditions imposed on Japanese envoys.
In the year Manryeok Giyu (1585), Kanpaku's envoy Genso and Hirakyo Jiki came and said, 'Since we cannot pay homage at the palace, we request that bowing before the general's banner substitute for the ceremony within the palace.' Therefore, our court permitted this and arranged for it to be conducted at the Gyeoksa (official guesthouse) in Busan, uniformly adopting the palace ceremony. Upon arriving outside Busan Castle, the Japanese dismounted and entered the courtyard of the guesthouse to perform the ritual, kneeling on the ground. For decades, they did not dare to violate this practice.
However, when Hirakyo Seong and Hirakyo Cho fell out, they sought to expose Hirakyo Jiki's wrongdoings. Thus, in the year Sungjeong Jeongchuk (1637), they sent the envoy Hirakyo Seong, who stated, 'Joseon's envoys perform their rituals on the veranda of the Kangho, while we bow in the courtyard. This is entirely unfair to both sides. We request that the ceremony be performed on the platform.' However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted. When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
website).
This indicates that Joseon did not view Japan as an equal in terms of international order, as evidenced by the bowing ritual for Japanese envoys in the neighborly diplomacy (Part 1) section.
In the year Manryeok Giyu (1585), Kanpaku's envoy Genso and Hirakyo Jiki came and said, 'Since we cannot pay homage at the palace, we request that bowing before the general's banner substitute for the ceremony within the palace.' Therefore, our court permitted this and arranged for it to be conducted at the Gyeoksa (official guesthouse) in Busan, uniformly adopting the palace ceremony. Upon arriving outside Busan Castle, the Japanese dismounted and entered the courtyard of the guesthouse to perform the ritual, kneeling on the ground. For decades, they did not dare to violate this practice.
However, when Hirakyo Seong and Hirakyo Cho fell out, they sought to expose Hirakyo Jiki's wrongdoings. Thus, in the year Sungjeong Jeongchuk (1637), they sent the envoy Hirakyo Seong, who stated, 'Joseon's envoys perform their rituals on the veranda of the Kangho, while we bow in the courtyard. This is entirely unfair to both sides. We request that the ceremony be performed on the platform.' However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted. When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
Therefore, our court permitted this and arranged for it to be conducted at the Gyeoksa (official guesthouse) in Busan, uniformly adopting the palace ceremony.
Upon arriving outside Busan Castle, the Japanese dismounted and entered the courtyard of the guesthouse to perform the ritual, kneeling on the ground.
For decades, they did not dare to violate this practice.
However, when Hirakyo Seong and Hirakyo Cho fell out, they sought to expose Hirakyo Jiki's wrongdoings.
Thus, in the year Sungjeong Jeongchuk (1637), they sent the envoy Hirakyo Seong, who stated, 'Joseon's envoys perform their rituals on the veranda of the Kangho, while we bow in the courtyard. This is entirely unfair to both sides. We request that the ceremony be performed on the platform.'
However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted.
When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
'Joseon's envoys perform their rituals on the veranda of the Kangho, while we bow in the courtyard. This is entirely unfair to both sides. We request that the ceremony be performed on the platform.'
However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted. When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
However, due to the imperial decree, this request was not granted. When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
When the Japanese envoy was at a loss for a solution, they requested to perform the ritual on a wooden platform laid in the courtyard, which our court permitted (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
Our court permitted this. (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
This contrasts with the respectful treatment Joseon's diplomatic missions received when traveling to Kyoto, even after the Imjin War. Joseon, wary of Ming China, not only prevented Japanese envoys from traveling to the capital but also mandated that they perform the bowing ceremony in Busan. Additionally, various restrictions and conditions were imposed on Japanese envoys.
All ships dispatched from Japan must first receive the approval of the Tsushima Lord before departing.
The Tsushima Lord is provided with official documents according to precedent. These documents are to be imprinted with a seal on paper and kept by the Ministry of Rites and the Gyoseogwan (Office of Royal Decrees).
Furthermore, these documents are to be kept at Busan Port and used to verify the authenticity of written communications whenever Japanese envoys arrive.
If the communications are found to be irregular or cannot be verified, the ships are to be sent back to Japan (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
If the communications are found to be irregular or cannot be verified, the ships are to be sent back to Japan (Tongmun Kwanji National Translation Website).
website).
This system, where ships dispatched from Japan were first verified by Tsushima and then again at Busan Port, imposed restrictions. The fact that ships could be turned back if their authenticity was not confirmed or if they deviated from protocol signifies Joseon's superior position, holding the right of refusal.
This system, where ships dispatched from Japan were first verified by Tsushima and then again at Busan Port, imposed restrictions. The fact that ships could be turned back if their authenticity was not confirmed or if they deviated from protocol signifies Joseon's superior position, holding the right of refusal.
Dongsa Ilrok and the Dual Perspective on Japan
What was Kim Jin-nam's view of Japan, who operated as a Classical Chinese interpreter within the world order, accepting the tributary system? Through Kim Jin-nam's travelogue of Japan, <Dongsa Ilrok>, we will examine his dual perspective on Japan.
First, Kim Jin-nam underestimated Japan's political and cultural, and intellectual level. At the time, Joseon, where the consciousness of being a 'minor China' was prevalent, sometimes looked down on Japan, believing they had inherited the true Sinocentric ideology. For example, there are accounts suggesting that the Tongsinsa were intended to unilaterally transmit Joseon's superior culture, artifacts, and knowledge to Japan. Such a condescending view of Japan appears frequently in Kim Jin-nam's "Dongsa Ilrok" (Record of Eastern Travels), which includes descriptions of Japanese people asking him and other envoys, who were on the Joseon Tongsinsa mission, to write for them.
Among the Japanese, there are many who seek our country's calligraphy and paintings, but the Tsushima
lord strictly prohibited this, forbidding them to write. This is because the lord wishes to gain favor
from his superiors by having those seeking calligraphy and paintings request it from him. From this, we can see
how highly our country's writings are valued by them. ... ... As they earnestly requested my writings,
I wrote a few pages, though my calligraphy was poor. They received them as if they were precious treasures,
thanking me repeatedly before leaving. How laughable. ... ... They brought three bundles of tanpa and a few sheets of mojji, begging me to write for them.
Out of politeness and obligation, I wrote a few lines with my clumsy brush. Tanpa and his companions thanked me
profusely and left after performing all due courtesies. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 355-361).
Tanpa and his companions thanked me profusely and left after performing all due courtesies.
How laughable. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 355-361).
These descriptions reveal Kim Jin-nam's thoughts about the Japanese people who requested writings from the envoys. In particular, his use of expressions such as earnestly requesting their writings and treasuring them when obtained, juxtaposed with calling it laughable, clearly shows his condescending attitude towards Japan. Furthermore, he questioned the intellectual or cultural level of the Japanese, asking, "Is it because the Japanese lack discerning eyes for calligraphy?" Beyond this, Kim Jin-nam also offered negative assessments of Japan's culture and policies.
These descriptions reveal Kim Jin-nam's thoughts about the Japanese people who requested writings from the envoys. In particular, his use of expressions such as earnestly requesting their writings and treasuring them when obtained, juxtaposed with calling it laughable, clearly shows his condescending attitude towards Japan. Furthermore, he questioned the intellectual or cultural level of the Japanese, asking, "Is it because the Japanese lack discerning eyes for calligraphy?" Beyond this, Kim Jin-nam also offered negative assessments of Japan's culture and policies.
The hats and clothes worn by the lord, Seijung, and all the Japanese, as well as the design of their ceremonial hats and bows and arrows, were elaborate and ingenious, but strange in appearance, so
that their forms could not be fully described. After sending the lord back, I immediately dispatched Hong Suyeok for a meeting. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 346).
their forms could not be fully described. After sending the lord back, I immediately dispatched Hong Suyeok for a meeting (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 346).
He sent it and established a company (The National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 346).
He evaluated their clothing culture as peculiar and strange by his own standards, and negatively stated that they were "unusable." Moreover, he showed a negative assessment of Japan's policies. While conversing with a Chinese-speaking individual he happened to meet, he had the following exchange:
Tribute and friendly relations are essential for every nation, and the positions of Huan-in, who entertains foreign guests,
and Ki-sang, who facilitates communication between countries, have been passed down from ancient times. Why is your country uniquely unable to do this,
and why does Suho exclusively train individuals with such functions? ...
When tribute envoys travel, those who know the Japanese language must accompany them, and for the Tongsinsa, a translator proficient in Chinese classics must also accompany them. This is a result of the court's deep consideration and far-reaching plan. Is it also for this purpose that the Japanese official Suho trains interpreters? However, since it is done privately rather than officially, I do not know if it is truly the right way.
When tribute envoys travel, those who know the Japanese language must accompany them, and for the Tongsinsa, a translator proficient in Chinese classics must also accompany them. This is a result of the court's deep consideration and far-reaching plan. Is it also for this purpose that the Japanese official Suho trains interpreters? However, since it is done privately rather than officially, I do not know if it is truly the right way.
This is a result of the court's deep consideration and far-reaching plan. Is it also for this purpose that the Japanese official Suho trains interpreters? However, since it is done privately rather than officially, I do not know if it is truly the right way.
Is it also for this purpose that the Japanese official Suho trains interpreters? However, since it is done privately rather than officially, I do not know if it is truly the right way.
However, since it is done privately rather than officially, I do not know if it is truly the right way.
(National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 383-385).
He questioned the absence of Chinese classics translators in Japan based on Joseon's diplomatic principles of serving the superior and maintaining friendly relations. Phrases like "Why is your country uniquely unable to do this" and "exclusively" indicate that he viewed Japan's policies as falling short of the basic principles of serving the superior and maintaining friendly relations, thus looking down on them. In contrast, he spoke highly of his own accompaniment to Japan as a Tongsinsa, calling it a "result of the court's deep consideration and far-reaching plan." This perspective, which elevates Joseon, also appeared when a Japanese scholar showed him Japanese etiquette and asked about Joseon's etiquette, leading to a discussion.
A Japanese scholar asked about etiquette, inquiring if Joseon's common etiquette was
similar. Upon reviewing what he had written, I found it all to be crude and strange. I wrote at the end in large characters,
"Our country's common etiquette follows Zhu Xi's "Five Rites," and even lowly servants adhere to it. If you wish to know about it,
Our country's common etiquette follows Zhu Xi's "Five Rites," and even lowly servants adhere to it. If you wish to know about it,
you may consult Zhu Xi's examples for detailed information. The Japanese scholar, unable to contain his admiration,
you may consult Zhu Xi's examples for detailed information. The Japanese scholar, unable to contain his admiration,
The Japanese scholar, unable to contain his admiration, expressed his reverence and departed. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 397). By describing the Japanese person's admiration and reverence for Joseon's etiquette, which followed Chinese customs and was observed even by servants, he highlighted Joseon's superiority in etiquette. In addition to subtly looking down on Japan, Kim Jin-nam also recorded instances of direct disregard. While discussing the monk Tomokja,
expressed his reverence and departed. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 397). By describing the Japanese person's admiration and reverence for Joseon's etiquette, which followed Chinese customs and was observed even by servants, he highlighted Joseon's superiority in etiquette. In addition to subtly looking down on Japan, Kim Jin-nam also recorded instances of direct disregard. While discussing the monk Tomokja,
Why would he leave his relatives and abandon his ancestral graves to cross the vast ocean, coming to this place inhabited by barefoot people who blacken their teeth, to have his head shaved, remove his hat, and live a life of destitution until over 80 years of age? (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 385).
Why would he leave his relatives and abandon his ancestral graves to cross the vast ocean, coming to this place inhabited by barefoot people who blacken their teeth, to have his head shaved, remove his hat, and live a life of destitution until over 80 years of age? (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 385).
Why would he leave his relatives and abandon his ancestral graves to cross the vast ocean, coming to this place inhabited by barefoot people who blacken their teeth, to have his head shaved, remove his hat, and live a life of destitution until over 80 years of age? (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 385).
He questioned Tomokja's decision to settle in Japan. By referring to the Japanese people as "barefoot people who blacken their teeth," he framed the Japanese as barbarians within the prevailing East Asian hierarchical order of civilization versus barbarism.
He questioned Tomokja's decision to settle in Japan. By referring to the Japanese people as "barefoot people who blacken their teeth," he framed the Japanese as barbarians within the prevailing East Asian hierarchical order of civilization versus barbarism.
Conversely, while Kim Jin-nam underestimated Japan, he also described Japan's economic development and noted aspects where it surpassed Joseon in terms of etiquette. In particular, he provided detailed accounts of the lavish hospitality he received at post stations visited by the mission members. He not only described the grand mansions and ornate decorations but also the excessively luxurious treatment he received. The governor paid his respects, and the official in charge of the post station prepared food. Although the food prepared at each post station was similar, the splendor and luxury, as well as the sincerity of the hospitality, increased as we approached the Japanese capital. However, I could not list all of these and only recorded what I witnessed. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 372).
the food prepared at each post station was similar, but the splendor and luxury, as well as the sincerity of the hospitality, increased as we approached the Japanese capital. However, I could not list all of these and only recorded what I witnessed.
the sincerity of the hospitality, increased as we approached the Japanese capital. However, I could not list all of these and only recorded what I witnessed.
However, I could not list all of these and only recorded what I witnessed.
(National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 372).
Beyond this, Kim Jin-nam provided detailed descriptions of beautiful mansions, the circumstances of his reception, and the food served. The fact that he received such grand hospitality in Japan, a country he culturally and ethnically disparaged, can be attributed to Japan's relative economic stability. Japan's fertile land contributed to this economic stability.
The journey passed through a period of abundant harvest. Looking down from a high vantage point, the boundaries of the fields were clear, and the fertile plains stretching for a thousand li resembled a spread-out Go board. It is unknown whether this was the ancient system of land division. ... It is said that the land is so fertile that in the surrounding four hundred li, there is never a year without a bountiful harvest. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 377).
The journey passed through a period of abundant harvest. Looking down from a high vantage point, the boundaries of the fields were clear, and the fertile plains stretching for a thousand li resembled a spread-out Go board. It is unknown whether this was the ancient system of land division. ... It is said that the land is so fertile that in the surrounding four hundred li, there is never a year without a bountiful harvest. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 377).
It is unknown whether this was the ancient system of land division. ... It is said that the land is so fertile that in the surrounding four hundred li, there is never a year without a bountiful harvest. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 377).
It is said that the land is so fertile that in the surrounding four hundred li, there is never a year without a bountiful harvest. (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 377).
Japan's economic development is also evident in its infrastructure. Following the descriptions of the hospitality Kim Jin-nam received, the most frequently and detailed accounts concern Japan's infrastructure. Kim Jin-nam particularly described his arrival at the mouth of the Ōsaka river in detail as follows. Some of these houses have doors opening towards the water, and others have created harbors by diverting water, then built pavilions at the bottom of the pavilions, floating barges, which are places to moor boats. ... Also, two or three large floating bridges were built on the lake. The pillars and beams are sturdy and strong, and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city,
Japan's economic development is also evident in its infrastructure. Following the descriptions of the hospitality Kim Jin-nam received, the most frequently and detailed accounts concern Japan's infrastructure. Kim Jin-nam particularly described his arrival at the mouth of the Ōsaka river in detail as follows. Some of these houses have doors opening towards the water, and others have created harbors by diverting water, then built pavilions at the bottom of the pavilions, floating barges, which are places to moor boats. ... Also, two or three large floating bridges were built on the lake. The pillars and beams are sturdy and strong, and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city
Some of these houses have doors opening towards the water, and others have created harbors by diverting water, then built pavilions at the bottom of the pavilions, floating barges, which are places to moor boats. ... Also, two or three large floating bridges were built on the lake. The pillars and beams are sturdy and strong, and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city
Also, two or three large floating bridges were built on the lake. The pillars and beams are sturdy and strong, and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city
The pillars and beams are sturdy and strong, and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city
and the design is grand, allowing carriages and horse-riders to travel in rows on top, and boats to pass underneath. ... Entering the city
Entering the city
The width of the street is barely one lane, but all the intersections are wells.
They form a straight line, are pointed and straight, and can be seen from all directions.
In general, the solidity of the sacred site, the precision of the ships, and the grandeur and splendor of the pavilions, as well as the prosperity of the people, are so astonishing that before seeing Suzhou or Hangzhou in China, one might consider this place the best.
Daejeon is a large city in Japan, originally the old capital of Sugil. It is a place of unmatched grandeur.
However, since then it has become a place of bureaucratic governance (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 365-366).
Kim Ji-nam, who had previously described Japan negatively, expresses admiration for its grandeur and prosperity, even comparing it to Chinese cities. In particular, it is evident that Kim Ji-nam was impressed by the practical and planned infrastructure of the Japanese, as seen in the sturdy bridges that allow carts and horses to pass, built near the water.
When Kim Ji-nam's negative perspective on Japan is revealed, he tends to quote his own words or express emotional sentiments, whereas his expressions regarding the positive aspects of Japan appear more objective, showcasing his dual perspective.
Furthermore, he observes and praises their sense of order. The contrast is notable when he previously referred to the Japanese as 'people with blackened teeth' but later commends them.
The distance from Pumcheon to Gyeongdo is 30 ri, with dense populations and large houses.
The streets and paths are wide and straight, and on both sides of the road,
bamboo railings are installed to prevent onlookers from entering recklessly.
Among the onlookers, the young people dare not obstruct the elders and gather like flies or hedgehogs,
forming a curtain of faces, a sight that cannot be expressed. Yet, they sat quietly without making a sound,
watching intently (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 380).
sitting quietly to watch (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 380).
Our people lack a strong sense of order. When walking on the road, the leaders on horseback often flee,
causing the horses to wait, leading to a constant shortage of horses. Additionally, while walking,
some lose their turn and even strike or insult the Japanese.
Such actions not only harm the Japanese but also contribute to the laxity of discipline (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 371).
Such actions not only harm the Japanese but also contribute to a breakdown of discipline (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 371).
Kim Ji-nam expresses that the Japanese maintain order and are quiet, even stating that they are superior to Koreans. While he underestimates the political, cultural, and intellectual levels, he holds the economic development and sense of order in Japan in high regard. This dual perspective likely stems from the hierarchical structure of the world order that dominated East Asia in the 17th and 18th centuries, particularly as he studied centered on Chinese language and culture as a Confucian interpreter.
was also because it became lax (National Culture Promotion Committee 2008, 371).
Kim Ji-nam expresses that the Japanese maintain order and are quiet, even stating that they are superior to Koreans. While he undervalues the political, cultural, and intellectual levels, he highly regards Japan's economic development and sense of order. This dual perspective likely stems from the hierarchical structure of the world order that dominated East Asia in the 17th and 18th centuries, particularly as he studied Chinese language and culture as a Confucian interpreter.
In conclusion,
During a semester of conducting a study group, I was able to learn various theories, and each time I felt that a single event could be explained through multiple theories. Ultimately, theories are like lenses, and depending on which lens one uses, the event can appear differently. In this regard, it was interesting to learn about the history narrated from a Japanese perspective during this Kyushu field trip.
While determining the theme of the field report, encountering Kim Ji-nam among many figures in the 'Haehang Chongjae' was also due to perspective. Unlike other figures, Kim Ji-nam, as a Confucian interpreter who primarily left achievements related to China, sparked my curiosity about how he viewed Japan, leading to the initiation of this report.
By analyzing Kim Ji-nam's perspectives revealed in 'Tongmungwanji' and 'Dongsa Ilrok', it became evident that in the 17th and 18th centuries, a world order centered around China and a hierarchical structure among nations existed. It is clear that Kim Ji-nam viewed Korea as a subordinate entity within this world order and considered Japan to be either 'further from the center' or lower in the hierarchical structure compared to Korea. However, I believe that such a perspective limited his foresight. Japan asserts that it had its own international order through the concept of 'hwa-il'. Kim Ji-nam, who viewed Japan solely through the hierarchical structure of the China-centered world order, likely held a narrow perspective. This serves as a reminder of the importance of perspective. Kim Ji-nam's underestimation of Japan through the world order and Japan's portrayal of itself solely as a victim highlight the limitations and dangers of viewing through a single lens, emphasizing the need for a multifaceted perspective. Once again, I found myself reflecting on complex theories.
After leaving the Exchange Museum, we headed to the Nagoya Castle ruins. As we passed through the forest path and reached the hill, the view of the sea was magnificent. Facing the sea breeze, we concluded the last schedule of the second day of our field trip.
References
Kang Jae-eon. 2005. 'The Travelogue of the Joseon Envoys to Japan'. Translated by Lee Gyu-soo.
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Kim Yang-soo et al. 2008. 'The Main Figures of Late Joseon Diplomacy'. Seoul: Baeksan Data Center. National Culture Promotion Committee. 2008. '(National Translation) Travelogue of the Haehang Chongjae, Volume 9'. Seoul:
Korean Studies Information.
Lee Sang-gak. 2011. 'The Biographies of Joseon Interpreters: The One with a Thousand Swords'. Paju:
Seohae Munjip.
Lee Yong-hee. 1970. 'The Spiritual Historical Issues of Korea-Japan Relations: The Conflict of Border Culture Consciousness.' <New Dong-A>, August issue.
Lee Yong-hee. 1977. 'Tributary System: Focusing on Its Modern Interpretation'. Seoul: Seomundang. Jo Gyu-ik, Jeong Yeong-mun, eds. 2008. 'Research Series on the Travelogues of the Joseon Envoys'. Seoul:
Lee Yong-hee. 1977. 'Tributary System: Focusing on Its Modern Interpretation'. Seoul: Seomundang. Jo Gyu-ik, Jeong Yeong-mun, eds. 2008. 'Research Series on the Travelogue of the Joseon Envoy'. Seoul:
Hakgobang.
Huma Susumu. 2008. 'Envoys and Communication Envoys'. Seoul: Seosinwon. Tongmungwanji National Translation Homepage. http://www.koreaa2z.com/viewer.php?seq=43
(Accessed: 2019.01.06)
*This text is an AI translation of an original written in Korean. Some translations or nuances may be inaccurate.