[EAI Working Paper] Korean National Identity and Ethnic Identity: Changes Over 15 Years

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Editor's Note

The East Asia Institute (EAI) has conducted four surveys on <Korean Identity> over the past 15 years (2005-2020). As the second report in the first working paper series, "How Koreans View History, Ethnicity, Nation, and the World," based on the 2020 survey results, we are publishing this working paper by Professor Kang Won-taek of Seoul National University. The author argues that a notable change in the perception of the 'Korean condition' is the increased emphasis on political and civic identity, such as 'maintaining nationality' or 'adhering to the political system and laws of the Republic of Korea.' This shift in perception appears to be influenced by the variable of 'national pride,' which, within the pride of South Korea's societal development, seems to have strengthened an identity based on the political and civic meaning of the Republic of Korea rather than on ethnic characteristics. These findings indicate that over the past 15 years, the national identity, in its civic and political sense, has strengthened among Koreans, surpassing ethnic identity in its ethnic and racial sense. Regarding the results of the first survey in 2005, it was assessed that 'from a vague and ambiguous self-definition of the Korean people and Koreans based on blood ties, a 'Republic of Korea nationalism' that is more concrete and simultaneously embodies modern attributes is now being formed.' (Kang Won-taek 2006, 38) This attribute has become significantly stronger over time compared to the past.

※ The following is the introduction to this working paper. Please refer to the attached file above for the full text.

I. Introduction

For a long time, our people have lived as a single political community within the geographical space of the Korean Peninsula. While there have been contacts and exchanges with other peoples throughout this historical process, and such interactions may have been reflected in demographic composition, Koreans have generally maintained ethnic, cultural, and linguistic homogeneity. In this context, the distinction between national and ethnic identity held little significance. If, in the West, the nation-state was 'invented' or 'imagined' during the transition to modern society (Hobsbawm 2004, 41; Anderson 1991), in Korea, the nation and state were already combined in one form even before modernity. Furthermore, this national identity, intertwined with the state, was further strengthened through resistance against invasions and aggressions from foreign peoples such as China and Japan. In other words, being Korean meant being people who resided in the limited space of the Korean Peninsula and constituted a community distinct linguistically, culturally, and ethnically from Japan and China.

The distinction between national and ethnic identity in Korea began to hold significance with the division of the Korean Peninsula. As a single nation was divided into two states in the North and South, failing to encompass the entire geographical scope of the people, these two identities came into conflict. Moreover, after more than 70 years of virtual complete severance, the residents of the North and South have lost memories and shared experiences of each other. This severance has led to the establishment of new identities, different from the past, particularly among the younger generations. Kang Won-taek (2006) noted that the younger generation in South Korea sought the geographical space of their identity solely within the southern part of the Korean Peninsula, i.e., the Republic of Korea, and termed this 'Republic of Korea nationalism.' 'Republic of Korea nationalism' can be considered a new form of identity unseen in the past, characterized by its close connection to the political entity of the polity, diverging from ethnic, linguistic, and cultural homogeneity.

Concurrently with the strengthening of identity focused solely on South Korea, the cultural, ethnic, and regional diversity within South Korean society has increased. Firstly, the number of foreigners residing in Korea, including foreign workers and marriage immigrants, is growing. This acts as a new variable concerning ethnic identity in South Korean society. Not only is the ethnic composition of South Korean society diversifying, but there are also significant changes in the identity as citizens. Unlike foreigners residing long-term, the number of foreigners who have acquired Korean nationality through marriage or naturalization is increasing. Furthermore, ethnic Koreans from China, namely the Joseonjok, have caused issues between ethnic identity and national identity in South Korean society due to their different nationality despite being the same ethnicity. In this regard, South Korean society has simultaneously experienced two opposing trends concerning identity: the 'separation' of identity and the 'diversification' of identity have occurred concurrently. This trend has accelerated over the past 15 years during which this project has been underway. The number of foreigners residing in South Korea increased from approximately 740,000 in 2005 to 1.26 million in 2010, nearly 1.9 million in 2015, and 2.52 million by the end of 2019. Compared to 2005, the number of foreign residents in Korea has nearly quadrupled by 2019. In the case of the Joseonjok, the population residing in Korea increased from 167,589 in 2005 to 701,098 in 2019. However, despite the significant increase in scale of this ethnic and cultural diversity over the past 15 years, it is difficult to consider that a qualitatively meaningful change has occurred.

Rather, a more notable change over the past 15 years concerns the inter-Korean relationship. If 'Republic of Korea nationalism' relates to national identity, the issue of political systems between North and South has become increasingly ingrained in South Korean society over the past 15 years. Examining major inter-Korean events since 2005 reveals the following. North Korea conducted its first nuclear test in October 2006, followed by long-range missile tests and a second nuclear test in 2009. Subsequent nuclear tests were conducted in 2013 (3rd), 2016 (4th and 5th), and submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM) tests. In 2017, intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) tests were conducted. This led to heightened military tensions with the United States around the Korean Peninsula. Furthermore, following Kim Jong-il's death in 2011, Kim Jong-un inherited the leadership as the third-generation successor. Subsequently, in 2013, Kim Jong-un executed his uncle-in-law, Jang Song-thaek, and in 2017, his half-brother, Kim Jong-nam, was assassinated with poison at a Malaysian airport.

Looking at inter-Korean relations, there was an inter-Korean summit between Roh Moo-hyun and Kim Jong-il in October 2007, but the Mount Kumgang tourism was suspended in 2008 due to the shooting of a South Korean tourist. In March 2010, the sinking of the Cheonan occurred, followed by the shelling of Yeonpyeong Island on November 23, 2010. In 2016, the South Korean government decided to close the Kaesong Industrial Complex. After Kim Yo-jong conveyed a letter from Kim Jong-un to President Moon Jae-in at the Pyeongchang Winter Olympics in February 2018, three inter-Korean summits were held, and a summit between U.S. President Trump and Chairman Kim Jong-un was also held in Singapore in 2018. Thus, since 2005, inter-Korean relations, with the exception of early 2018, have generally deteriorated, and inter-Korean exchanges and cooperation have effectively ceased. In contrast, within South Korean society, there have been two instances of power transitions between ruling and opposition parties in the elections of 2007 and 2017. South Korea also experienced the candlelight protests related to mad cow disease in 2008, the candlelight protests related to the Park Geun-hye-Choi Soon-sil scandal in 2016, and the impeachment of President Park Geun-hye in 2017. Culturally, the popularity of the idol group BTS, the Academy Award for Best Picture for Bong Joon-ho's film Parasite, the achievements of sports stars like Son Heung-min, and the tenure of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon from 2007 to 2016 have elevated Korea's international standing. Ultimately, along with these changes in South Korean society over the past 15 years, North Korea's nuclear armament and the process of Kim Jong-un's third-generation succession have further widened the sense of difference with South Korean society. The starting point of this paper is the assumption that this widening gap has influenced Koreans' perceptions of their identity. With this in mind, this paper aims to examine the changes in Korean identity over the past 15 years from the perspective of national identity, including North Korea, unification, and territory.

■ Author: Kang Won-taek Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Seoul National University. He holds a Ph.D. in Political Science from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE). He has served as President of the Korean Political Science Association and the Korean Association of Party Studies. His main research areas include Korean politics, parliaments, elections, and political parties. His major publications include "Decisive Moments in Korean Politics" (2019), "Writing Social Science" (2019), "Introduction to Korean Politics" (2019), "Democracy Made by Citizens" (2018, co-authored), "Evaluation of 30 Years of Democratization in the Republic of Korea" (2017, co-authored), and "Presidential System, Parliamentary System, and Semi-Presidential System" (2016).

■ Editor: Seo Ju-won, EAI Research Fellow

Inquiries: 02 2277 1683 (ext. 206) jwseo@eai.or.kr

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