Transformational Leader as Leading Leadership: A Study on the Political Leadership of Ichiro Ozawa

EAI Japan Studies Panel Report No. 6

Author

Lee Ki-tae, Postdoctoral Researcher, BK21 Project Team, Department of Political Science and International Relations, Yonsei University. He graduated from the Department of Political Science and International Relations at Yonsei University and obtained a Ph.D. in Political Science from Keio University, Japan. His recent works include "Negotiations between South Korea and the United States on the Reduction of US Forces in Korea during the Nixon Administration: Focusing on the Policy Shift of the Park Chung-hee Administration," "US Policy of Withdrawal of Forces from Korea and Japan-ROK Security Cooperation during the Carter Administration: Focusing on the Establishment of the Japan-ROK Parliamentary Security Consultative Council," and "The Pursuit of Japan-ROK Security Cooperation at the End of Détente: Focusing on the Establishment of the Japan-ROK Parliamentary Security Consultative Council."

I. Introduction

Ichiro Ozawa is arguably the most controversial figure in contemporary Japanese politics. Despite never having held the position of Prime Minister, Ozawa has exerted significant influence and played a crucial role in Japanese politics throughout his long career. His political trajectory, from being the de facto leader of the largest faction within the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and serving as its Secretary-General, to leaving the LDP in the early 1990s to establish new parties and form coalition governments, and subsequently acting as a leader of the opposition and a behind-the-scenes power broker in the 2000s, has placed him at the center of pivotal moments in Japanese politics for the past two decades.

A brief overview of Ozawa's political and diplomatic activities and achievements during key moments in Japanese politics and foreign policy since the 1990s is as follows. Internationally, following the victory of the US-led multinational forces in the Gulf War in 1991, Japan faced international criticism for "checkbook diplomacy" despite contributing $13 billion in financial aid without deploying troops. In response, Ozawa proposed the concept of a "normal state" and, as a concrete measure, formulated and enacted the PKO (Peacekeeping Operations) bill (Samuels 2007, 67). Domestically, under the banner of political reform in 1993, he relinquished his position as the power broker of the largest LDP faction, triggering the collapse of the LDP government and spearheading electoral system reforms, notably the introduction of the small constituency system (Shinoda Tomohito 1999). However, within the coalition government formed after the LDP's collapse, his inconsistent stance on policies such as consumption tax increases led to divisions among the coalition parties. Entering the 2000s, as the leader of the major opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), he ended the long-standing rule of the LDP, achieving a change of government in 2009 with the DPJ taking power.

This raises questions about the successful legacy Ozawa has left on Japanese politics amidst the turbulent changes since the 1990s, and the limitations of his political achievements. This paper aims to evaluate the achievements and limitations of Ozawa's political activities, focusing on the 1990s, from the perspective of his "political leadership."

II. Political Leadership in Japan and Ozawa's Leadership

1. Political Leadership in Japan

Discussions on the lack of political leadership in Japan typically cite two main factors. First, from an institutional perspective, the parliamentary cabinet system in Japan structurally hinders policymakers from fully exercising their leadership. Furthermore, the historical formation of factional politics within the LDP made it difficult to forge unified leadership through competition among faction leaders. Second, from a political cultural perspective, Japan's unique political culture, which emphasizes "harmony" (wa), makes it challenging to exercise strong leadership when decisions require prolonged and continuous dialogue among various parties.

Within these two factors contributing to the absence of political leadership in Japan, a "harmonizing" political leadership was considered ideal for post-war Japan's economic growth and social stability. However, questions remain about whether this "harmonizing" leadership effectively served its purpose during periods of domestic and international transformation. Instead, the potential for political leadership that can overcome domestic and international turmoil and present a clear vision from a "leading" standpoint may increase during such transformative times. Therefore, to understand Japanese political leadership during periods of domestic and international change, it is necessary to shift focus from traditional Japanese political culture and institutional factors to the role of the "individual."

What kind of political leadership is required during periods of domestic and international transformation? Japanese political leadership can be broadly categorized into two types: "harmonizing" and "leading" (Lee Myeon-woo 2004, 214-215). While "harmonizing" leadership aligns with the traditional ideal of Japanese leadership described earlier, "leading" leadership can be defined as a leader proactively exercising leadership by combining "imagination" and "mobilizable resources" to seize and leverage opportunities presented by the structure. Therefore, leading leadership can be effectively exercised during periods of domestic and international transformation or crisis.

How, then, can Ozawa's political leadership as an individual be defined? According to Gerald L. Curtis, Ozawa harbored an ambition to change the course of Japan. Curtis suggests that for Ozawa, changing the political process was meaningful only in terms of policy changes, and he was not interested in changing politics for its own sake. In other words, Ozawa's goal was to make Japan a "normal state," rather than to realize clean politics or thoroughly implement democracy. Curtis characterizes Ozawa as a self-proclaimed revolutionary, and like all revolutionaries, his focus was on the ends rather than the means (Curtis 2003, 116).

Ozawa points out the flaws in the Japanese political process, which emphasizes consensus-building (Ozawa Ichiro 2009, 61-64), thereby exhibiting the characteristics of leading leadership as a "transformational leader." Furthermore, driven by a revolutionary destiny, Ozawa pursued the realization of his "idealistic" objectives (Najita T. 1992) through a break from the past. However, because the ends always took precedence over the means, the means inevitably remained subordinate to the ends for Ozawa.

This paper will examine how Ozawa proactively exercised the three leadership capabilities—the ability to grasp opportunity structures, imagination and innovation, and the ability to mobilize necessary resources—during periods of domestic and international transformation. To this end, it will analyze the leadership he demonstrated in Japan's foreign and security policy domains through his advocacy and implementation of the "normal state" theory and the enactment of the PKO bill in the post-Cold War era as an international period of transformation. It will also examine the political leadership Ozawa exhibited during the political realignments leading up to and following the formation of the non-LDP coalition government in the 1990s, a period of domestic transformation.

Finally, this paper will present "authoritarian" leadership as a limitation of Ozawa's leadership. That is, in the sense that "means remained subordinate to the ends," Ozawa's leadership was limited by his "authoritarian" style, stemming from a lack of means such as communication with public opinion (citizens, fellow politicians) to persuade others of his political objectives.

2. The Formation and Characteristics of Ozawa's Leadership

To understand Ozawa's political leadership, it is necessary to examine his upbringing and career. Ozawa was born on May 24, 1942, the eldest son of Saeki Ozawa, a lawyer and member of the Diet. His father, Saeki, became a lawyer through arduous study and entered politics after serving as a Tokyo city councilor and Tokyo metropolitan assemblyman. After becoming a member of the House of Representatives, Saeki served in the Yoshida and Ikeda cabinets, holding positions such as Minister of Transport, Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, and Minister of Construction. However, he was more renowned as an expert in Diet affairs and election strategy than for his policy work. Notably, he played a key role in the swift passage of the revised US-Japan Security Treaty in 1960, which deeply divided public opinion in Japan, as the chairman of the Special Committee on Security in the House of Representatives. Although Ozawa was still a high school student during the "1960 security treaty" period, he recalls left-wing demonstrators reaching his family home in Tokyo. Ozawa observed his father's political activities from his student days. His activities in Diet affairs and elections during his political career are likely influenced by his father (<Monthly Chosun> 1991/12, 229).

Ozawa spent his childhood in Mizusawa City, Iwate Prefecture, his father's hometown and electoral district. He moved to Tokyo in junior high school and entered Keio University's Faculty of Economics. After graduating from Keio University, he enrolled in the graduate school at Nihon University with the goal of becoming a lawyer.

In 1968, while Ozawa was studying for the bar examination at Nihon University's graduate school, Saeki suddenly passed away. Although Ozawa had passed the first stage of the bar examination, he abandoned his path to becoming a lawyer and decided to enter politics as his father's successor. The following year, in the 1969 general election, he ran for the Iwate 2nd district under the LDP nomination and won his first election at the age of 27 (<Monthly Chosun> 1991/12, 230).

Although Saeki was a senior member of the Fujiyama Aiichiro faction, Ozawa approached Kakuei Tanaka, who was then the Secretary-General and wielded immense power, when he decided to run for election. This choice significantly impacted Ozawa's future. While many politicians with ability could not fully utilize their talents due to their affiliation with small factions, Ozawa learned the "ABC" of politics from Tanaka, enabling him to further develop his abilities.

Ozawa first became a cabinet minister in 1985, appointed as the Minister of Home Affairs and concurrently Chairman of the National Public Safety Commission in the Nakasone cabinet. In the Takeshita cabinet, he served as Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary, a position typically held by politicians before entering the cabinet, thereby supporting the administration. In the Kaifu cabinet, he was appointed Secretary-General, a long-sought position, earning recognition for his abilities in both party affairs and government administration. Ozawa was only 47 when he became Secretary-General, the same age as his political mentor, Tanaka, when he held the same post. Just as Tanaka became Prime Minister at the age of 54, Ozawa, based on the political methods he learned from Tanaka, harbored hopes of one day becoming Prime Minister and began to distinguish himself in the political arena... (to be continued)