[EAI Myanmar Special Commentary] ⑥ The questions Myanmar's pro-democracy protests posed to the Korean media

1. “What can we do from South Korea to save the lives of Myanmar's citizens?”

SisaIN's continuous reporting on Myanmar (#WatchingMyanmar), which began in March 2021 and lasted for about five months, started with this question.[1]. Asking 'What can we do?' rather than 'What is happening?' was clearly an exceptional situation for journalists. While the media's fundamental role is to report the reality of crimes against humanity in a country as it is, we couldn't help but question if simply conveying this was enough in the face of real-time bloodshed. In an era where air travel is cut off due to COVID-19, domestic and international media watching Myanmar's situation must have asked themselves at some point: 'What is the scope of the media's role?' 'Can the media truly be neutral?'

SisaIN was not the only media outlet to actively cover the anti-coup protests in Myanmar. What is the reason behind the media's intense interest in an issue 4,000 km away? We want to share our reasons for actively reporting on Myanmar's civil resistance, our solidarity with local journalists, and the lessons learned and remaining tasks. Documenting the solidarity activities of domestic media with Myanmar will be a crucial clue to understanding the 'traces' left by Myanmar's pro-democracy protests on Korean society. Above all, we hope this serves as an opportunity to consider how to report on the stalled crisis in Myanmar and what the media's next steps should be, especially as Myanmar coverage has significantly decreased.

2. A year ago

As casualties mounted due to the Myanmar military and police's violent crackdown, domestic media outlets flooded with breaking news under headlines like 'Bloodshed,' 'Bloody Sunday,' and 'Nightmare.' Korean citizens watching the situation with concern were utterly helpless. SisaIN began meeting weekly with Myanmar residents in Korea who were holding anti-military coup rallies. That was the only on-site reporting available at the time.

What they held in their hands was a 'field' different from what we initially expected. Their smartphone message inboxes were full of 'SOS requests' from local protesters, asking for funds for medical expenses, bulletproof vests and helmets, SIM cards for internet access (as Myanmar's military had cut off internet access, requiring Thai SIM cards to connect), and living expenses to continue the civil disobedience movement. Photos of people bleeding and collapsing with torn skin scrolled endlessly. 'We are facing the military and police with bare hands,' 'A bullet passed through his jaw and he needs medical expenses,' 'Please support funeral costs.'.. The lives of those who had settled in Korea as migrant workers, international students, and multicultural families were transformed into activists starting February 1, 2021. It was then that we first posed the question: “What can we do for Myanmar?”

If it weren't for the COVID-19 situation, several domestic and international media outlets would have entered Myanmar, and perhaps the Myanmar crisis would not have escalated to this unmanageable extent if foreign media were watching. The only foreign reporting team to enter Yangon with 'military permission' was BBC's Clarissa Ward and her team on March 31 last year. The military accompanied the reporting team at all sites, and after the team left, the Myanmar military detained the citizens who had been interviewed by the BBC. A Myanmar journalist I met during my reporting told me in an agitated tone, “Why isn't any country intervening? This is a question we always ask. The answer is simple: there is no benefit to be gained from doing something for Myanmar.” At the time, Myanmar protesters took to the streets with the slogan “How Many Dead Bodies Need To Take Action?”

3. Why SisaIN Launched the Myanmar Campaign

The Myanmar military, which staged the coup, used a strategy of 'isolation' to quell the unrest. They suppressed protests citing COVID-19 assembly bans, cut off internet access, and targeted journalists and media outlets. Journalists within Myanmar became the military's first targets. The Myanmar military revoked the publishing licenses of independent media and prosecuted journalists and citizen reporters covering protests on charges of 'spreading fake news' and 'incitement.' As of January 10, 2022, 115 Myanmar journalists had been arrested, and 44 remained in detention (Reporting ASEAN 2021).

If what was happening in Myanmar (state violence, shootings, and suppression) did not spread online, the international community's attention, pressure, and condemnation would undoubtedly decrease. When a Myanmar journalist said, “We gain strength from knowing that people abroad are watching us. Please keep watching,” I sensed that Myanmar was fighting not the military, but isolation. If isolating citizens makes military rule easier, wouldn't connecting citizens make military rule more vulnerable? For the Myanmar crisis to be resolved, the international community must act, and for the international community to act, Myanmar's situation must continue to be reported. We decided to participate in that role.

There were reporters and journalists risking their lives to document the atrocities in Myanmar even as their newsrooms were shut down and they were on the run. We requested contributions from them. Communication and collaboration with Myanmar journalists were fraught with difficulties at every step. Everything from exchanging messages and receiving articles on time to transferring payments was not smooth. The internet was cut off from 1 AM to 9 AM local time, and journalists had to move their locations periodically to avoid the military and police. Our Myanmar journalist contacts have either fled to the Thai border seeking safety, joined the fight on the border, or are currently imprisoned as of 2022.

Starting in April 2021, SisaIN launched the #WatchingMyanmar campaign with the social enterprise 'Today's Action.' Over 800 people participated in fundraising for the fees (reporting expenses) of Myanmar journalists (as of May 20, 2021, 854 people participated, raising 37,125,386 won). Some raised the issue, asking, 'Isn't this the basic role of a media company?' We hoped that the fees would provide a small impetus for fellow journalists to continue their reporting activities after months without income. Above all, for a media company to consistently keep an issue on the agenda requires the editorial department's judgment and will to elevate it as a problem that should not be erased or forgotten amidst the flood of news. In the case of the Myanmar anti-coup protests, we deemed it an important event worthy of allocating editorial resources, costs, and personnel, despite it being an overseas issue.

4. Trends in Korean Media Solidarity with Myanmar

Lee Kyung-eun, a journalist specializing in international conflicts who has long been interested in Myanmar, evaluates the Korean media's coverage of the Myanmar pro-democracy protests as follows: “Has the Korean media ever poured so much attention into an international issue? I believe it played a very positive role in setting it as an agenda we need to know about. However, going deeper, the quality, diversity, depth of issues, and underlying analysis were very lacking compared to the volume of reporting (KBS 'Questioning Reporters Q,' May 17, 2021 broadcast).” Beyond simply reporting the military's brutal violence, there was insufficient effort to comprehensively understand Myanmar's democratic crisis, such as how the Myanmar military came to wield such immense power in the 21st century, or the history of long-standing conflicts with ethnic minorities.

Nevertheless, considering that domestic media have treated overseas news as mere 'hot topics,' the various attempts by media outlets to publicize the Myanmar issue are significant. In early April 2021, Weekly Kyunghyang produced a special issue titled 'The People Will Win,' featuring articles and photos from Myanmar journalists. At the time, Kim Young-mi, a PD specializing in conflict zones who participated in the project, garnered attention by establishing a media company called 'Documentary & News Korea' with dismissed Myanmar journalists. OhmyNews launched the online series 'I am a Myanmar Reporter - Restoring Journalism in Crisis' in August 2021. They received articles from the 'Myanmar Photojournalists Association (MPA)' and delivered them in Korean and Myanmar, with reader donations. As of January 14, 2021, over 20 million won had been raised. Hankyoreh 21 has continued its '#Stand with Myanmar' special series in print and online, weekly publishing articles from citizens supporting the Myanmar people in Myanmar language as well. Additionally, broadcasters like KBS's 'Sisa Planning Chang' and 'Sisa Jikgyeok,' and MBC have produced several documentaries shedding light on the situation in Myanmar and offering in-depth analysis of the coup.

What made the difference? Korean civil society offered fervent support and solidarity to the Myanmar pro-democracy protests more than any other country. A video of Myanmar citizens kneeling in front of the South Korean Embassy in Yangon on February 24, 2021, pleading, “Please help us,” served as a turning point. Korean citizens spontaneously organized fundraising activities, street protests, signature campaigns, and social media campaigns, saying, “We want to help in any way we can.” This was then relayed back to Myanmar citizens through social media. Many recalled the Gwangju Uprising of 1980 in Myanmar in 2021. A complex mix of empathy and a sense of debt stemming from the shared history of military dictatorship and state violence, along with a sense of responsibility as a country that had achieved democratic consolidation earlier than others in Asia, was present.

The statement of solidarity issued by the Korea Video Journalists Association on March 2 also reflects this sentiment. “We, video journalists in Korea who vividly remember the atrocities of the May 1980 Gwangju Democratic Uprising, are horrified and enraged by the tragic news and images coming from Myanmar, as they remind us of the horrors of 'May Gwangju.' In 'May Gwangju,' the helplessness and void of Korean video journalists and reporters were filled by the life-risking, intense reporting of journalists from other countries, like Jürgen Hinzpeter, a German video journalist. It was thanks to their video reporting that Gwangju, though isolated domestically, was able to inform the world of its atrocities and build international public opinion supporting and showing solidarity with our citizens' struggle for democracy. In response to the Myanmar citizens' plea, 'How much more blood must be shed?', actively covering and reporting on Myanmar's passionate struggle for democracy is our way of repaying the debt we owe to the citizens of Gwangju and Korea in 1980, and to the people around the world who supported and stood in solidarity with us.”

Statements of solidarity from veteran journalists from the 1980s followed. Five media organizations, including the Association of Journalists Dismissed in 1980 and the Foundation for Free Press, held a press conference in front of the Myanmar Embassy in Korea on April 13 and declared: “We share with the people of Myanmar the painful history where the nation and its people suffered due to a military coup driven by the pursuit of power and wealth, and journalists were driven out of their reporting sites. We, who have inherited the Gwangju Democratic Uprising and fought resolutely for press freedom and democratic journalism against military dictatorship, express our strong support for the just struggle of the people of Myanmar and pledge our firm solidarity with Myanmar's democratic civil society.”

5. An Opportunity to Look at Korea Through Myanmar

Of course, there is criticism that equating Gwangju and Myanmar is hasty. The geopolitical positions surrounding the countries and the international political situations are entirely different. Moreover, Myanmar has a longer history of military rule than Korea and has long-standing conflicts with ethnic minorities. Therefore, voices have emerged cautioning against viewing our democracy as something to be 'taught' or looking at Myanmar with 'benevolence' or 'paternalism.'

One thing is clear: the history of Gwangju serves as a link that deeply resonates with democratic crises in Asia, including Hong Kong, Thailand, and Myanmar. Last year, we organized a panel discussion themed 'Asian Democracy and the Milktea Alliance' bringing together young people from Hong Kong, Thailand, Korea (Gwangju), and Myanmar. Lee Hee-young from Gwangju, whom we met there, said: “Seeing Gwangju citizens show solidarity with other Asian countries has made me re-examine the history of May 18. When we first held the 'Than Paing Pya' protest (a demonstration against the military by banging pots and pans in solidarity with Myanmar citizens), I never expected so many elderly people to attend consistently every week. Seeing them, I thought, perhaps we can confront and heal the memories of the 1980s. 'Although Gwangju still faces invisible discrimination, it was a city that could hear the voices of the oppressed better than anyone else.'”

The Myanmar situation has thus awakened a 'sense of being connected despite being distant' throughout Korean society. This has presented various challenges and homework for the media as well. When a company once hailed as a driver of economic growth faces allegations of being a funding source for the military after the coup, how should corporate social responsibility be assessed? Can Korean society accept Myanmar refugees beyond issuing statements condemning the military? What about the trauma of the bereaved families and the task of uncovering the truth after the May 18 Gwangju Democratization Movement? What about the human rights of Myanmar workers facing discrimination in unseen places? Supporting democracy in Myanmar is not a simple matter. The weight of the questions Myanmar poses to our society is by no means insignificant.

6. One Year After the Myanmar Coup, Remaining Tasks for the Media

I remember a reader's review participating in SisaIN's #WatchingMyanmar campaign: “(By participating in the campaign) I felt comforted even though I am not a Myanmar citizen. There was a belief that solidarity would build greater strength, and a sense of belonging, intimacy, and comfort that came from solidarity itself.” We believed that capturing the changes occurring in Korean civil society due to the Myanmar pro-democracy protests, which were once dismissed as 'someone else's problem,' and connecting Asian citizens based on this, would broaden and deepen civil society and democracy. This is no different from the media's duty.

One thing we learned through our continuous reporting on Myanmar is that 'democratic countries need more democratic countries around them.' When a country's democracy is at risk, the help and support of neighboring countries are needed for the international community to intervene more effectively. The reason the UN and ASEAN, among others, issued official warnings to the Myanmar military, yet the military disregarded them, is that they had already adapted to the long-term isolation measures. Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing broke his promise to hold elections in a year and declared an extension of the state of emergency until August 2023. He then appointed himself prime minister. Southeast Asian researchers analyzed this as the beginning of the military's long-term rule plan. Myanmar has effectively entered a state of civil war.

The press freedom index, a indicator of democracy, shows a similar pattern. According to the 2021 World Press Freedom Index released by Reporters Without Borders in April, Asian countries, except for Taiwan (43rd), South Korea (42nd), Japan (67th), and Mongolia (68th), all fall outside the top 100. Military dictatorship and press suppression are the essence of the crisis shared by journalists in Southeast Asia. Consequently, signs of Asian journalists, who have been struggling, gathering around the Myanmar crisis have emerged. Asian media organizations such as the Foreign Correspondents' Club of Thailand (FCCT) have also sought practical solutions, including fundraising and equipment support. Gwen Robinson, former president of FCCT, said, “Thai media have long followed strict laws censoring mentions of the monarchy. That attitude has begun to change recently. Seeing the struggle of Myanmar journalists opposing censorship made us feel that Thai media are not so different.” How the Myanmar situation unfolds is a matter of interest that will affect the military and citizens in other Southeast Asian countries like Hong Kong, Thailand, the Philippines, and Cambodia.

One year after the Myanmar coup, international attention has waned, and the volume of reporting has significantly decreased. Within the media industry, there are realistic circumstances where 'more urgent issues' are flooding in. However, the voices of citizens resisting the coup in various parts of Myanmar have not ceased for a single day. Social media continues to see daily hashtag movements like #SaveMyanmar and #PrayForMyanmar, and reporters are on the ground documenting the civil resistance and military violence in Myanmar. “Someone has to stay here and report. We must document the military's human rights abuses and acts of violence and show them to the international community. Knowing that the people of Myanmar are prepared to fight to the end, I will not regret my decision, no matter what happens to me now. (Reporter for Frontier Myanmar, an independent Myanmar media outlet, December 16).” Faithfully recording these voices is one way to keep the 'spark' of interest in Myanmar alive. Moving the complex international political landscape shaped by national interests and creating international pressure that the Myanmar military cannot easily ignore ultimately begins with the convergence of public interest. Therefore, the question, “What can we do from South Korea to save the lives of Myanmar's citizens?” is not yet over. This is why discussions and deliberations at the media, civil society, and government levels must continue. ■[2].(Reporter for Frontier Myanmar, an independent Myanmar media outlet, December 16).” Faithfully recording these voices is one way to keep the 'spark' of interest in Myanmar alive. Moving the complex international political landscape shaped by national interests and creating international pressure that the Myanmar military cannot easily ignore ultimately begins with the convergence of public interest. Therefore, the question, “What can we do from South Korea to save the lives of Myanmar's citizens?” is not yet over. This is why discussions and deliberations at the media, civil society, and government levels must continue. ■

References

Reporting ASEAN. 2021. https://www.reportingasean.net/.

SisaIN. '300 Days of the Myanmar Coup: People Are Still Being Injured and Dying Here.' 2021/12/16. https://www.sisain.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=46206

OhmyNews. 'I am a Myanmar Reporter - Restoring Journalism in Crisis Project.' 2021. http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/Series/series_premium_list.aspx?SRS_CD=0000014012&CMPT_CD=M0146

Weekly Kyunghyang. [Cover Story] 'The Myanmar Spring Revolution Will Surely Win.' 2021/04/05. http://m.weekly.khan.co.kr/view.html?med_id=weekly&artid=202104051526391&code=117&s_code=n0002#c2b

Hankyoreh 21. #Stand with Myanmar. 2021. https://h21.hani.co.kr/arti/SERIES/2593/

KBS Sisa Planning Chang. 'Does Revolution Fail?' 2021/05/09. https://mylovekbs.kbs.co.kr/index.html?source=mylovekbs&sname=mylovekbs&stype=blog&contents_id=70000000395517

KBS Sisa Jikgyeok. 'Our Fight Is Not Over.' 2021/06/18. https://vod.kbs.co.kr/index.html?source=episode&sname=vod&stype=vod&program_code=T2019-0280&program_id=PS-2021091763-01-000&broadcast_complete_yn=N&local_station_code=00§ion_code=05§ion_sub_code=06

MBC PD 수첩. ‘#SaveMyanmar.’ 2021/05/18. https://program.imbc.com/Enews/Detail/pdnote?idx=314415

[1] Para más detalles, consulte la página especial sobre la protesta por la democracia en Myanmar de <SisaIN> (http://myanmar.sisain.co.kr/).

[2] Consulte el artículo original del 16 de diciembre de 2021 de un periodista de <Frontier Myanmar>, un medio de comunicación independiente de Myanmar, publicado en SisaIN.

■ Autor: Kim Young-hwa Ha estado trabajando en <SisaIN> desde 2018. Actualmente es reportera del equipo político. Cubrió las protestas por la democracia en Hong Kong en 2019, Tailandia en 2020 y Myanmar en 2021. En marzo de 2021, inició la campaña #WatchingMyanmar de <SisaIN> para apoyar a los periodistas independientes de Myanmar, partiendo de la pregunta '¿Qué podemos hacer por Myanmar?'. Está interesada en documentar la democracia asiática en un período de agitación y las formas en que los jóvenes asiáticos superan las crisis.

■ Responsable y editor: Jeon Ju-hyun _EAI 연구원

    문의: 02 2277 1683 (ext. 204) | jhjun@eai.or.kr