[EAI Myanmar Special Commentary] ⑥ Questions Raised by Myanmar's Pro-Democracy Protests for the Korean Media

1. “What can we do from Korea to save the lives of Myanmar's citizens?”

SisaIN's continuous reporting on Myanmar (#WatchingMyanmar), which began in March 2021 and lasted for approximately five months, started with this question.[1]Asking 'What can we do?' rather than 'What is happening?' was clearly an exceptional situation for journalists. While the fundamental role of the media is to report the reality of crimes against humanity in a country as it is, we could not help but question whether simply conveying this was sufficient in the face of real-time bloodshed. Media outlets around the world, watching the situation in isolated Myanmar with air travel disrupted by COVID-19, must have asked themselves at some point: 'What is the extent of the media's role?' 'Can the media truly be neutral?'

SisaIN was not the only media outlet to actively cover the anti-coup protests in Myanmar. What led to such significant attention from media outlets towards an issue occurring 4,000 km away? We wish to share our reasons for actively reporting on Myanmar's civil resistance, our solidarity with local journalists, and the lessons learned and remaining challenges. Documenting the solidarity activities of domestic media outlets regarding Myanmar will be a crucial starting point for understanding the 'traces' left by Myanmar's pro-democracy protests on Korean society. Above all, we hope this serves as an opportunity to consider how to report on the ongoing crisis in Myanmar, which has seen a significant reduction in coverage, and what the media's next steps should be.

2. A Year Ago

As Myanmar's military and police cracked down violently, causing numerous casualties, domestic media outlets flooded with breaking news under headlines such as 'Bloodshed,' 'Bloody Sunday,' and 'Nightmare.' Korean citizens watching the situation with concern felt utterly helpless. SisaIN began meeting weekly with Myanmar residents in Korea who were holding anti-military coup protests. That was the only on-site reporting available at the time.

What they held in their hands was different from what we initially expected. Their smartphone message inboxes were filled with 'SOS requests' from local protesters, including requests for medical expenses, bulletproof vests and helmets, SIM cards for internet access (as Myanmar's military had cut off internet access, requiring Thai SIM cards for connectivity), and living expenses to sustain the civil disobedience movement. Photos of people bleeding and collapsing with torn skin scrolled endlessly. 'We are facing the military and police with bare hands,' 'A bullet went through his jaw and he needs medical expenses,' 'Please provide funeral support.' The lives of those who had settled in Korea as migrant workers, international students, and multicultural family members were transformed into activists starting February 1, 2021. It was then that we first posed the question: 'What can we do for Myanmar?'

If not for the COVID-19 situation, many domestic and international media outlets would have entered Myanmar, and if foreign media were observing, the Myanmar crisis might not have escalated to this unmanageable extent. The only foreign press team to enter Yangon with 'military permission' was BBC's Clarissa Ward team on March 31 last year. The military accompanied the press team at all reporting sites, and after the journalists left, the Myanmar military detained the citizens who had been interviewed by the BBC. A Myanmar journalist I met during my reporting told me with great agitation, 'Why is no country intervening? This is a question we always ask. The answer is simple: there is no benefit to be gained from doing something for Myanmar.' At the time, Myanmar protesters took to the streets with the slogan, 'How Many Dead Bodies Need To Take Action?'

3. Reasons for SisaIN's Myanmar Campaign

The Myanmar military, which staged the coup, employed a strategy of 'isolation' to quell the unrest. They suppressed protests citing COVID-19 assembly bans, cut off internet access, and targeted journalists and media organizations. Journalists within Myanmar became the military's first targets. The Myanmar military revoked the publishing licenses of independent media and prosecuted journalists and citizen reporters covering protests on charges of 'spreading fake news' and 'incitement.' As of January 10, 2022, 115 Myanmar journalists had been arrested, and 44 remained in detention (Reporting ASEAN 2021).

If incidents occurring in Myanmar (such as state-sponsored violence, shootings, and repression, #What’s happening in Myanmar) were no longer disseminated online, the international community's attention, pressure, and condemnation would undoubtedly decrease. A Myanmar journalist's plea, 'We gain strength from knowing the outside world is watching. Please keep watching,' made me realize that Myanmar was fighting against isolation, not just the military. If isolating citizens makes military rule easier, wouldn't connecting citizens weaken military rule? For the Myanmar crisis to be resolved, the international community must act, and for the international community to act, the situation in Myanmar must continue to be reported. We decided to participate in that role.

There were journalists and media professionals risking their lives to document the atrocities in Myanmar, even as their newsrooms were shut down and they were being pursued. We requested contributions from them. Communication and collaboration with Myanmar journalists were fraught with difficulties at every step. Everything from exchanging messages and receiving articles on time to transferring payments was not smooth. Internet access was cut off from 1 AM to 9 AM local time, and journalists had to move their locations periodically to evade the military and police. Our Myanmar journalist contacts have since faced threats to their safety, crossed into Thailand, gone to border areas to take up arms, or been imprisoned.

Starting in April 2021, SisaIN launched the #WatchingMyanmar campaign with the social enterprise 'Today's Action.' Over 800 people participated in fundraising for the payment of Myanmar journalists (as of May 20, 2021, 854 people participated and raised 37,125,386 KRW). Some questioned whether this was not a basic role of a media organization. We hoped that the payment would provide a small impetus for fellow journalists to continue their reporting activities after months without income. Above all, for a media organization to consistently keep an issue on the agenda (agenda keeping) requires the judgment and will of the editorial department to elevate it as a problem that should not be erased or forgotten amidst the flood of news. In the case of the Myanmar anti-coup protests, we deemed it an important event, worthy of allocating editorial resources, costs, and personnel, despite it being an overseas issue.

4. Trends in Korean Media Solidarity with Myanmar

Lee Kyung-kyu, a journalist specializing in international conflicts who has long been interested in Myanmar, evaluates the Korean media's coverage of the Myanmar pro-democracy protests as follows: 'Has the Korean media ever poured so much attention into an international issue? I believe it played a very positive role in setting it as an agenda that we need to know about. However, looking deeper, in terms of quality, diversity, depth of issues, and background analysis relative to the volume of reporting, it seems to have been very insufficient (KBS 'Questioning Journalists Q,' May 17, 2021 broadcast).' Beyond reporting the military's brutal violence, there was insufficient effort to comprehensively understand Myanmar's democratic crisis, such as how the Myanmar military came to wield such immense power in the 21st century, or the historical conflicts with ethnic minorities.

Nevertheless, considering that domestic media outlets have typically treated overseas news as 'hot topics,' the diverse attempts by the media to publicize the Myanmar issue are significant. In early April 2021, Weekly Chosun produced a special issue titled 'The People Will Win,' featuring articles and photos by Myanmar journalists. Kim Young-mi, a PD specializing in conflict zones who participated in the project at the time, garnered attention by forming a media company called 'Documentary & News Korea' with dismissed Myanmar journalists. OhmyNews launched an online series in August 2021 titled 'I am a Myanmar Journalist - Restoring Journalism in Crisis Project.' They received articles from the 'Myanmar Photographers Association (MPA)' and disseminated them in Korean and Myanmar, transferring reader donations. As of January 14, 2021, over 20 million KRW had been collected. Hankyoreh 21 has continued its special series '#Stand with Myanmar' in print and online, weekly publishing articles in Myanmar language alongside writings from citizens supporting and showing solidarity with the Myanmar people. Additionally, broadcasters such as KBS's 'Sisa Planet' and 'Sisa Jikgyeok,' and MBC have produced several documentaries that shed light on the situation in Myanmar and offered in-depth analyses of the Myanmar coup.

What made the difference? Korean civil society showed fervent support and solidarity for the Myanmar pro-democracy protests, more so than any other country. The turning point was a video from February 24, 2021, showing Myanmar citizens kneeling in front of the Korean Embassy in Yangon, pleading, 'Please help us.' Korean citizens spontaneously organized fundraising activities, street protests, signature campaigns, and social media campaigns, saying, 'We want to help in any way we can.' This was then shared back to Myanmar citizens via social media. Many recalled the scenes of Gwangju in 1980 in Myanmar in 2021. A complex mix of empathy and a sense of debt stemming from the shared history of military dictatorship and state violence, and a sense of responsibility as a country that had achieved democratic consolidation earlier than most in Asia, coexisted.

The statement of solidarity issued by the Korea Video Journalists Association on March 2nd clearly reflects this sentiment. 'We, the video journalists of Korea, who vividly remember the atrocities of the Gwangju Democratization Movement in May 1980, are shocked and outraged by the tragic news and images coming from Myanmar, as they remind us of the horrors of 'May Gwangju.' In 'May Gwangju,' the helplessness and void of Korean video journalists and reporters were filled by the life-risking, intense reporting of journalists from other countries, such as Jürgen Hinzpeter, a German video journalist. It was thanks to their video reporting that Gwangju, though isolated domestically, was able to inform the world of its atrocities and build international public opinion supporting and showing solidarity with our citizens' struggle for democracy. In response to the Myanmar citizens' plea, 'How much more blood must be shed?', actively covering and reporting on Myanmar's passionate struggle for democracy is our way of repaying the debt we owe to the citizens of Gwangju and Korea in 1980, and to the people around the world who supported and stood in solidarity with us.'

Statements of solidarity from veteran journalists of the 1980s followed. Five media organizations, including the Association of Journalists Dismissed in '80 and the Foundation for Free Press, held a press conference in front of the Myanmar Embassy in Seoul on April 13th, proclaiming: 'We share with the people of Myanmar the painful history of suffering caused by a coup driven by the military's lust for power and wealth, and journalists being driven from their reporting sites. We, who have inherited the spirit of the Gwangju Democratization Movement and fought resolutely for press freedom and democratic journalism against military dictatorship, express our strong support for the just struggle of the Myanmar people and pledge our firm solidarity with Myanmar's democratic civil society.'

5. An Opportunity to Look at Korea Through Myanmar

Of course, there are criticisms that the histories of Gwangju and Myanmar should not be hastily equated. The geopolitical positions and international circumstances surrounding the countries are entirely different, and Myanmar has a longer history of military rule and prolonged conflicts with ethnic minorities than Korea. Therefore, voices have emerged cautioning against perspectives that seek to 'teach' democracy or view Myanmar with 'benevolence' or 'paternalism.'

One thing is clear: the history of Gwangju serves as a link that deeply resonates with democratic crises in Asia, including Hong Kong, Thailand, and Myanmar. Last year, I organized a roundtable discussion bringing together young people from Hong Kong, Thailand, Korea (Gwangju), and Myanmar to discuss Asian democracy and the 'Milktea Alliance.' Lee Hee-young from Gwangju, whom I met there, said: 'Seeing Gwangju citizens show solidarity with other Asian countries has made me re-examine the history of May 18th. When we first held the 'Tan Pote Tway' protests (protests against the military by banging pots and pans, in solidarity with Myanmar citizens), I never expected so many elderly people to attend consistently every week. Seeing them, I thought, perhaps we can confront and heal the memories of the 1980s. 'Although Gwangju still faces invisible discrimination, it was a city that could hear oppressed voices better than any other.'

The situation in Myanmar has thus awakened a 'sense of being connected despite being distant' throughout Korean society. This has presented various challenges and homework for the media. How should corporate social responsibility be assessed when a company, once a driver of economic growth, is suspected of being a funding source for the military after the coup? Can Korean society accept Myanmar refugees beyond issuing statements condemning the military? What about the tasks of addressing the trauma and seeking truth for the bereaved families after the May 18th Gwangju Democratization Movement? What about the human rights issues of Myanmar workers facing discrimination in unseen places? Supporting democracy in Myanmar is not a simple matter. The weight of the questions Myanmar poses to our society is by no means insignificant.

6. One Year After the Myanmar Coup: Remaining Challenges for the Media

I recall a reader's comment from the SisaIN #WatchingMyanmar campaign: 'I felt comforted, even though I am not a Myanmar citizen. There was a sense of belonging, intimacy, and comfort derived from the belief that solidarity would grow stronger and gain greater power.' We believed that capturing the changes occurring within Korean civil society in response to the Myanmar pro-democracy protests, which were once dismissed as 'someone else's problem,' and connecting Asian citizens based on this would broaden and strengthen civil society and democracy. This is not dissimilar to the media's duty.

One thing we learned through our continuous reporting on Myanmar is that 'democratic countries need more democratic countries around them.' When a country's democracy is at risk, the support and assistance of neighboring countries are necessary for the international community to intervene more effectively. The reason the international community, including the UN and ASEAN, issued official warnings to the Myanmar military, yet the military remained indifferent, was that they had already adapted to the prolonged isolation measures. Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing broke his promise of holding elections in a year and declared an extension of the state of emergency until August 2023. He then appointed himself Prime Minister. Southeast Asian researchers analyzed this as the beginning of the military's long-term rule plan. Myanmar has effectively entered a state of civil war.

The press freedom index, a measure of democracy, shows a similar pattern. According to the 2021 World Press Freedom Index released by Reporters Without Borders in April, Asian countries, excluding Taiwan (43rd), South Korea (42nd), Japan (67th), and Mongolia (68th), all ranked outside the top 100. Military dictatorship and press suppression are the fundamental crises shared by journalists in Southeast Asia. Consequently, signs have emerged of Asian journalists, who have been struggling, converging around the Myanmar crisis. Asian media organizations such as the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand (FCCT) have sought practical solutions, including fundraising and equipment support. Gwen Robinson, former president of FCCT, stated, 'Thai media have long adhered to strict lèse-majesté laws. That attitude has begun to change recently. Seeing the struggle of Myanmar's media against censorship made us feel that Thai media are not so different.' How the situation in Myanmar unfolds is a matter of concern that will influence the military and citizens in other Southeast Asian countries such as Hong Kong, Thailand, the Philippines, and Cambodia.

One year after the Myanmar coup, international attention has waned, and the volume of reporting has significantly decreased. Within the media industry, there are realistic circumstances where 'more urgent issues' are flooding in. However, the voices of citizens resisting the coup in various parts of Myanmar have not ceased for a single day. Hashtag movements like #SaveMyanmar and #PrayForMyanmar continue daily on social media, and journalists are present, documenting the civil resistance and military violence in Myanmar. 'Someone must remain here and report. We must document the military's human rights abuses and violent incidents and show them to the international community. Knowing that the people of Myanmar are prepared to fight to the end, I will not regret my decision today, no matter what happens to me.' (Reporter for Frontier Myanmar, an independent Myanmar media outlet, December 16).[2]Recording these voices faithfully is one way to keep the 'spark' of interest in Myanmar alive. Influencing international relations entangled with national interests and creating pressure from the international community that the Myanmar military cannot easily ignore ultimately begins where public attention converges. The question, 'What can we do from Korea to achieve democracy in Myanmar?' is therefore not yet over. This is why discussions and considerations at the levels of media, civil society, and government must continue. ■

References

Reporting ASEAN. 2021. https://www.reportingasean.net/.

SisaIN. 'Myanmar Coup 300 Days: People Are Still Getting Hurt and Dying Here.' 2021/12/16. https://www.sisain.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=46206

OhmyNews. 'I am a Myanmar Journalist - Restoring Journalism in Crisis Project.' 2021. http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/Series/series_premium_list.aspx?SRS_CD=0000014012&CMPT_CD=M0146

Weekly Chosun. [Cover Story] 'Myanmar's Spring Revolution Will Surely Triumph.' 2021/04/05. http://m.weekly.khan.co.kr/view.html?med_id=weekly&artid=202104051526391&code=117&s_code=n0002#c2b

Hankyoreh 21. #Stand with Myanmar. 2021. https://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/SERIES/2593/

KBS Sisa Planet. 'Does Revolution Fail?' 2021/05/09. https://mylovekbs.kbs.co.kr/index.html?source=mylovekbs&sname=mylovekbs&stype=blog&contents_id=70000000395517

KBS Sisa Jikgyeok. 'Our Fight Is Not Over.' 2021/06/18. https://vod.kbs.co.kr/index.html?source=episode&sname=vod&stype=vod&program_code=T2019-0280&program_id=PS-2021091763-01-000&broadcast_complete_yn=N&local_station_code=00§ion_code=05§ion_sub_code=06

MBC PD Notebook. ‘#SaveMyanmar.’ 2021/05/18. https://program.imbc.com/Enews/Detail/pdnote?idx=314415

[1] For more detailed information, please refer to the special page on the Myanmar democratization movement by <SisaIN> (http://myanmar.sisain.co.kr/).

[2] Please refer to the article by a reporter from <Frontier Myanmar>, an independent media outlet in Myanmar, published on December 16, 2021.

■ Author: Kim Younghwa_Has been working at <SisaIN> since 2018. Currently a reporter in the politics team. In addition to Hong Kong in 2019 and Thailand in 2020, she covered and reported on the democratization movement in Myanmar in 2021. In March 2021, she planned the <SisaIN> #WatchingMyanmar campaign, which supports independent Myanmar journalists, starting from the question, ‘What can we do for Myanmar?’ She is interested in documenting the democratization of Asia in a period of upheaval and the ways in which Asian youth overcome crises.

■ Responsible Editor: Jeon Juhyun _EAI Researcher

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