Co-evolution of Korea and Japan for a New Era

EAI Special Report_ Co-evolution of Korea and Japan for a New Era

In 2015, marking the 70th anniversary of liberation and the 50th anniversary of the normalization of diplomatic relations between Korea and Japan, the East Asia Institute (EAI) published the special report <Co-evolution of Korea and Japan for a New Era>. This report aims to contribute to the establishment of a new Korea-Japan relationship by examining the bilateral ties facing challenges within the transforming East Asian order of the 21st century, and by readjusting the goals, values, and roles of the relationship with a macroscopic and long-term perspective.

Authors

Ha Young-sun Chairman of EAI, Professor Emeritus at Seoul National University. He received his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Washington and served as a professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Seoul National University, Director of the Institute for Global Social Studies, Director of the Center for American Studies, and President of the Korean Peace Studies Association. He is currently a member of the Presidential National Security Advisory Council and a civilian member of the Committee for the Future of Unification. His publications include "Ha Young-sun's International Politics Columns 1991-2011," "Complex World Politics: Strategy, Principles, and a New Order," "Korea-Japan New Era and Symbiotic Complex Networks," and "World Politics in Transition."

Son Yeol Director of EAI's Japan Center, Dean of Yonsei University Graduate School of International Studies. He obtained his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of Chicago. He has served as a consultant for the Northeast Asian History Foundation, the Korea National Diplomatic Academy, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and as Vice President of the Korean Association of International Politics. He has held visiting professorships at the University of Tokyo, Waseda University, and the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. His main research areas include Japanese politics and international political economy, East Asian regionalism, and public diplomacy. Recent publications include "Sino-Japanese Détente and Japan: The International Politics of the 1972 Normalization Negotiations between China and Japan," South Korea in 2013 Meeting New Challenges with the Old Guard (co-authored), and "The Abe Administration and the Direction of Japan-US Relations, Korea-Japan Cooperation."

Lee Sook-jong President of EAI, Professor at Sungkyunkwan University's Graduate School of Governance. She received her Ph.D. in Sociology from Harvard University. She currently serves as a member of the Presidential National Security Advisory Council, and on committees for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Unification, and the Korea International Cooperation Agency (KOICA). She is also a member of The Trilateral Commission and the Council of Councils (CoC), actively engaged in policy research and fostering international networks. She has held positions such as Research Fellow at the Sejong Institute, Visiting Fellow at the Brookings Institution's Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, Lecturer at Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS), and Visiting Professor at the German Institute for Global and Area Studies. Recent publications include "South Korea as a New Middle Power Seeking Complex Diplomacy," Public Diplomacy and Soft Power in East Asia (co-edited), "Global Development Cooperation Governance and Korea" (edited), and "The Demise of ‘Korea Inc.’: Paradigm Shift in Korea’s Developmental State."

Lee Won-deok Professor of International Studies and Director of the Institute for Japanese Studies at Kookmin University. He obtained his Ph.D. in International Relations from the University of Tokyo and has held positions such as Research Fellow at the Sejong Institute, Visiting Fellow at the University of Pittsburgh's East Asian Studies Center, and Visiting Professor at the University of Tokyo's Graduate School of International Social Sciences. His primary research areas include Japanese politics and diplomacy, and Korea-Japan relations. His major works include "Dokdo Through Korea-Japan Official Documents" (co-authored) and "Korea-Japan New Era and Symbiotic Complex Networks 3" (co-authored).

Jeon Jae-sung Director of EAI's Center for Asian Security Studies, Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Seoul National University. He received his Ph.D. in Political Science from Northwestern University and served as an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Sookmyung Women's University. His main research areas include international political theory and international relations history. Recent publications include "Is Politics Moral?", "International Politics in East Asia: From History to Theory," "A Critical Examination of Postmodernism and Realism on Constructivist International Relations Theory," "A Theoretical Study on the Emergence of International Political Modernity in Europe," and "The Rise of Great Powers and Mechanisms of Response: Theoretical Analysis and European Case Studies."

Jeong Jae-jeong Professor of Korean History at the University of Seoul. He earned his Ph.D. in Korean History, specializing in modern and contemporary Korean history and Korea-Japan relations history, from Seoul National University. He has served as the 2nd President of the Northeast Asian History Foundation, Visiting Professor at the International Research Center for Japanese Studies, member and secretary of the Korea-Japan History Joint Research Committee, Visiting Professor at Hokkaido University, Visiting Professor at the University of Tokyo, Visiting Professor at Tohoku University's Center for Northeast Asian Studies, President of the Society for Korean-Japanese Relations History, and Visiting Professor at the Japan Broadcasting Corporation's Educational Development Center. His main research areas are modern Korean history and Korea-Japan relations history. His major works include "A History of Korea-Japan Relations in the 20th Century: Themes and Issues," "Colonial Rule of Imperial Japan and Korean Railways: 1892-1945," and "A Comprehensive History of Korea-Japan Relations as Seen from Kyoto."

I. Introduction

Korea and Japan found themselves at the worst point in their diplomatic relations since normalization, as they marked the 50th anniversary of normalized ties and the 70th anniversaries of their respective liberation and the end of World War II. Despite the passage of considerable time, the relationship has deteriorated, failing to keep pace with the rapidly turning wheels of history. This is occurring even as 21st-century East Asia, undergoing civilizational transformation, is becoming an environment where pursuing national prosperity and strength through the old paradigm of individual states is no longer viable. Both Korea and Japan are fated to encounter each other anew amidst these transformative challenges. As numerous conferences and reports emerge in 2015, the East Asia Institute (EAI) has prepared this new report not merely to propose measures for restoring Korea-Japan relations, but to contribute to the establishment of a new relationship by accurately assessing the overall landscape of 21st-century transforming East Asia from a macroscopic and long-term perspective, and by readjusting the goals, values, and roles of Korea-Japan relations within that context.

The civilizational transformation of the 21st century signifies a revolutionary shift in the traditional international relations, characterized by the pursuit of maximum individual state interests through power struggles and balance of power principles, across actors, stage, and performance. The influence of non-state actors, both domestic and international, is growing. Beyond the stage of wealth and power, new arenas such as climate change, environment, culture, and technology are emerging. It is an era that demands complex performances of competition, cooperation, and coexistence, considering not only national interests but also regional and global interests. In East Asia, while China's rapid rise is causing a power transition and traditional balance-of-power diplomacy centered on the US and China is unfolding, a governance-oriented order is also emerging. In various issue areas such as trade, finance, development, climate change, environmental pollution, and energy, diverse actors including local governments, civil society organizations, and multinational corporations are participating and resolving issues through more horizontal and flexible networks. Major powers, sensing these changes where power politics, balance of power, and network governance intertwine, are actively engaging in regional order construction to maximize their national interests, leading to intense competition. The United States, under the banner of 'rebalance,' is deeply involved in regional order through various means. China, employing dazzling language and concepts such as 'amity, sincerity, mutual benefit, and inclusiveness,' 'community of shared future,' and 'Belt and Road Initiative,' is making diplomatic efforts to lead regional order construction. Neighboring Japan, under the banner of 'proactive pacifism based on international cooperation,' is pursuing the path of becoming a normal state while simultaneously seeking to resolve regional and global challenges through the integration of the Japan-US alliance.

It is crucial to strive to ensure that this competition in order construction leads to the coexistence of the entire region, rather than the individual survival of states. The goals, values, and roles of Korea-Japan relations must also be re-examined and redefined from this perspective. To construct a complex East Asian order that embodies the value of coexistence, the status of Korea-Japan relations must be reset, and its content must be renewed. It is time to earnestly reflect on and discuss the future of Korea-Japan relations together, and in doing so, to resolve past issues and establish a vision that can serve as a new standard for future history.

In 1965, within the Cold War order, Korea and Japan, needing each other for their national prosperity and strength, set aside the heavy burden of their past and decided to normalize diplomatic relations. Through economic cooperation with Japan, Korea achieved modernization, and Japan benefited from expanded economic cooperation as Korea became its largest trading partner. Furthermore, as allies of the United States within the Cold War system, both countries served as bastions against communism and steadily built security cooperation. Amidst this sharing of interests, Korea and Japan also consistently endeavored to converge their historical perceptions, achieving certain results such as the Kono Statement in 1992, the Murayama Statement in 1995, the Kim Dae-jung-Obuchi Korea-Japan Partnership Declaration in 1998, and the Kan Statement in 2010.

However, as the 21st century began, East Asia entered a period of dynamic transformation. The strategic environment in East Asia has changed due to China's rise, coupled with Japan's prolonged economic stagnation, Korea's entry into a low-growth phase, the resurgence of nationalism, and the emergence of new issues. In response to these significant changes, both Korea and Japan can no longer develop their bilateral relationship based on past calculations of national interest. Nevertheless, the strategic goal-setting and implementation methods of both governments retain considerable outdated characteristics. Japan's Abe administration is actively pursuing 'normalization' through a nationalistic logic of prosperity known as Abenomics, military buildup, and security logic of strengthening the US-Japan alliance, while domestically pursuing identity politics based on right-wing nationalism. The Park Geun-hye administration, by maintaining a hardline stance on historical issues based on simple anti-Japanese nationalism, has resulted in weakened policy flexibility and limited strategic options. In this context, rather than opening a new era of cooperation, Korea-Japan relations have struggled even to mend conflicts arising from situational needs.

If Korea and Japan face the future of East Asia without a paradigm shift, they will encounter more structural risks beyond mere bilateral tensions and conflicts. Reflecting on the coming future history, we can identify three potential international political risks. First is security conflict between states. As the 21st-century East Asian landscape is shaped by the rising power of China challenging the established great powers of the US and Japan, the US and China are cautiously developing their relationship, having fundamentally agreed to build a 'new model of great power relations' based on peace, trust, and cooperation, unlike the unfortunate historical precedents between past great powers. However, within a framework of deep-seated mutual distrust, the Korea-US-Japan cooperation network and relations with China carry the risk of a security dilemma leading to an arms race. Second is conflict of interests. While economic interdependence in the Asia-Pacific region has rapidly increased since the end of the Cold War, national economic cooperation tends to exhibit aspects of 'zero-sum' competition rather than 'win-win' competition, as seen in the potential conflicts surrounding the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) and the Asian Development Bank (ADB), and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). Simultaneously, cooperation in emerging arenas such as climate change and the environment, and advanced technology and knowledge, where cooperation for coexistence is more urgently needed, is not progressing rapidly. In particular, if international issues are viewed excessively through a security lens, as has been customary in great power politics, it will be difficult to create a framework for cooperation based on mutual interests. Third is emotional conflict. If the Korea-Japan and China-Japan relations remain trapped in emotional conflict due to clashes of memory and identity formed during their problematic encounters in the modern transition and Cold War periods, the 'Asian exceptionalism' that hinders mutual cooperation and trust will persist. This would not only negatively impact trilateral relations among Korea, China, and Japan, but also regional cooperation throughout Asia, potentially opening the door to security conflicts, and even armed clashes.

Korea and Japan must set their bilateral relations on a course toward constructing a complex new order that prevents the Korea-US-Japan and China relations from forming a confrontational dynamic and escalating into security, interest, and emotional conflicts, while maximizing cooperation in terms of interests to foster a symbiotic relationship. This goal cannot be achieved merely through the adjustment of individual bilateral policies. Domestically, it requires building a foundation for 'global nationalism' that moves beyond exclusive nationalism towards coexistence, and externally, it requires adopting a complex diplomacy paradigm, enabling both countries to 'co-evolve.' A new Korea-Japan relationship is only possible through the co-evolution of Korea and Japan for the construction of a complex new order in East Asia.

The endeavor to seek the co-evolution of Korea and Japan for the construction of a complex new order in East Asia, through reflection on future history, begins with a meticulous diagnosis of the 21st-century East Asian landscape. First, Chapter II will forecast the future landscape. It will analyze the dynamics of US-China relations, unique systemic factors in East Asia, and domestic political factors in a three-dimensional manner amidst the competition between the US's 'rebalancing strategy' and China's 'new model of great power relations' in regional order construction. Subsequently, it will present the three major risk factors that future East Asia may face and the corresponding challenges. Chapter III will diagnose the current state of Korea-Japan relations from a historical perspective, analyze the background and causes of the deterioration of bilateral relations, provide short-term remedies, and examine forward-looking and comprehensive public diplomacy measures. Chapter IV will propose measures for converging historical perceptions, mitigating historical conflicts, achieving historical reconciliation, and building collective identity as a multifaceted approach to overcoming the past in Korea-Japan relations. Finally, the conclusion will propose a 'three-track' approach, moving beyond the current government's 'two-track' approach, as a method for overcoming future risks. First, cooperation to expand common interests between the two countries in security, prosperity, and emerging arenas. Second, proposals for avoiding mutual provocation, healing internal factors, and achieving historical reconciliation as remedies for overcoming modern conflict factors. Third, long-term efforts to foster a complex national and regional identity, thereby contributing to Korea-Japan relations and the construction of a new order in East Asia... (continued)